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Why Oriire was not Chibok, By Lasisi Olagunju

The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) were in the media yesterday (Sunday) urging President Bola Tinubu to replicate in the North the feat that rescued the Oriire pupils and teachers in Oyo State. I am with them. Their request is not a northern demand; it is a national obligation. No Nigerian child anywhere should be in captivity. I particularly agree with their demand since Tinubu’s monkey has displayed such astonishing dexterity in scaling the Oriire trees. Let it prove the cynics wrong by showing that its skill was not because some juju pulled the trees close together.

But I also have a message for ACF and NEF: life returns to you what you put into it. If you do not sweat like the labourers at Oyingbo, you cannot gleam like Adegboro at Oja-Oba. The Oyo children and their teachers would probably have vanished like bad fart into odious oblivion, had their governor, their state government, their media and the whole of Yoruba people not fought openly and relentlessly for them. Abuja alone neither can nor will save anyone.

Nigeria is a cold, lonely and often wicked place. Alátiṣe must help Alátiṣe. When your people are kidnapped, and you choose to play the politics of silence, you gag the press, punish critics, criminalise the cries of victims and dismiss public outrage, you weaken the very pressure that compels governments to act. The North does all those. Had the Yoruba of the South-West behaved that way, the Oriire children and teachers would long have been swept away by the flood of life. Silence in the face of evil is not dignity; it is complicit surrender.

The Oriire mass abduction of kids was a snake that was treated as a snake. The Yoruba love life and love kids – all kids. They also value education and knowledge. You feel it in their songs, and see it in their dance. They live before death; if they must die, it would not be a surrender at the backyard of the foolish. I am very lucky to be of that race of giants. 

“More than 40 other children — some as young as two — were taken from their schools in northeast Borno State on the same day as the Oyo kidnapping. They are still in captivity. Such attacks are more common in the North than in the South-West of the country.”

Germany’s international broadcaster, Deutsche Welle (DW), made that observation in its last Friday report on the release of the 44 pupils and teachers abducted by terrorists from schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State on May 15, 2026. Why are the Borno kids not back home like those from Oriire? Borno was where Chibok happened 12 years ago. Borno is also where scores of students writing NECO were abducted by gunmen last month. The bush of Borno is tired of receiving kidnap victims. The state is the springhead of a flood that has defied all logic. 

I read a statement on Saturday by the Kwara State chapter of the PDP lamenting that 176 persons—children, women, the young and the old—from Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area of the state had been in terrorists’ captivity since February 3, 2026. That was 160 days ago, and counting. Yet, there is hardly a public outcry anywhere, including, and especially, in Ilorin. Their president and his presidency are quiet. Their governor and state are quiet. Their neighbours are quiet. Their relatives are quiet. I understand it is a crime in the North, including Kwara, for their critics and their media to publicly condemn terror. Silence has become part of the tragedy.

This Kaiama horror has been going on in Kwara for over five months, yet there has been an unsettling quiet. This silence does no credit to the media in Kwara or to the public voices of the state. A friend from the North told me: “We don’t yell in the North; whatever happens is an act of God.” But God does not condone evil. Terrorism cannot be His act. Mass abduction and mass murder are the work of men, and men must resist them. “So, please, speak out.” I told my friend and reminded him of Fela’s song, “Jẹ́ n wí tèmí”—Don’t Gag Me. And we have a Yoruba proverb: “Isu atẹnumọràn kì í jóná.” The yam of the outspoken never gets burnt.

I have heard some ask why the Oyo victims were far luckier than their counterparts in Borno, Kwara and other places. But was it really luck? Or was it geography? Or politics? Or the people? 

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If you ask why all 44 abductees in Oyo are now free while many in Borno remain in captivity, you must ask more than that one question. 

Ask: Why do we know the exact number of those abducted in Oriire while the number of those held in Borno is still spoken of in estimates? Why did the Oriire abduction provoke outrage across southern Nigeria, while similar tragedies in Borno so often fail to generate the same intensity of public emotion across the North? Why, even after the Oriire children regained their freedom, are people still conducting a post-mortem of the tragedy—studying the children’s faces, asking difficult questions, demanding explanations and refusing to let the matter fade?

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As noted by Deutsche Welle, “such attacks are more common in the North than in the Southwest of the country.” Why? Why did the Oyo State governor and his administration remain visibly engaged throughout the 56-day ordeal, while there has been no comparable public pressure on the Borno, Kwara and other northern state governors and governments? And why, despite their political differences, did President Bola Tinubu publicly commend the Oyo State governor after the rescue, while the governor, in turn, thanked the President? Those questions deserve answers.

Part of the answer lies in the response of the communities themselves. In Oriire, the people refused to let the story die. Families, teachers, traditional rulers, civil society, labour unions and the media sustained public attention for fifty-six days. Every child had a name, every family had a face, and every passing day deepened the urgency. The abduction became a collective wound that the community insisted the nation must acknowledge.

Now, cast your glance at parts of the North, particularly communities like Chibok and Dapchi, where normal life is forever hostage to insecurity. In those places, repeated violence has produced a very different public environment. Why? There are several reasons. Elite indifference is one written in capital letters. Too many influential voices speak only when there are political dividends to harvest. Even then, their outrage is often selective, muted, mellowed or wrapped in the language of fatalism. Terrorism is crookedly presented as an act of destiny to be endured by the rural poor, while those making that argument remain safely ensconced in state capitals, far from the gunfire and the grief.

So, to the ACF and the NEF, I say this: Borno, Katsina, Zamfara, Kwara and other afflicted northern states will have their Oriire moment only when leaders and the led alike come to see banditry and terrorism as a common enemy that must be confronted with unity of purpose; only when bandits are seen as terrorists who must be fought and defeated, not rehabilitated and not reintegrated. 

On Friday, Borno South Senator Ali Ndume gave voice to the quiet humming as he urged the military to turn its attention to his state. Speaking on Channels Television, he said: “I want to use this opportunity to appeal to the military to shift their attention now to my senatorial district and help us get these people back. Our people, our children in my senatorial district are under captivity. Forty-two of them. We have over 30 people from Lassa that were captured recently. We still have a leftover of over 50 people in another place. They released some out of the 400 and we still have some people in captivity that were kidnapped.”

Ndume’s figures are scary: 42; 30; 50; 400. All human beings. I wish I could ask the senator why his appeal waited to be fed by the success in Oyo. Did he notice that every Yoruba man, home and abroad, was heavily invested in the push to get the Oyo kids and the teachers back? Terrorism does not flourish on barren ground; it thrives where communities become too frightened, too divided, or too compromised to resist it. The soil must be made hostile to the plant of evil. Every act of collaboration with evil, every silence that shields it, every sympathy that excuses and rehabilitates it, is fertiliser that helps it grow. 

I worship at the feet of the wise; and I have many around me. As I write this with my eyes, my ears are with one of them. He reminded me that the Yoruba philosophy of life is “fundamentally a profound celebration of existence. It revolves around Ìwà (good character and living well) and Ìfẹ́ (love as a powerful, unifying life force).” In greatly protected details, the Yoruba people esteem joy, longevity, community, resistance to evil, material prosperity as essential elements of a truly meaningful life. I read these and more in J. Omosade Awolalu’s ‘The Yoruba Philosophy of Life’. If and when a non-Yoruba also reads it, they will understand why it is difficult for extremist philosophy to violate the innocence of “life more abundant” among the Yoruba of South West Nigeria. 

In the west of Nigeria, life is not merely the absence of death; it is àlàáfíà, ìfọ̀kànbalẹ̀—peace of mind, good health, harmonious relationships, prosperity, fulfilment and happiness. It is the totality of all that makes life worth living. A fulfilled life, according to Awolalu, is one in which a person builds a home, raises children, laughs, sings, dances and enjoys the blessings of the earth. Even the Yoruba religion is organised around preserving that harmony, because life is sacred, death is an interruption, and violence is an assault on the divine order. The Yoruba worldview is one that celebrates living rather than dying, making rather than destroying. 

‘Oriire’ means, literally, good head (good luck). It is very far away in meaning and geography from Chibok (Cibak in Kibaku). On Tuesday, 16 June 2026, when he addressed protesters led by social media activist, Martins Vincent Otse (VeryDarkMan) at his private residence in Ikolaba, Ibadan, Governor Makinde declared: “Let me make it very clear, Oyo State is not Chibok and we will not be Chibok… We have lost men, even soldiers and officers… but we will do everything possible to ensure that these children and teachers return safely.” Where did that confidence come from? It came from knowing that despite political differences, Oyo (Yoruba) people were united behind the rescue of their children. In Oriire, there was no constituency for evil.

The freedom of the abducted pupils and teachers after 56 days was therefore a vindication of a civilisation whose deepest instinct is to protect life. A people whose songs proclaim àlàáfíà will always find it harder to surrender their children to a forest of thorns which sacrifices life to extremism. 

We have a proverb: “Ilé olóore kì í jó tán; tìkà kì í jó kù (The house of a good person never burns down completely; the house of a wicked person never burns only in part). Wickedness here is not merely cruelty to one’s neighbor; at its deepest level, it is wickedness to oneself. A people who despise themselves, who excuse the forces that destroy them, should not expect the world to value what they themselves do not value. The world will watch them burn. 

General Mamman Vatsa, in his final words in February 1986, said: “Lean liberty is better than fat slavery… The day you start mocking yourself, others will join you.” There is wisdom in that warning. The people of Oriire, Oyo State and the wider Yoruba country made it unmistakably clear that terrorism was an unacceptable affliction. 

They know the freedom of the children is only a battle won in a war that still rages. But, like the crab in their stream, they have never stopped shouting at home and on the farm that their eyes must keep vigil over their heads. Throughout the ordeal, they owned the struggle against terror. They understood the wisdom of the proverb: A kì í fi ojú olójú ṣ’òwò ká j’èrè (you do not trade with another person’s eyes and expect to profit). They stood together, demanded action and refused to normalise evil. Having resolved to recover what was stolen from them, they stirred the conscience of the nation, and the world rose to meet them at their point of need.

The ACF, the NEF, Borno and, indeed, the wider North—including Kwara—should reflect on that lesson. Evil thrives where it is tolerated. 

Now, for all those who paid the ultimate price during those 56 days of horror—the two teachers, the commercial motorcyclist and the security personnel—we mourn. May God comfort their families and grant peaceful rest to their souls. We also rejoice at the return of the 44 pupils and teachers. 

The Yoruba have a saying: Inú ẹni kì í dùn, ká pa á mọ́ra (one does not hide joy or suppress its celebration). So, as we celebrate and congratulate President Bola Tinubu, Governor Seyi Makinde, the military and all the security agencies involved in the Oriire operation, I also join my voice to that of a brilliant professor of history from the Middle Belt who remarked yesterday in the woods of the internet: “Since they have now found a military rescue model that works and avoids the payment of ransoms to terrorists, they should extend it to Kwara, where many kidnapped people are still with terrorists in the forest, and to Borno, where the students abducted from their SSCE examination hall are still with terrorists. No more excuses. No more non-kinetic nonsense. The same team that did the Oriire miracle should get orders to storm Kwara and Borno.”

The Commander-in-Chief must accept that challenge.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit Refines Max Amuchie’s Theory: ‘Trinity of State Decay’ becomes ‘Trinity of Sovereignty Decay’

Rotarian Max Amuchie, Immediate Past President, Rotary Club of Abuja CBD

ABUJA, NIGERIA — The Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU), the research arm of Sundiata Post Media Ltd., Monday, 13th July, announced that its flagship theoretical formulation has been renamed from ‘Trinity of State Decay’ to ‘Trinity of Sovereignty Decay.’ The framework’s acronym, TSD, is unchanged.

The theory — developed by SPIU Lead Researcher and Sundiata Post CEO, Max Nwabueze Amuchie and first articulated through a serialised The Sunday Stew column between April and May 2026 — argues that state fragility across the Global South is best understood not as institutional malfunction, but as a sovereignty event: the structural decoupling of juridical statehood from empirical governing authority at the sub-national, zonal level. The theory identifies two resulting formations, the Institutional Mirage and the Shadow Order, sustained by a self-reinforcing mechanism the theory terms the Money-Land-Mind dynamic.

“The rename addresses a precise internal inconsistency, not a change in the theory itself,” Amuchie said. “The construct’s central and most original contribution is that the zone, not the state, is the correct unit of analysis for understanding sovereign fragmentation. Calling the theory ‘State Decay’ quietly named it after the very unit its own argument moves away from. ‘Sovereignty Decay’ aligns the name with the claim.”

The refinement also formalises a distinction between two conditions the theory describes: a decoupled state, in which juridical and empirical sovereignty have split but remain contested, and a decayed state, in which the state has ceased contesting a rival Shadow Order and instead negotiates with it as a stabiliser — a more advanced and structurally entrenched condition requiring, in the theory’s account, deliberate structural interruption rather than incremental reform to reverse.

The renamed construct carries forward unchanged into the theory’s companion quantitative instrument, the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI), which operationalises the Money-Land-Mind dynamic for empirical measurement across zones, and into the framework’s continuing engagement with sovereignty theory in International Relations, including its direct positioning against Stephen Krasner’s account of organised hypocrisy, Robert Jackson’s quasi-states framework, and the hybrid governance literature.

The name change takes effect ahead of the framework’s submission for formal academic peer review. Prior public and archival references to “Trinity of State Decay,” including the framework’s earlier Harvard Dataverse deposit and its original column serialisation, remain part of the theory’s documented developmental record under its earlier name.

Amuchie is a scholar-journalist and a recognised Expert Member and Peer Reviewer at ScienceOpen. His scholarly identifier is ORCID 0009-0000-4961-6760.

The Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit is the research and theory-development arm of Sundiata Post Media Ltd., producing original frameworks for the analysis of state fragility and security governance in Nigeria, the Sahel, and the wider Global South, alongside the organisation’s journalism operations.

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China records first reusable rocket landing

China has successfully landed a reusable rocket for the first time, marking a milestone in the country’s space programme.

According to state media, the China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASTC) said the Long March 10B rocket lifted off from Hainan Province in southern China at 12:15 p.m. local time (0415 GMT) on Friday.

CASTC said the rocket’s booster separated from the upper stage and, about six minutes later, returned to Earth vertically before being recovered on a floating platform.

The development is expected to strengthen China’s efforts to compete in reusable rocket technology, an area currently dominated by the United States through SpaceX and Blue Origin.

Reusable rockets are designed to reduce the cost of space missions by recovering and reusing boosters, which are typically the most expensive components of launch vehicles. Traditionally, rocket stages are discarded and destroyed during ascent, making launches more costly.

According to the BBC, SpaceX achieved the first successful landing of its reusable Falcon 9 rocket following an orbital mission in December 2015, while Blue Origin landed its reusable New Glenn rocket in November 2025.

SpaceX’s Falcon 9 now carries out about 150 launches annually, with some boosters reused dozens of times.

China made its first attempt to recover a reusable rocket in February using the Long March 10A, which completed a controlled descent before splashing down near a recovery platform.

The Long March 10B is capable of carrying at least 16 metric tonnes of payload to low-Earth orbit and has drawn comparisons with SpaceX’s Falcon 9.

Unlike the Falcon 9, however, the Long March 10B does not land autonomously on a ground pad or drone ship. Instead, the booster is captured using landing hooks attached to a net mounted on a floating recovery platform.

The successful landing boosted investor confidence in China’s space sector, with shares of China Spacesat and China Satellite Communications each rising by the maximum daily limit of 10 per cent under the country’s stock market regulations.

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Good night, Marian Jones

By Sonnie Ekwowusi

In the death of Marian Jones, the legal profession in Nigeria has not merely lost another brilliant legal practitioner; it has lost a compatriot, an ally, a committed public interest lawyer, a conscientious advocate, and an ardent human rights activist, particularly in the defence of women’s rights.

At various times, Marian served as the Financial Secretary and Treasurer of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Lagos Branch. She will be greatly missed at the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Nigeria, Ikeja Branch, where she held several important positions and played significant roles. She was the pioneer Chairperson of FIDA, Nigeria, Ikeja Branch.

Although my path and Marian’s never really crossed, from a respectful distance I regarded her as a focused, disciplined and dedicated lawyer, always prepared to make personal sacrifices whenever duty demanded that a wrong be righted. Marian was always elegantly attired in the traditional black robes of the legal profession. She became a symbol of hope for oppressed and disadvantaged litigants in search of justice. When Cicero extolled justice as the highest virtue, he was perhaps thinking of lawyers of Marian’s calibre, those who are willing to do everything within their power to ensure that justice prevails both in the courtroom and beyond.

Marian was a woman of astonishing energy. She possessed the restless drive of someone who simply had to remain in motion. It was uncommon to see her idle. She was always moving—from one courtroom to another, from one FIDA meeting to another, or from one arbitration session to another. Indeed, just two days before her passing, she was at the Lagos High Court representing a client. That was vintage Marian Jones—completely committed and unwaveringly dedicated to the cause of her clients.

According to Marian’s daughter, her beloved mother complained of chest pains at home. Her husband immediately took her to a hospital in Lagos (name withheld). The doctor on duty requested that she undergo an electrocardiogram (ECG). She did the test and returned the following day with the results. After examining the ECG, the doctor informed the family that Marian had a very serious heart condition requiring urgent medical attention.

However, instead of admitting her immediately for emergency treatment, the doctor reportedly told Marian and her husband to return the following day because he was too tired to attend to any more patients.

Pressed for time but left with little choice, Marian and her husband returned to the hospital at 9:00 a.m. the next day, only to be informed that the doctor was extremely busy and would not be able to see her until much later in the afternoon. They waited patiently until about 4:00 p.m. When the doctor eventually attended to Marian, he ordered additional medical tests. She joined a long queue to undergo the tests. Tragically, before her turn came, she collapsed. While efforts were being made to rush her for emergency treatment, she died.

In my respectful view, these facts, if established, typify a classic case of medical negligence. A lawyer walks into a hospital alive but is wheeled out dead shortly afterwards. How long shall this continue? O God, our petition is simple: shorten the season of medical negligence in Nigeria. We desperately need help.

Medical negligence is commonly defined as the breach by a doctor or hospital of the duty to exercise the level of care and skill expected of a reasonably competent medical practitioner, resulting in injury or death. Nigerian law does not presume negligence merely because treatment fails or because a patient dies. Nevertheless, allegations of medical negligence leading to avoidable deaths appear to be becoming alarmingly frequent in Nigeria.

For example, one of my former classmates at Edo College, Benin City, who had attended Higher School Certificate with me, suffered only a minor illness. He was admitted to a hospital in Lagos. I called him on the telephone. He sounded cheerful and healthy. We chatted like old friends. A few days later, however, I received the shocking news that he had died. I immediately sent a WhatsApp message to another Edo College classmate informing him of the sad development. Two days later, his son replied, informing me that his own father had died the day after receiving my message.

My former boss and fellow traveler in the arduous struggle to promote fundamental values in the public square was also admitted to a Lagos hospital. His ailment? A relatively small sore on his leg. He was diabetic. During my visit, he confidently assured me that he had recovered and was only awaiting discharge. Yet I noticed that the hospital had merely applied honey to the wound. Shortly before I left, the attending doctor entered the room to examine his leg. From the expression on her face, I sensed uncertainty about the appropriate course of treatment. The following day, my former boss died.

Last year, a female lawyer in Lagos suffered repeated bouts of malaria. Her husband, also a lawyer, accompanied her to the hospital. She was given an injection and died shortly afterwards. Upon hearing the tragic news, I went to their residence to offer my condolences. At the gate, the security guard, assuming I had come to sympathize with the family, said to me in Pidgin English: “Oga, this lawyer no fit die like that. I see am two days ago and she dey look well. I almost wept.

What increasingly appears to obtain in Nigeria today is a culture of transactional medicine. As many of Nigeria’s finest medical professionals continue to emigrate in search of better opportunities abroad, those who remain are often overworked, overstretched and, in some cases, constantly moving from one hospital to another in pursuit of additional income, sometimes at the expense of quality medical practice.

The death of Lagos chef Peju Ogboma following surgery in 2021 sparked national outrage and disciplinary proceedings before the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria (MDCN). More recently, the tragic death of the 21-month-old son of celebrated novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie has once again focused national attention on standards of medical practice. The MDCN’s Investigating Panel reportedly found a prima facie case against three doctors, who were suspended pending disciplinary proceedings before the Medical and Dental Practitioners Disciplinary Tribunal. Although those proceedings remain ongoing and no final determination has yet been made, the incident has intensified public debate about patient safety.

I could continue citing painful examples of alleged medical negligence in Nigeria. Medicine is not an exact science, and even the most competent doctors cannot guarantee favourable outcomes in every case. The overwhelming majority of Nigerian healthcare professionals remain dedicated to their vocation despite enormous challenges. Their commitment deserves recognition and support. Nevertheless, protecting the integrity of the medical profession also requires confronting negligence wherever it occurs. Accountability is not an attack on medicine; it is one of the pillars upon which ethical medical practice rests.

A country that cannot guarantee safe and accountable healthcare places every citizen at risk. Nigeria must therefore move beyond reacting to isolated tragedies and embrace a culture in which patient safety is regarded not merely as an aspiration but as a fundamental obligation. Lives depend upon it.

There have been other disturbing incidents. Reports of pregnant women allegedly being denied emergency treatment because they could not immediately pay hospital deposits have provoked widespread public outrage and exposed the poor enforcement of laws guaranteeing emergency medical care. Cases involving wrong blood transfusions, medication errors, delayed referrals, retained surgical instruments after operations, and failures to promptly diagnose life-threatening conditions continue to surface both in the media and before professional regulatory bodies.

None of this excuses negligence. Poor working conditions cannot justify a failure to observe basic professional standards or disregard for patient safety. Equally, responsibility should not rest solely on individual healthcare workers. Governments that fail to adequately fund public hospitals, hospital administrators who neglect quality assurance, and regulatory institutions that tolerate weak oversight all share responsibility for creating conditions that increase the risk of avoidable harm.

The solution is not to encourage a flood of litigation. Medicine inevitably involves risks, and healthcare professionals should not practise under constant fear of lawsuits. Rather, Nigeria needs a healthcare system that prioritises patient safety through better clinical governance, continuous professional training, accurate record-keeping, and prompt reporting of adverse medical events. The Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria must continue to discharge its disciplinary responsibilities independently and transparently. Equally important, hospitals should establish effective internal complaint mechanisms, encourage honest disclosure of medical errors, and adopt internationally recognised patient safety protocols.

All said, we mourn our beloved wife, mother, daughter, sister and colleague, Marian Jones. We offer for her the same Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, which she loved and attended almost every day. We pray for God’s merciful judgment upon her soul. We also pray for her husband, children, family, friends and all those who loved, admired and were inspired by her, that our Christian faith in the Lord’s Resurrection may console them and strengthen them in this painful hour.

In the Gospel according to St. John, Martha professes her faith in Jesus as “the Resurrection and the Life.” We profess that same faith today, longing to hear once more the comforting words of Christ: “Your brother will rise again.” Those words alone enable us to live with hope amid the sorrow of losing our dear friend, Marian.

On 24 July 2026, when the remains of our beloved sister Marian are carried to their final resting place, tears will undoubtedly flow down the cheeks of many who remember her good works and the countless lives she touched. But let those tears also inspire a solemn resolution to embrace and uphold the noble ideals for which Marian lived—and for which she gave so much of herself.

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Kurfi and the radarada in Katsina, By Lasisi Olagunju

If Katsina State governor, Malam Dikko Umaru Radda, were a Yoruba man, the people would say he is living his name. I do not know what ‘Radda’ means in Hausa, but I know that ‘radarada’ means nonsense in Yoruba. 

It was in Katsina under Radda that bandits went to Mecca and came back. The man who first blew the lid over that ‘secret’ is in detention; he has a date in court today. 

Dr. Bashir Kurfi told Trust TV two weeks ago that Katsina was so comfortable for bandits that many of them travelled on pilgrimage to Mecca allegedly funded by the state. The Katsina State government promptly said the man lied; what he said did not happen. A week after Kurfi’s ‘expose’, the Federal Government announced with happiness that it had arrested in Katsina “some known bandit leaders” on their arrival from Hajj. The Katsina State government was not happy. It said Kurfi defamed all the citizens of that state by saying what he said. The police stepped in and took him into custody.

He is in court for damaging the name of the state. A lesson for other trouble makers. 

Perhaps, loquacious Kurfi had not heard of the Yoruba story of Iwofa Alaba who saw a human skeleton (Akúújù) on the kola nut tree and greeted it “Hello.” Akúújù heard the greeting and said “Iwofa Alaba, it is your mouth that will kill you.” Read T.A.A. Ladele’s Igbi Aye Nyi. It is a long sizzling story that ends with the skeleton’s prediction coming true for Iwofa Alaba. His mouth killed him. 

May my mouth not kill me.

I read the Daily Trust with religious devotion to get insight and knowledge into the heart of the North. It was there on Wednesday, 8 July, 2026, that I read Kurfi’s arrest report headlined: ‘Court remands lecturer who accused Katsina of sponsoring bandits to Hajj.’ 

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Some paragraphs from the story:

“A Chief Magistrates’ Court in Katsina has ordered detention of Dr. Bashir Kurfi, a lecturer and public affairs commentator. 

“The prosecution claimed that the defendant alleged that the Katsina State government sponsored Hajj pilgrimage for some bandit leaders, a statement it described as false, malicious and capable of tarnishing the image and reputation of the state government and the people of Katsina…

“The magistrate directed that the police continue with their investigation and ordered that the defendant remain in police custody pending the adjourned date.

“The matter was adjourned to Monday, July 13, 2026, for continuation of hearing.”

Governor Radda of Katsina probably thought he owed his people a duty: to prevent the importation of free speech into Katsina lest it rupture the state’s carefully curated reputation for peaceful living.

The irony is striking. Those in power who cannot arrest bandits find it easier to arrest those who speak out against bandits and banditry. As Shakespeare wrote in King Lear, “Plate sin with gold, and the strong lance of justice hurtless breaks.” God is great!

Katsina today presents a frightening picture of a state where bandits increasingly dictate the terms of peace and war. 

In a village called Doma, a six-month peace agreement between villagers and armed gangs collapsed spectacularly in February this year when the same gunmen returned, went from house to house and killed at least 21 people. British news agency, Reuters, which carried the story, reported that the massacre exposed the peril of communities negotiating their own survival because they had lost faith in the state’s ability to protect them.

Did the Katsina State governor read the London-based The Guardian of June 9, 2026? It carried a major report on Katsina titled, ‘We are familiar faces’. Among other things, I took particular note of these paragraphs, which should interest the governor:

“Eleven of Katsina’s 34 local government areas (LGAs) have found themselves on the frontline of banditry attacks. Villagers were displaced to towns where they had to adjust to new, costlier lifestyles. On their abandoned farms, bandits led cows to forage on young and mature crops.

“Across the affected areas of Katsina, families would eat dinner as early as 5pm and enter the forest to hide before nightfall, fearing raids. To prevent mass slaughter of entire families, fathers would flee with some children in one direction while mothers took others and bolted in the opposite direction. In the confusion, children would sometimes be forgotten at home or in the bush, where they risked being bitten by snakes.

“In Kurfi, one family dared to stay back during a raid. Bandits raped the mother while the father hid under their matrimonial bed, afraid for his life.”

Dr Bashir Kurfi, the man who was arrested, arraigned and remanded for speaking out against banditry is from that Kurfi. 

After reading The Guardian’s report, perhaps Governor Radda should also drag the British newspaper and the author of that piece before his magistrate’s court in Katsina for publishing such “negative” accounts of his state. Radarada!

Truth is a hard companion. We say in Yoruba that “Olóòótọ́ kì í l’ẹni”—the truthful man owns no mat; he sleeps on the bare floor. William Shakespeare understood that too. In King Lear, he gave his Fool one of literature’s most enduring observations: “Truth’s a dog must to kennel; he must be whipped out, when Lady the brach may stand by the fire and stink.” In modern English, those lines would read: “Truth is treated like a dog that must be shut in its kennel and beaten away, while the pampered lapdog is allowed to stand comfortably by the fire despite its foul smell.”

In 2026 Nigeria, we should not have places like Katsina where bandits roam the forests and farms in freedom while the man who barks at them is dragged to the kennel—banished, confined and pushed to the margins.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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NBA Election Debate: credibility concerns must be addressed to avoid another crisis – Ubani SAN

Senior Advocate of Nigeria and former NBA- SPIDEL Chairman, Dr. Monday Onyekachi Ubani, has joined the growing debate surrounding the forthcoming 2026 Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) National Elections, urging stakeholders to critically examine concerns raised by the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF)-led Committee established to address the lingering issues affecting the Association.

Speaking during the Quarterly Meeting of the Eastern Bar Forum (EBF) held in Owerri over the weekend, Dr. Ubani who was Chairman of the NBA, Ikeja Branch, an ex-2nd Vice President of NBA noted that while the Attorney-General and the Committee may not possess any statutory authority to halt or postpone the NBA elections, the observations and recommendations contained in the Committee’s advisory deserve serious consideration by members of the Bar.

According to him, the issues highlighted by the Committee go to the heart of the integrity and credibility of the NBA’s electoral process and should not be dismissed merely because the Committee lacks the legal power to interfere with the conduct of the election.

Read Also: AFBA defends AGF, challenges Amnesty’s position on NBA election dispute

Dr. Ubani observed that the NBA has, over the years, struggled with persistent controversies arising from its electoral processes. He recalled that virtually every national election conducted by the Association since 2018 has generated disputes and litigation, creating unnecessary divisions within the legal profession.

“In one instance,” he noted, “the controversies surrounding the conduct of NBA elections even culminated in criminal prosecutions involving some members of staff of the NBA Secretariat, although the affected persons were eventually discharged and acquitted.”

The learned Silk expressed concern that questions regarding the fairness, transparency and credibility of the Association’s online voting system have continued to fuel distrust among many members. According to him, widespread doubts remain about the integrity of the electoral platform and the inability of stakeholders to independently verify the voting process.

While acknowledging that the 2026 NBA Elections may ultimately proceed as scheduled, Dr. Ubani emphasized that the Association must not ignore the recurring concerns that have repeatedly undermined confidence in its electoral outcomes.

He stressed the need for greater transparency in the administration of the elections, including enhanced accessibility to the backend architecture of the voting platform, independent verification mechanisms, and other safeguards capable of assuring members that the process is free, fair, credible and auditable.

“The critical issues of transparency, credibility and accountability must be addressed if the NBA is to avoid another cycle of post-election disputes and litigation,” he stated. “The objective should not merely be to conduct an election but to conduct one whose outcome commands widespread acceptance and confidence among members.”

Dr. Ubani further warned against what he described as a culture of silence among stakeholders on matters affecting the institutional health of the Association.

Following his intervention at the EBF meeting, he disclosed that numerous lawyers reached out to him through calls and messages, commending his willingness to openly address concerns that many members privately share but are often reluctant to publicly express.
According to him, the absence of open criticism should not be mistaken for consensus or satisfaction.

“Many people assume that because there is little public opposition, everything is normal. That assumption can be dangerous. Sometimes silence is not a sign of peace; it is merely the silence of the graveyard,” he remarked.

Dr. Ubani therefore called on NBA President, Mazi Afam Osigwe SAN, NBA leaders, electoral officials, candidates and stakeholders to seize the opportunity presented by the ongoing debate to undertake meaningful reforms that will strengthen confidence in the Association’s democratic processes and preserve its institutional integrity.

He maintained that a credible electoral system as recommended by his Committee which he heads(NBA Electoral Reform Committee) which has been submitted to the outgoing President before now, remains indispensable to the NBA’s standing as the foremost integrity-driven professional association of lawyers in Nigeria and urged the leadership of the Bar at every point to prioritize transparency, accountability and inclusiveness in the conduct of every election including the forthcoming one.

“A word is enough for the wise!”, he concluded.

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General Secretary, NBA (2026–2028): Akinseye-George, SAN stands with Afam Okeke

AFAM O. OKEKE FOR GENERAL SECRETARY, NBA (2026–2028)

“I am delighted to testify to the remarkable success of Afam O. Okeke during his tenure as our Branch Chairman, NBA Abuja (Unity Bar).

He carried everyone along, worked tirelessly to protect the interests of the Branch, and served with integrity and an unwavering sense of responsibility.

His leadership was defined by inclusiveness, dedication, and selfless service.”

I STAND WITH AFAM O. OKEKE.

VOTE AFAM O. OKEKE FOR GENERAL SECRETARY
Nigerian Bar Association (2026–2028)

An Accessible, Inclusive, Transparent, and Efficient Secretariat.

Prof. Yemi Akinseye-George, SAN, FNIALS
President, Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS)

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WHEN TERROR PAYS|The Endgame: How do you make terror stop paying?

A Law & Society Magazine Special Investigation, by the Law & Society Investigations Desk

Nigeria has become remarkably good at counting the costs of terrorism.

Security agencies publish operational updates. Governors announce casualty figures after fresh attacks. Humanitarian organisations document the displaced. Economists estimate losses to agriculture, commerce and investment. Each major incident produces another set of statistics describing lives interrupted, communities emptied and public resources redirected towards an emergency that has outlasted several administrations.

The figures are indispensable. They reveal the scale of the crisis and remind the country that organised violence carries consequences extending far beyond the communities where attacks occur.

They do not, however, answer a more difficult question.

Why has terrorism proved so resilient?

That question is often approached through the language of military capability. Public debate centres on troop strength, intelligence gathering, surveillance technology, weapons procurement and defence spending. Other explanations point to poverty, unemployment, porous borders, ideological extremism or the proliferation of illicit arms. Each offers part of the picture. None, standing alone, explains why organised violence repeatedly adapts even as governments revise strategies, strengthen legislation and commit enormous public resources to restoring security.

The search for an answer led Law & Society Magazine down an unexpected path.

This investigation did not begin as an examination of military strategy. It began with a narrower inquiry into the legal dilemmas surrounding Nigeria’s response to terrorism. The reporting explored questions that have become increasingly difficult to ignore. What happens to justice when governments negotiate with armed groups? How should constitutional democracies balance the immediate imperative of saving lives against the equally important obligation to prosecute those responsible for organised violence? What becomes of victims once public attention shifts elsewhere? And can the rule of law retain its authority if communities increasingly survive through informal arrangements with the very groups that threaten them?

The reporting widened with every interview, court decision, policy document and field report examined.

What initially appeared to be separate debates gradually revealed themselves as different expressions of the same problem. School kidnappings, attacks on farming communities, ransom negotiations, the rehabilitation of former fighters, abandoned villages, disrupted education, local peace deals, stalled prosecutions and the emergence of armed groups exercising authority over isolated communities all pointed towards a larger question about the relationship between violence and the Nigerian State.

The pattern was difficult to ignore.

Organised violence in Nigeria has demonstrated an extraordinary capacity to regenerate. Commanders are arrested or killed. Camps are dismantled. New operations are launched. Yet criminal networks repeatedly reorganise, adapt their methods and establish fresh footholds in communities where public authority has weakened. In some places, kidnapping has evolved into a predictable source of income. Elsewhere, armed groups collect levies, regulate access to farmland or dictate movement along rural roads. These are not isolated criminal acts. They are signs of an alternative system of authority emerging where lawful institutions struggle to exercise effective control.

Reducing that reality to a failure of military force would miss the larger picture.

Members of the Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies have operated under exceptionally demanding conditions, often at considerable personal cost. Their sacrifices have prevented countless attacks, rescued hostages and reclaimed territory once considered inaccessible. Those achievements deserve recognition. They also illustrate an uncomfortable truth. No military, however capable, can by itself resolve a conflict sustained by economic incentives, weak institutions, inconsistent accountability and deep public distrust.

The conflict has become larger than the battlefield.

It reaches courtrooms where terrorism cases are prosecuted—or fail. It reaches schools where parents weigh the value of education against fears for their children’s safety. It reaches farms abandoned after repeated attacks, markets where traders factor insecurity into the cost of doing business and communities where traditional leaders negotiate access to land because formal authority can no longer guarantee it. The consequences extend into public finance, investment decisions, internal migration and confidence in democratic institutions.

The Constitution anticipated none of these realities, yet it speaks directly to the responsibility they impose. Section 14 declares that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. The Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act establishes an extensive legal framework for investigating, prosecuting and punishing terrorism-related offences. Together, they reflect a simple constitutional expectation: organised violence should be confronted by institutions capable of protecting citizens while enforcing the law without fear or favour.

The challenge confronting Nigeria is not the absence of legal authority. It is whether the institutions entrusted with that authority have kept pace with a conflict that has changed faster than the systems created to confront it. That distinction lies at the heart of this investigation.

Over the past several weeks, Law & Society Magazine examined the country’s response to terrorism not simply as a security emergency but as a constitutional test. The reporting considered military operations alongside criminal prosecutions, victims’ rights, legislative reforms, community survival strategies, negotiations with armed groups and comparative experiences from countries that eventually reduced organised political violence. The evidence does not support simple conclusions, nor does it suggest that any single reform will resolve a crisis shaped by years of accumulated failures.

It does, however, point towards a proposition that deserves closer examination.

Violence endures where its rewards continue to outweigh its risks.

Changing that calculation demands far more than operational success. It requires institutions capable of making legality more dependable, more credible and ultimately more rewarding than coercion.

That is where this investigation begins.

To be continued.

Read Also: WHEN TERROR PAYS (Part IV D): The new sovereigns

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NBA-SPIDEL membership soars as Eastern Bar Forum meeting sparks fresh wave of enrolments

The Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL) recorded a major success in its membership drive at the Eastern Bar Forum (EBF) Quarterly meeting held today, 11 July 2026, in Owerri, Imo State.

The SPIDEL delegation, comprising Dr. M.O Ubani, SAN(MOU), Dr.D.C. Enamhe, Onome Amartey Esq, Okey Ohagba Esq, Chika Okolie, Laurreta Ikwuka, Idris Abayomi Segun Esq and other dedicated members, used the opportunity to reintroduce the Section to members of the Forum and highlight its pivotal role in advancing public interest law, development law, and the promotion of justice in Nigeria.

The presentation was met with enthusiasm and admiration from both the leadership and members of the Forum. A significant number of lawyers expressed interest in becoming members of SPIDEL and accordingly submitted their names and contact details for further engagement and enrollment.

In furtherance of its membership expansion strategy, the team resolved to extend similar advocacy visits to the Arewa Lawyers Forum and Egbe Amofin Forum, and other regional and affinity bar forums whenever they hold their quarterly meetings, with a view to deepening awareness of SPIDEL’s activities and attracting more members across the country.

The outing was unanimously described by the leadership of the Media Network and Eastern Regional Representative as highly successful, impactful, and productive, marking another important step in strengthening the reach and visibility of NBA-SPIDEL nationwide.

Issued by Dr M.O. Ubani SAN, NBA-Spidel Media Network Committee Chairman.

SPIDEL hails landmark court judgment on police legal services

  • As Court orders deployment of police lawyers to police stations nationwide, bars non-specialist officers from representing the Force in civil cases

In a judgment that could fundamentally reshape legal practice within the Nigeria Police Force and strengthen safeguards for the protection of citizens’ rights, the National Industrial Court has ordered the deployment of police lawyers to police stations across the country while barring police officers who are not members of the Specialist Legal Cadre from representing the Force in civil proceedings.

The decision, delivered on Friday by Hon. Justice O. Y. Anuwe of the National Industrial Court, Abuja Judicial Division, arose from a suit instituted by the Incorporated Trustees of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) against the Police Service Commission and other defendants.

The ruling has been widely welcomed by the Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL), which described it as a watershed for the rule of law, police accountability and the professionalisation of legal services within the Nigeria Police Force.

Beyond its immediate impact on police legal operations, the judgment reinforces the NBA’s role as a public interest watchdog after the court dismissed a preliminary objection challenging the Association’s legal standing to institute the suit. In doing so, the court affirmed that the NBA has the locus standi to pursue litigation aimed at protecting the interests of its members and advancing broader public interest objectives.

Legal observers say the pronouncement is likely to strengthen the use of public interest litigation as a tool for promoting constitutional governance and holding public institutions accountable.

At the centre of the dispute was the interpretation and enforcement of Section 66(3) of the Nigeria Police Act, 2020, which provides for the establishment and deployment of police legal officers.

The court directed the Police Service Commission and the Inspector-General of Police to ensure the deployment of police lawyers to police stations across the Federation, a move expected to enhance legal oversight within police formations and improve compliance with constitutional and human rights standards during investigations and other policing activities.

The judgment also settled another contentious issue concerning the status of police officers with legal qualifications who have not been appointed or converted to the Specialist Legal Cadre.

Justice Anuwe held that such officers cannot represent the Nigeria Police Force in civil proceedings, ruling that doing so is inconsistent with Rule 8(1) of the Rules of Professional Conduct for Legal Practitioners, 2023. The court consequently restrained police lawyers outside the Specialist Legal Cadre from appearing before courts in civil matters on behalf of the Force.

The ruling is expected to have significant implications for legal representation by the Nigeria Police Force and could compel institutional reforms within the police legal department to ensure compliance with both the Nigeria Police Act and professional ethical standards governing legal practice.

Reacting to the judgment, NBA-SPIDEL said the decision represents a major victory for constitutionalism and institutional accountability, arguing that the deployment of qualified legal officers to police stations could improve the quality of legal advice available to investigators, strengthen oversight of police operations and contribute to better protection of fundamental rights.

The Section also noted that the judgment reinforces the statutory framework regulating legal practice within public institutions and provides an important foundation for improving professionalism in police legal services nationwide.

SPIDEL pledged to work with relevant stakeholders to support the effective implementation of the judgment, while indicating that aspects of the litigation remain pending before the court.

“The Section reckons that it is not yet uhuru in this matter,” SPIDEL Chairperson, Associate Professor Uju Agomoh, said in a statement on Friday, adding that the organisation would continue pursuing the outstanding aspects of its claims to their logical conclusion.

The Section also commended the legal team that prosecuted the case, comprising Olukunle O. Edun, SAN, Austin J. Otah, Dr. Lilian Ojima, Bulus Y. Atsen, fsi, Olajide Abiodun Mohammed Danjuma and Vincent Adodo.

For many legal practitioners, however, the judgment extends beyond a courtroom victory.

If effectively implemented, the presence of trained police lawyers at divisional and area commands could strengthen legal compliance at the earliest stages of criminal investigations, reduce procedural violations, improve adherence to constitutional safeguards and provide more immediate legal guidance on issues affecting arrests, detention, bail and the treatment of suspects.

The ruling also sends a clear signal that legal representation on behalf of public institutions must comply with professional regulatory standards, reinforcing the principle that legal practice within government agencies is subject to the same ethical and statutory requirements that govern the wider legal profession.

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