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Nigeria: The rise of judicial verdict without judgment

In many ways, political harlotry in a court’s name is increasingly an international affair…

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

When the Economist described Nigeria over 18 years ago as a “democracy by court order”, it ventured into prophetic journalism. In the period since then, partisan politicians have become comfortable with playing second fiddle to judges, a sizeable number of whom have emerged as the most avid tribe of belligerents in the mortal combat of Nigerian politics.

In many ways, political harlotry in a court’s name is increasingly an international affair. In a recent article for the Journal of Democracy, Andrew O’Donohue of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute outlines five ways in which “courts frequently undermine democracy.” They can do this by enabling authoritarianism, undermining credible elections, restricting participation and associated civic rights, empowering non-elected elites, or indulging in a jurisprudence of excess of jurisdiction.

Many will recognize these patterns in Nigeria. When he addressed the annual conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in August 2025, the Sultan of Sokoto complained that judicial verdicts in the country had become a “purchasable commodity.” In a rigged judicial market, it is evident that the winners will almost always be the most powerful. In Nigeria, they are politicians.

As dangerous as it may sound, the commodification of court orders is by no means the worst form of political prostitution of courts in Nigeria. The methods by which a judge in Nigeria can procure judicial complicity in partisan project have become a lot simpler.

When the Court of Appeal delivered its now infamous judgment in the appeal by interim Chair of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), David Mark, against the interim order of the Federal High Court in the case instituted by provocateur, Nafiu Bala Gombe, the three-man panel dwelt at considerable length on determining primacy between the enrolled order of a court on the one hand and the text of a court’s ruling on the other.

According to the Court of Appeal, whenever there is contradiction between these two, the latter must prevail. There is a deafening eloquence, however, to what the court could not bring itself to say: that it is anomalous for such a contradiction to occur in the first place. Yet, these days, that occurs with disquieting regularity.

It is possible to explain this as human error not entirely unconnected with the febrile atmosphere under which Nigeria’s judges work. This cannot be excluded entirely but even if that were to be the case, much of the stress is self-inflicted. Replicating a practice more closely associated with sex workers, some judges appear keen to crawl the political kerb, strutting their judicial wares for the attentions of grasping, partisan customers who are only too happy to gratify them.

From habitually granting politicians implausible and inexplicable shunts on the queue of judicial dysfunction which exist for lesser mortals only; through creating exceptional jurisprudence without precedent in cases involving political parties and politicians; to assuming jurisdiction in cases in which that is explicitly excluded, a not insignificant number of judges in Nigeria appear increasingly of the view that prostitution is too important an enterprise to be abandoned to sex workers alone.

These practices appear to be always designed to cause maximum benefit to one side in high profile partisan disputes or maximum political damage to another. When, for instance, the Supreme Court assumed appellate jurisdiction to decide a case that was still pending in the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt, the court did not pretend to be doing law. It simply chose a side in a partisan dispute and inflicted maximum damage on another side, while weaponising the fullest panoply of its constitutional standing.

Even this tendency could be managed, if the tale were to stop here and no further, but it does not. The phenomenon of mutually contradictory orders by courts of equal jurisdiction, Africa Report has cautioned, “threatens to lead Africa’s largest democracy into chaos.”

On 22 April 2026, the Supreme Court decided that it lacked appellate jurisdiction over a decision of the Court of Appeal sitting as the final instance in appeals from decisions of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN). Two weeks later, on 8 April, the same court inexplicably claimed jurisdiction to overturn a decision of the Court of Appeal in an appeal originating from the NICN and involving a former Deputy Governor of Kogi State. The same Supreme Court cannot turn around tomorrow and claim seriously that it is overworked.

One trick in the tool-box of judicial duplicity is the art of the indecipherable court order. Quite often, it is written in mangled syntax or in Latin. Nigerians are now weaned on a diet of judicial orders requiring a return to status quo ante-bellum by judges who are too lazy or cannot be bothered to say clearly when the bellum began or how.

The result is that “instead of court decisions bringing finality to disputes, they now generate fresh controversies because different parties interpret the same judgment to suit their political interests.” This is all very deliberate or at least foreseeable. One writer has described Nigeria’s courts in this role as “authors of confusion.” Olusegun Adeniyi says this is the “judicial route to anarchy.”

Another practice is the art of judicial verdict without judgment. More than a fortnight after the Supreme Court handed down the judgments in the party-political disputes involving the leadership of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the ADC, respectively, the judgments remain unpublished.

Similarly, nearly one week after a judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) reportedly issued a judgment in defamation requiring the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), a non-governmental organization, to pay N100 million to two officers of the State Security Service (SSS), the judgment is still an item of judicial oral tradition. Despite the best efforts of many, no one has seen it.

This phenomenon of judicial verdict without judgment creates damage and feeds confusion in many ways. In the dispute over the Kano Emirate two years ago, for instance, Abdullahi Liman, then a judge of the Federal High Court in Kano, infamously ruled that an ex-parte ruling did not have to be seen by nor served upon a party before it could be binding on that party.

The flagrant audacity of requiring a party to inhale like oxygen a judicial order issued without having been afforded a hearing to begin with was of course not of any bother to a judge who seemed comfortable to trade impunity for judicial deliberation. He chose to foist on Kano an entirely avoidable reality of two Emirs asserting judicially backed claims over one stool and got promoted to the Court of Appeal while at it.

There is, of course, the fact that in politically tense situations, judicial verdict without judgment is often patented for irreversible harm. In the by-election into the Ebonyi South Senate seat necessitated in 2024 by the appointment of David Umahi as a Minister, Hyeladzira Nganjiwa, a judge of the Federal High Court, waited until two days before the ballot to make a pronouncement in open court disqualifying the candidate of the PDP, Silas Onu, from the contest.

It did not matter that the judge knew very well that he lacked jurisdiction in the matter because the claimants in favour of whom he made the order manifestly lacked standing to sue. The design was to weaponize judicial power in favour of the candidate of the ruling party and to crater the support of the opposition candidate without publishing any judgment. Over six months later, the Court of Appeal vacated the crooked order, but the judge had procured his design.

Litigants in cases involving party political interests have for long been used to judgment without justice. The phenomenon of verdict without judgment is new, however, because the absence of judgment is itself injustice and the vacuum in time until it is produced can do damage, both foreseeable and unpredictable. The scary thing is that it’s impossible to say that this is not deliberate because there is evidence to show that judgments can be available on the day they are issued. Some Nigerian judges do that as a matter of habit. Why many of their peers choose not to do so should bother the Chief Justice of Nigeria.

A lawyer & a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]

Lightning Tragedy: Police Inspector killed on duty in Borno

A police inspector, Abdulkadir Garba, popularly known as “Buratai,” has died after he was struck by lightening while on duty in Maiduguri, Borno State.

The spokesperson for the Borno State Police Command, ASP Nahum Daso, confirmed the incident in a tribute on Friday, May 8, 2026.

According to Daso, the officer was struck on Wednesday alongside his senior colleague, ASP Wazani Adamu, who survived the incident.

He said both officers had attempted to seek shelter before the rain started but were caught by lightning before reaching their destination.

“The rain often comes with its own blessings, but this one arrived with a heartbreaking streak of tragedy,” the PPRO wrote.

“It was on a quiet Wednesday, 7th May, 2026, at about 2:19pm, when Inspector Abdulkadir Garba, popularly known as “Buratai” a Police Officer widely respected for his dedication, commitment, and passion for duty was carrying out his routine responsibility of coordinating vehicle parking opposite Borno State Police Command Headquarters alongside his senior colleague, ASP Wazani Adamu.

“As strong winds began to gather, both officers reportedly attempted to seek shelter before the rain started. But in a sudden and devastating moment, a loud thunderclap echoed through the atmosphere, followed instantly by a powerful lightning strike that hit both officers while they were still on duty.

“While ASP Wazani Adamu survived in what may be described as a miracle, unfortunately, Inspector Abdulkadir Garba who was the direct impact sadly lost his life with partial burns on his body.

Read Also: Tales My Patients Told Me: Thunder fire you?

“In a cruel twist of nature, a man who stood daily under the scorching sun and uncertain weather to maintain order and serve humanity lost his life, not to violence or conflict, but to the force of the storm.

“Inspector Abdulkadir Garba was more than a Police Officer to many, he was a familiar face, a hardworking officer, and a symbol of dedication to service.

“His sudden passing has left shock, grief, and painful memories in the hearts of colleagues and members of the public who knew him.

“Sometimes, life reminds us how fragile and unpredictable it can be. One moment, duty calls. The next moment, eternity answers. May his soul rest in perfect peace.”

₦210 trillion, “hidden spending,” and the constitutional crisis brewing inside NNPCL

Why Nigeria’s explosive Senate probe could become the biggest public finance reckoning since the return to democracy

By Ladidi Sabo

For years, allegations of corruption inside Nigeria’s oil sector have come wrapped in familiar language: “opacity,” “leakages,” “reconciliation issues,” “subsidy gaps,” “unremitted revenue.”

But the figures now confronting the Nigerian Senate are no longer politically survivable abstractions. They are constitutional questions. And potentially, criminal ones.

At the core of the storm is Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Nigeria’s most strategic and historically controversial public enterprise, now facing intense enquiry over approximately ₦210 trillion in disputed financial entries spanning 2017 to 2023.

The implications extend far beyond accounting irregularities.

This investigation may ultimately test whether Nigeria’s anti-corruption architecture is capable of confronting elite financial opacity at the highest levels of state power, or whether institutional accountability remains selective, politically negotiable, and structurally weak.

A Financial Discrepancy Larger Than Entire National Budgets

The Senate Public Accounts Committee, chaired by Aliyu Wadada Ahmed, is examining two categories contained in NNPCL’s audited statements:

  • ₦103 trillion classified as accrued expenses and liabilities.
  • ₦107 trillion listed as sundry receivables.

Combined, the disputed entries exceed multiple years of Nigeria’s federal budgets and represent one of the largest publicly disputed financial discrepancies ever associated with a state-owned institution in Africa.

What has alarmed lawmakers is not merely the scale of the figures, but the apparent inability, or unwillingness, of NNPCL to provide granular documentation capable of satisfying constitutional oversight requirements.

The Senate’s concern is legally significant because audited financial statements submitted to the National Assembly are not political memoranda; they are accountability instruments carrying statutory and constitutional implications.

At a time when universities, hospitals, and infrastructure projects remain underfunded, billions spent on corporate rebranding risk reinforcing public perceptions of elite detachment from economic reality.

Under Section 85 of the 1999 Constitution, public institutions entrusted with national revenue are subject to audit scrutiny and legislative oversight.

The constitutional principle is straightforward: Public money cannot disappear into accounting categories too vague to verify.

The JV Cash Call Problem: Why Lawmakers Are Alarmed

One of the most contentious explanations offered by NNPCL reportedly concerns the ₦103 trillion liability entry, which the company broadly attributed to Joint Venture (JV) Cash Call obligations. The legal and structural problem with that explanation is obvious.

Nigeria formally exited the traditional JV Cash Call regime in 2016 under reforms designed to eliminate exactly the type of opaque liabilities now under scrutiny.

If lawmakers are correct, then the persistence of enormous “JV obligations” years after the framework’s abolition raises several troubling possibilities:

  • improper financial classification,
  • legacy liabilities lacking reconciliation,
  • off-book obligations,
  • or accounting practices inconsistent with public sector transparency requirements.

The Senate’s criticism that NNPCL failed to properly categorize the liabilities into identifiable heads, legal fees, operational obligations, retention costs, contractual liabilities, goes directly to the heart of fiduciary accountability.

Without detailed disclosure, neither lawmakers nor the public can independently determine whether the liabilities are legitimate, duplicated, inflated, contingent, or potentially fictitious.

And in public finance law, opacity itself becomes a governance failure.

₦107 Trillion in “Sundry Receivables”: An Auditor’s Nightmare

Even more controversial is the second entry: ₦107 trillion recorded as sundry receivables.

According to lawmakers, NNPCL linked the figure to JV debts and obligations tied to unnamed, and allegedly defunct, financial institutions. That explanation has triggered intense scepticism.

In modern corporate governance, receivables of that magnitude would ordinarily require:

  • identifiable counterparties,
  • documented obligations,
  • recovery status,
  • impairment assessments,
  • and clear audit trails.

When those disclosures are absent, the figures risk appearing less like reconciled receivables and more like unresolved accounting placeholders. That distinction matters enormously.

Because if state-owned enterprises can warehouse trillions inside unverifiable accounting classifications, then parliamentary oversight itself risks becoming performative rather than substantive.

The World Bank’s “Hidden Spending” Bombshell

The controversy surrounding NNPCL has intensified further following the World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update, which warned of a “hidden spending system” responsible for more than ₦34.53 trillion in federation revenue deductions between 2023 and 2025.

According to the report, approximately 41 percent of federally generated revenue never reached the Federation Account before being spent, deducted, or withheld through pre-distribution mechanisms.

The allegation cuts to the core of constitutional federalism in Nigeria. The Federation Account is not discretionary executive property.

Under Section 162 of the Constitution, revenues belonging to the federation are supposed to be centrally paid in before lawful distribution to federal, state, and local governments.

If revenues are systematically deducted before remittance, the constitutional implications become profound.

Critics argue this effectively creates a parallel fiscal structure operating outside transparent appropriation and legislative scrutiny.

The Federal Government has denied that the funds are “missing,” insisting the deductions represent legitimate fiscal mechanisms including statutory transfers, tax refunds, and cost-of-collection charges.

Legally, however, the key issue is not semantic.

It is whether the deductions complied with constitutional appropriation procedures, disclosure standards, and public finance laws.

The ₦5.8 Billion Rebranding Controversy

Compounding the crisis is public outrage over NNPCL’s reported ₦5.8 billion expenditure linked to its transition from NNPC to NNPCL following the Petroleum Industry Act.

For many Nigerians enduring inflation, subsidy shocks, and collapsing purchasing power, the optics have been devastating.

The controversy is not merely symbolic.

It touches directly on principles of proportionality, procurement transparency, and fiduciary responsibility in public expenditure.

Civil society organizations including Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) have demanded investigations into approvals, procurement processes, and expenditure justification.

At a time when universities, hospitals, and infrastructure projects remain underfunded, billions spent on corporate rebranding risk reinforcing public perceptions of elite detachment from economic reality.

Why This Investigation Matters Beyond NNPCL

This is no longer simply about one corporation.

The Senate probe has evolved into a referendum on Nigeria’s broader governance culture.

Several questions now loom:

  • Can institutions overseeing strategic national assets be meaningfully audited?
  • Can legislative oversight survive political pressure?
  • Can anti-corruption mechanisms confront elite financial opacity consistently?
  • Or will the investigation dissolve into procedural delay, selective accountability, and public fatigue?

These questions matter because Nigeria’s oil sector has historically existed inside a peculiar accountability vacuum—simultaneously central to national survival yet persistently shielded from transparent scrutiny.

The danger for the Nigerian state is not only financial loss. It is institutional erosion.

When citizens lose confidence that public institutions can account for national wealth, democratic legitimacy itself begins to weaken.

A Defining Test for Nigeria’s Republic

What is unfolding around NNPCL may become one of the defining institutional tests of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. And it is not because Nigerians are unfamiliar with corruption allegations.

Rather, it is because the scale, constitutional implications, and economic timing of these revelations are colliding at a moment of deep national hardship.

Citizens facing inflation, subsidy removal, energy insecurity, and declining living standards are now watching trillions circulate through disputed accounting structures while public trust continues to collapse.

The ultimate question is brutally simple: Will this investigation produce accountability; or merely another chapter in Nigeria’s long history of financial scandals too large, too political, and too entrenched to resolve?

Kidnappers demand ₦20m ransom for abducted NYSC member in Abuja

A wave of anxiety has gripped the family of Miss Eunice Ameh, a serving National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member and lawyer, after suspected kidnappers reportedly demanded N20 million ransom for her release following her abduction in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja.

Eunice was reportedly kidnapped in the FCT after she left her workplace in the Maitama area on Tuesday, 6 May, 2026. Family sources said she was last seen around 5:40 p.m. after closing from duty at Blades and Butchers Ltd, a livestock and value-added products company where she worked as Sales Manager.

According to relatives, the young corps member had only recently resumed the job and was approaching the completion of her NYSC programme, including her final Community Development Service (CDS) activities.

“She left work and was heading home to Life Camp when her phone suddenly went unreachable,” a family member said, explaining that repeated attempts to contact her proved unsuccessful as both of her mobile lines were switched off.

The disappearance was immediately reported to the Maitama Division of the Nigeria Police Force, while the NYSC was also alerted. Initial reports suggested that no contact had been made by the abductors.

However, fresh developments indicate that the kidnappers later reached out to the family, demanding N20 million for her release. The demand has intensified fears among relatives, who have continued to appeal for swift intervention from security agencies.

The FCT Police Command had earlier confirmed that an investigation had been launched into her disappearance. Police spokesperson, Josephine Adeh, said operatives were actively working to trace her whereabouts and unravel the circumstances surrounding the abduction.

The incident has sparked renewed concern among residents of Abuja over rising cases of kidnappings and ransom-related crimes, particularly in residential and commuting corridors within the city.

As at the time of filing this report, there has been no official confirmation from the police regarding negotiations with the abductors or any breakthrough in efforts to secure her release.

The Ameh family continues to call on security agencies and the public for assistance, expressing hope that she will be safely rescued and reunited with her loved ones.

Source: https://eighteenelevenmedia.com/family-cries-out-as-kidnappers-demand-n20m-for-abducted-nysc-member-in-abuja/

Kidnapped Kaduna pregnant woman who gave birth in bandits camp freed after ransom payment

Love Marcus, a kidnapped resident of Gidan Waya community in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna State, who gave birth in captivity has regained her freedom after the payment of ransom.

Mrs Marcus was abducted while heavily pregnant. The bandits also k!lled her husband during the attack.

Her testimony was shared on Friday, May 8, 2026 during a victims’ support and trauma counselling programme held in Kaduna for survivors of kidnapping and violent attacks across the state.

The programme, a two-day intervention tagged “The Rod and the Staff”, was organised by the Christian Awareness Initiative of Nigeria in partnership with Palace Alliance and held at ECWA Kaduna South DCC, Angwan Yelwa, Kaduna.

According to punch report, the gathering brought together clergy, survivors, and Christian leaders from the 23 local government areas of Kaduna State to provide emotional and spiritual support for victims of insecurity.

Speaking on her behalf, Rev. Fr. Yakubu Jerry of the Catholic Diocese of Kafanchan said Mrs Marcus was abducted alongside other villagers when armed men invaded her community.

He said her husband was k!lled during the attack, while she was taken away despite being pregnant.

“She was heavily pregnant when they took her. Her husband was killed in the attack. She was left in deep pain and confusion,” he narrated.

He added that the victims were marched through difficult terrain into the forest, where they were subjected to harsh conditions.

“She was struggling, and even when she could not walk fast, they kept pushing and beating her. Each time she fell, they beat her again despite her pregnancy,” he said.

According to him, the abductors demanded ransom from families of the victims, with negotiations stretching over several weeks.

He said about N40 million was initially paid before additional demands were made, raising the total to about N70 million, while extra logistics costs imposed on families pushed the figure to approximately N77 million before the victims were released.

It was also disclosed that two of the abducted persons died in captivity.

In one of the most disturbing revelations at the event, facilitators said Mrs Marcus gave birth inside the bandits’ camp before her eventual release.

“She gave birth in the camp by the grace of God,” one of the clerics said.

After their release, the victims were taken for medical treatment and psychological support as part of rehabilitation efforts.

However, Mrs Marcus continues to suffer severe emotional trauma, particularly as she now has to cope with the loss of her husband while raising a child born under captivity.

“Whenever she looks at the baby, she remembers her husband who is no more. She is going home to an empty place,” a facilitator said.

Speaking at the event, the Executive Director of the Christian Awareness Initiative of Nigeria and Chairman of the Northern Christian Association, Rev. Joseph Hayab, said Nigeria’s insecurity can be addressed if leaders demonstrate political will and communities cooperate.

He said the programme was designed to help victims heal and share their experiences.

“We brought victims and church leaders together to encourage them and help them recover through counselling and spiritual support,” he said.


The Great Nigerian Oil Mystery: The billion-dollar letter “L”, missing trillions, & Senate’s ₦210 trillion NNPCL reckoning, By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Nigeria’s Senate Public Accounts Committee has opened one of the most consequential financial investigations in the country’s recent history, placing the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) under intense scrutiny over what lawmakers describe as “unjustifiable and opaque” discrepancies totaling approximately ₦210 trillion between 2017 and 2023.

The inquiry, led by Aliyu Wadada Ahmed, centers on two major entries contained in the company’s audited financial statements: ₦103 trillion listed as accrued expenses and liabilities, and another ₦107 trillion recorded as sundry receivables. According to the committee, the explanations so far provided by NNPCL management have failed to meet basic standards of transparency, reconciliation, and accountability expected of a state-owned energy corporation operating in Africa’s largest economy.

The Senate committee argues that the ₦103 trillion in accrued expenses was broadly attributed by NNPCL to Joint Venture (JV) Cash Call obligations. However, lawmakers questioned the validity of that explanation, noting that the JV Cash Call framework was officially abolished in 2016. Committee members also criticized what they described as the company’s inability to properly itemize the liabilities into identifiable categories such as legal fees, audit fees, retention obligations, or operational expenditures.

Equally contentious is the ₦107 trillion classified as sundry receivables. NNPCL reportedly informed lawmakers that the figure represented outstanding JV obligations and debts linked to unnamed and allegedly defunct financial institutions. Senators rejected the explanation as unverifiable, arguing that no credible documentation had been submitted identifying the institutions involved, the exact amounts owed, or the legal and financial status of the alleged debts.

For many Nigerians already grappling with inflation, subsidy removal, unemployment, and rising energy costs, the figures have become symbolic of deeper anxieties surrounding public finance management and institutional oversight. The investigation has reignited longstanding concerns about opacity within Nigeria’s oil sector, which remains the country’s largest revenue source despite decades of recurring corruption allegations, audit disputes, and governance controversies.

The Senate committee has now summoned both current and former senior executives of NNPCL, including former Group Chief Executive Officer Mele Kyari and former Chief Financial Officer Umar Ajia, demanding detailed reconciled records and documentary evidence supporting the disputed entries. Lawmakers have also recommended a comprehensive forensic audit of the company’s financial statements under Section 85 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution.

Adding to the public controversy is a separate legislative inquiry into NNPCL’s reported ₦5.8 billion, frequently cited in some reports as ₦5.9 billion, expenditure tied to the company’s transition from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). The rebranding exercise, which involved the addition of the letter “L” following the implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act, has drawn widespread criticism from civil society groups and members of the public who question the scale and justification of the expenditure.

During committee proceedings, lawmakers reportedly raised concerns over possible duplication of incorporation-related costs associated with the corporate transition.  It is argued that the amount appears excessive given Nigeria’s broader economic challenges and persistent underfunding of essential sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

The controversy surrounding the rebranding expenses has further intensified calls for accountability from advocacy organizations, including Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), which has urged authorities to conduct a transparent investigation into the approvals, procurement processes, and allocation of funds connected to the expenditure.

Nevertheless, the Senate committee maintains that the burden of explanation lies squarely with NNPCL management. Lawmakers insist that audited financial statements submitted to the National Assembly must contain sufficiently detailed disclosures capable of withstanding public and legislative scrutiny.

The unfolding investigation has become a defining test for Nigeria’s broader anti-corruption architecture and institutional credibility. Beyond the figures themselves, the inquiry raises deeper questions about governance culture, regulatory enforcement, fiscal transparency, and whether public institutions entrusted with managing strategic national assets can be held meaningfully accountable.

At a time when ordinary Nigerians continue to endure severe economic hardship, many citizens view the investigation not merely as a technical accounting dispute, but as part of a larger national conversation about public trust, state accountability, and the persistent perception of impunity within powerful institutions.

As hearings continue and pressure mounts for a forensic audit, the outcome of the Senate probe may ultimately determine whether Nigeria’s political and oversight institutions are prepared to confront entrenched opacity within the country’s most strategic public enterprise, or whether yet another scandal will fade into the long history of unresolved financial controversies that have shaped the nation’s oil sector for decades.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate, can be reached at [email protected].

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

‘Africa Cannot Turn Against Itself’: AfBA demands urgent AU action over xenophobic attacks in South Africa

The African Bar Association has issued a sharply worded continental warning over rising xenophobic attacks in South Africa, calling on the African Union to move “swiftly and decisively” before violence against fellow Africans spirals further out of control.

In a strongly framed “Clarion Call” released on May 5, 2026, AfBA President Ibrahim Eddie Mark condemned the attacks as a betrayal of the pan-African solidarity that once united the continent during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle.

“The African Union must act swiftly and decisively to address the ongoing xenophobic attacks against fellow Africans in South Africa,” the statement declared. “There is absolutely no justification for such violence.”

The intervention comes amid renewed tensions and growing concerns over the safety of African migrants and workers living in South Africa, where sporadic outbreaks of anti-foreigner violence have repeatedly triggered outrage across the continent.

AfBA’s statement struck an emotional and historical tone, reminding South Africa that many African nations made sacrifices during the country’s long battle against apartheid—offering political support, refuge, and solidarity when the nation was isolated under white minority rule.

“That shared history should be a foundation for unity—not division,” Mark said, warning that xenophobic violence threatens the very idea of African brotherhood and continental integration.

Read Also: The sickness called xenophobia, By Funke Egbemode

The legal body argued that isolated diplomatic reactions from individual African countries would not be enough to confront what it described as a continental crisis requiring coordinated intervention. While some governments have begun taking measures to protect their nationals, AfBA warned that fragmented responses risk weakening Africa’s collective influence and long-term effectiveness.

“What is needed is a coordinated and unified response led by the African Union,” the statement stressed. “Only a collective approach can deliver meaningful, consistent, and enforceable outcomes.”

AfBA further cautioned that repeated attacks on African migrants undermine the vision of a united, peaceful, and economically integrated continent at a time when Africa is pushing deeper regional cooperation under frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area.

Analysts say the association’s intervention reflects growing frustration among African institutions over what many perceive as cyclical outrage without sustainable policy action. Xenophobic attacks in South Africa have, over the years, triggered diplomatic tensions, retaliatory protests in other African countries, and renewed debates about migration, unemployment, and governance failures.

But AfBA insists the issue now transcends domestic politics.

“Africa cannot afford to turn against itself,” the statement said. “Immediate action is needed to protect lives, restore dignity, and reinforce the spirit of African brotherhood.”

The association also warned that failure by the African Union to take visible leadership on the matter could erode confidence in continental institutions designed to promote unity, peace, and collective security.

As anger spreads across social media and concern grows among African communities abroad, pressure is mounting on the African Union to demonstrate whether pan-African solidarity remains merely symbolic—or whether it can still translate into decisive action when Africans come under attack on African soil.

Miracle and Meltdown: A mother got quintuplets after 12 years of waiting Nigerian dad laments after receiving triplets

For more than a decade, Bedriya Adem prayed for a child.

Instead, she got five.

The 35-year-old Ethiopian woman has stunned doctors and captured global attention after naturally conceiving and delivering quintuplets—four boys and one girl—following 12 years of infertility struggles.

The babies, born via caesarean section on May 5 at Hiwot Fana Specialized Hospital in the eastern part of Ethiopia have been named Naif, Ammar, Munzir, Nazira, and Ansar.

According to hospital officials, all five newborns are in stable condition and showing strong signs of survival despite their low birth weights.

Read Also: After 14 years of waiting, Nigerian woman dies hours after giving birth to quintuplets

“I cannot express my happiness in words,” Adem told the BBC.

“I prayed for just one child, and Allah gave me five.”

 A Birth Doctors Call Exceptionally Rare

Medical experts say naturally conceived quintuplets are extraordinarily uncommon, with odds estimated at roughly one in 55 million pregnancies.

What makes Adem’s case even more remarkable, doctors say, is that she conceived without in vitro fertilization or fertility treatment.

Dr. Mohamed Nur Abdulahi, medical director at the hospital, confirmed the pregnancy occurred naturally—a fact that has fuelled fascination across social media and medical circles alike.

Read Also: Pregnant woman loses unborn baby after hospital generator ran out of gas during surgery in Niger State

The babies currently weigh between 2.8 and 3 pounds each and remain under close medical supervision.

Still, doctors are optimistic.

“They have a high chance of survival,” Abdulahi said.

12 Years in Pain

Behind the extraordinary birth lies a deeply personal story of endurance, disappointment, and faith.

Adem revealed she spent 12 years trying unsuccessfully to conceive, describing the period as one marked by emotional pain and constant prayer.

Her husband already had a child from a previous marriage, who reportedly lives with the family.

Now, after years of uncertainty, the couple finds themselves adjusting not to one newborn—but five at once.

“We are overjoyed,” Adem said.

Meanwhile, a Nigerian Father Goes Viral Over Triplets

As Adem’s story spread online, another childbirth story from Africa was making waves for a very different reason.

A Nigerian father has gone viral after reacting dramatically to the unexpected arrival of triplets, joking that fatherhood had instantly become a financial emergency.

In a now-trending video, the visibly overwhelmed man admitted he was mentally prepared for “one baby—not three.”

“Omo, I don enter trouble,” he wrote humorously while showing footage of the newborns.

The clip triggered widespread laughter online, with many users sympathizing with the realities of skyrocketing costs for diapers, milk, and childcare.

Together, the two stories have sparked conversations across social media about faith, fertility, parenting—and the unpredictable ways life can change overnight.

Watch the video here.

Former power minister Saleh Mamman convicted of N33.8bn fraud

The Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, on Thursday, May 7, convicted a former Minister of Power, Mr. Saleh Mamman, on a 12-count fraud and money laundering charge preferred against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The court, in a judgment delivered by Justice James Omotosho, said it was satisfied that the anti-graft agency had successfully established the former Minister’s culpability beyond reasonable doubt.

The court convicted him on all grounds of the charge marked FHC/ABJ/CR/273/2024.

Mamman, who served in the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, was found complicit in the illegal diversion of public funds totalling about ₦33.8 billion.

The court found that he made a cash payment of $655,700 (equivalent to ₦200 million) for landed property in Abuja, without recourse to a financial institution.

He was also found guilty of criminal breach of trust in relation to funds released by the federal government for the Mambilla and Zungeru Hydroelectric Power Plant projects.

The court noted that most of the funds were siphoned through Bureau de Change operators (BDCs), who converted the money into foreign currencies and handed it over to the defendant.

“The evidence of the prosecution is overwhelming as against the scanty and almost absent defence of the defendant.

“The defendant did not offer any credible evidence to rebut the prosecution’s case,” Justice Omotosho held.

The trial judge lamented that the defendant, as Minister of Power, was not bothered about leaving a lasting legacy.

“Rather than creating a legacy to tackle the epileptic power supply in the country, the defendant was living large at the expense of ordinary citizens.

“Little wonder that Nigerians have remained in darkness till today,” the judge added.

Meanwhile, the defendant was absent when he was convicted by the court.

Consequently, the court deferred his sentence, even as the EFCC applied for a warrant of arrest to be issued against him.

A lawyer, Mr. Mohammed Ahmed, who announced his appearance for the defendant, told the court that since last Tuesday when the notice of the scheduled judgment was issued, the defendant’s whereabouts had remained unknown.

He said the defendant’s personal assistant later disclosed that he was sick.

The defence lawyer’s spirited efforts to persuade the court to defer the judgment to a later date failed.

The trial judge referenced news items indicating that the defendant had been actively involved in political activities, having purchased a form to contest the governorship election in Taraba State.

On his part, the EFCC’s lawyer, Mr. Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, urged the court to proceed with the judgment, insisting there was no reasonable justification for the defendant’s absence.

“My Lord should go ahead. If the judgment is in his favour, we know what to do. If it is against him, we also know what to do,” the prosecution counsel added.

Mamman was arrested in 2021, about four months after he was removed from office by ex-President Buhari.

The EFCC produced 17 witnesses who testified before the court and tendered 43 exhibits before closing its case.

The agency, among other things, alleged that he conspired with staff members of the ministry to divert about ₦22bn that was meant for the Zungeru and Mambilla Hydro Electric Power projects.

The anti-graft agency said its investigations revealed that the suspects used the funds to acquire choice assets, both within and outside the country.

Pregnant woman loses unborn baby after hospital generator ran out of gas during surgery in Niger State

A pregnant woman reportedly lost her unborn baby after the gas supply for the generator used during a caesarean section operation allegedly finished at Lapai General Hospital in Lapai, Niger State.

The incident reportedly occurred on April 17, 2026, during a surgery at the hospital’s maternity ward, where relatives of the patient allegedly rushed home to provide a gas cylinder so doctors could continue the surgery.

According to sources and an eyewitness who spoke to SaharaReporters, the hospital’s gas supply finished while the operation was ongoing, forcing the patient’s family to look for an alternative.

Describing the incident, the eyewitness said the surgery had already commenced before the hospital ran out of gas, putting the hospital in darkness.

“It all happened at Lapai General Hospital at the Maternity Ward. It was during the C/S operation that their gas finished. We had to rush home to bring our own gas cylinder because the operation was already in progress,” the eyewitness said.

The source explained that the patient involved in the operation was his stepmother, adding that he and his brother had to leave the hospital in search of a gas cylinder.

“Yes, I happened to be there so I’m an eyewitness, and it involved my stepmum. My brother and I had to rush home to bring a gas cylinder when theirs got exhausted,” the source said.

He added that the incident left his father devastated after the family eventually lost the unborn baby.

“My dad felt devastated, and that’s how we lost the child,” the source said.

Another source alleged that the pregnant woman had been admitted for a caesarean section before the hospital’s gas generator suddenly stopped functioning during the procedure.

“On April 17, 2026, a pregnant woman was admitted to Lapai General Hospital for a (CS). While the operation was ongoing, the hospital’s gas generator suddenly went off,” the source said.

The source further alleged that the patient’s husband had to provide a gas cylinder from home before the operation could continue.

“Shockingly, the situation became so critical that the woman’s husband had to rush home to bring his own gas cylinder just so the surgery could continue. Tragically, the unborn baby was lost before the operation could be completed,” the source said.

Residents also alleged that the maternity ward has operated for years without adequate facilities and proper lighting.

One resident claimed that health workers often attend to pregnant women in labour with torchlights because of poor conditions at the hospital.

“The maternity ward in Lapai operates in darkness and lacks proper hygiene. Pregnant women in labour are often delivered using torchlights, and this has reportedly been going on for more than three years,” the source said.

The resident further alleged that the hospital had been without oxygen cylinders for years, leading to repeated loss of lives.

“This has been the case for almost three years now, and the entire Lapai General Hospital has been without oxygen cylinders. Many babies and many lives have been lost,” the source said.

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