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From ‘Ghost’ Agencies to World Cup Vote? Fresh questions trail another controversial 2026 budget allocation

Nigeria’s 2026 budget has become the subject of another spending controversy after a N6.44 billion appropriation for a “Presidential Support Group for the 2026 World Cup qualifiers” drew attention despite the Super Eagles’ failure to qualify for the tournament, reigniting debate over transparency and fiscal discipline in the country’s appropriation process.

The latest controversy comes barely weeks after public debate over other disputed appropriations, including allocations linked to projects critics said fell outside the statutory mandates of certain agencies and concerns over funding earmarked for entities whose legal or operational status has been questioned.

Together, the controversies have revived a familiar question: How do questionable budget lines repeatedly find their way into Nigeria’s annual spending plans despite worsening economic conditions and growing demands for transparency in public finance?

The World Cup allocation has drawn attention because Nigeria’s Super Eagles failed to qualify for the 2026 FIFA World Cup, prompting questions over why such a substantial provision remained in the budget and whether any public funds were, or are intended to be, committed under that heading.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who weighed in on the controversy on Wednesday through his spokesman, Phrank Shaibu, described the appropriation as difficult to justify.

“How does a serious government budget N6.44 billion for presidential support for World Cup qualifiers after the country had already been eliminated?” he asked.

“What competition was the money intended to support? Who inserted the provision, who approved it, and who was expected to benefit from an expenditure whose stated purpose had already ceased to exist?”

According to the statement, the allocation was reportedly intended to cover logistics, camping and match bonuses connected with Nigeria’s World Cup qualifying campaign.

Whether the appropriation was ultimately released, remains dormant or was intended for another purpose has yet to be publicly clarified by the relevant authorities. The controversy has nevertheless renewed calls for greater transparency in the preparation, amendment and implementation of the national budget.

The questions come at a particularly difficult moment for Africa’s largest economy.

Across the country, millions of Nigerians continue to grapple with soaring food prices, high unemployment, declining purchasing power and widespread infrastructure deficits. Public hospitals struggle with inadequate funding and medical personnel shortages. Many public schools require urgent rehabilitation, while communities across several states continue to demand better roads, electricity, potable water and stronger security in the face of persistent attacks by terrorists, bandits and kidnappers.

Against that backdrop, governance experts have repeatedly argued that every poorly explained appropriation carries an opportunity cost. Resources committed to projects whose necessity or legal basis cannot easily be justified are resources unavailable for critical investments capable of improving the daily lives of citizens.

The controversy also feeds into broader concerns that have trailed successive federal budgets over alleged insertions, duplications and allocations that appear disconnected from the statutory responsibilities of some beneficiary institutions. Those concerns have fuelled repeated calls for stronger legislative scrutiny, more transparent budget preparation and greater public accountability throughout the appropriation process.

Nigeria’s Constitution vests the power of appropriation in the National Assembly, but constitutional lawyers have consistently argued that this responsibility extends beyond approving expenditure. It also requires lawmakers to ensure that public funds are allocated lawfully, prudently and in ways that advance the public interest.

Atiku said the latest appropriation reinforced public perception that sections of the national budget had become susceptible to expenditures lacking a clear and defensible public purpose.

He urged the National Assembly to investigate the provision, establish whether any funds have been released under the budget line and ensure that, where appropriate, resources are redirected towards more pressing national priorities.

The latest controversy is likely to intensify debate over whether Nigeria’s budgetary process has become sufficiently transparent to inspire public confidence or whether more far-reaching reforms are required to eliminate questionable allocations before they become law.

For many observers, the issue extends beyond one disputed budget line. It goes to the credibility of a public finance system expected to balance limited national resources against overwhelming national needs. At a time when government continues to urge citizens to make sacrifices in the interest of economic recovery, every controversial appropriation inevitably raises a broader question: Are public resources being deployed where Nigerians need them most?

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AFTER THE RESCUE (PART IV A): Beyond the Celebration |The Victory, the sacrifice and the lessons Nigeria cannot afford to forget

By Law & Society Magazine Investigations

History has a habit of preserving only the moment of triumph.

It remembers the embraces at the end of an ordeal, the relieved smiles, the official commendations and the photographs that reassure a weary nation that hope has not entirely abandoned it. The quieter, more complicated stories that follow rarely command the same attention. They unfold after the television cameras have departed, after the congratulatory statements have been issued and after the country has turned to the next crisis.

The rescue of the pupils and teachers abducted from three schools in Oriire Local Government Area has already secured its place among Nigeria’s most remarkable security operations in recent years. Fifty-six days after heavily armed terrorists invaded schools in the community and marched dozens of children and their teachers into the forest, the victims were brought home alive through a coordinated operation involving the Armed Forces, intelligence agencies and other security institutions.

For parents who had lived through almost two months of uncertainty, the reunion was nothing short of extraordinary. The operation restored children to their families, revived hope in communities that had feared the worst and demonstrated that determined intelligence gathering, sustained operational planning and inter-agency cooperation could still produce results against criminal groups that many Nigerians had begun to regard as almost untouchable.

The rescue deserved every expression of gratitude it received.

Yet no serious investigation into an event of this magnitude should end where the celebration begins.

Oriire is more than the story of children who came home. It is also the story of teachers who never did, of security personnel whose families exchanged anxious waiting for irreversible loss, of survivors attempting to rebuild lives interrupted by terror and of institutions now confronted with responsibilities extending well beyond the success of a single operation.

These are not separate stories. Together, they reveal what organised kidnapping leaves behind long after the hostages have regained their freedom.

The return of the abducted pupils marked the conclusion of one phase of the crisis. The more demanding work begins afterwards: prosecuting those responsible, supporting survivors, honouring those who died, strengthening vulnerable schools and ensuring that the conditions which allowed such an attack to occur are not simply left in place until another community faces the same nightmare.

That broader perspective matters because Oriire did not occur in isolation.

Mass abductions have become one of the defining features of Nigeria’s security crisis. Independent conflict monitors have documented hundreds of incidents involving schools, highways, farming communities and rural settlements, illustrating how kidnapping has evolved into an organised enterprise capable of disrupting education, economic activity and public confidence across large parts of the country.

Against that national backdrop, the Oriire operation stands out for what it achieved. It also presents an opportunity to examine what effective rescue operations can—and cannot—accomplish.

Military operations recover hostages.

They cannot, on their own, erase trauma. They cannot prosecute offenders. They cannot compensate bereaved families. They cannot restore public confidence in schools without sustained institutional action. Nor can they prevent future attacks unless the lessons drawn from one operation shape the response to the next.

Those responsibilities belong to the wider machinery of constitutional government.

They belong to investigators who must prepare criminal cases capable of securing convictions in court. They belong to prosecutors who must demonstrate that terrorism and kidnapping carry real legal consequences. They belong to policymakers responsible for improving school security and intelligence gathering. They belong to governments whose constitutional obligation to protect life does not end when rescued victims step out of the forest.

The human cost of Oriire illustrates why those obligations matter.

While families across Oyo State celebrated the return of their children, other families were preparing for burials.

Two teachers abducted during the attack did not survive captivity. Mr. Michael Oyedokun, a Mathematics teacher, was killed in the kidnappers’ camp. Mr. Esiyan Adegboye also lost his life before the rescue operation reached its conclusion. Their deaths transformed what had begun as a mass kidnapping into a tragedy from which some families would never fully recover.

The rescue itself claimed further lives.

Lieutenant Felix Ademe Isaac of the Nigerian Army, Private Silas Musa of the 81 Battalion and Sergeant Abena John Jerome of the Nigeria Police Force died during the operation. Lance Corporal Adamu Hussain sustained injuries while participating in the mission.

Their sacrifice received national recognition. The Senate observed a moment of tribute and urged the Federal Government to ensure the prompt payment of statutory death benefits, pensions, insurance claims and every entitlement due to their families. Those resolutions acknowledged an essential principle that is sometimes overlooked in public discussions of national security: the State’s duty to those who defend it extends beyond ceremonial honours.

The death of Lieutenant Isaac has since drawn particular public attention after members of his family disclosed that they were still seeking a clearer official account of the circumstances surrounding the young officer’s final mission. Reports have differed on whether the fatal incident involved explosives encountered by a military convoy or a landmine allegedly planted by the terrorists. Operational details may legitimately remain confidential where national security requires it, but communication with bereaved families, prompt fulfilment of statutory obligations and institutional accountability remain integral to the covenant between the nation and those it asks to serve in dangerous circumstances.

The constitutional promise of security is measured not only by the protection afforded citizens but also by the manner in which the Republic remembers those who pay the highest price in defending them.

That promise extends equally to the children whose education was interrupted, the teachers whose lives were permanently altered, the communities left to recover from collective trauma and the families of those who never returned from the operation.

The photographs celebrating the rescue captured an important national achievement.

They did not, and could not, tell the whole story.

To understand what Oriire means for Nigeria, it is necessary to look beyond the images of reunion and examine what the survivors themselves revealed about life inside the forest, what the conduct of the kidnappers says about the changing character of organised violence and why the events of those fifty-six days continue to raise difficult questions about justice, accountability and the future of school safety in Nigeria.

Those accounts begin where the celebrations ended.

Watch out for Part IV B

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Echoes of Trauma: The stories pain tells us

Most people think anger is what destroys relationships. It isn’t. What destroys us first is the story we begin to believe once anger takes hold.

By Lillian Okenwa

Have you ever noticed that two people can experience exactly the same event and come away with completely different conclusions?

A friend walks past without saying hello. One person assumes they were distracted. Another spends the rest of the day wondering what they did wrong. A spouse comes home unusually quiet. One assumes they have had a difficult day at work. The other becomes convinced the marriage is in trouble.

A manager sends a brief message asking an employee to stop by the office. One thinks, “Perhaps there’s something we need to discuss.” Another immediately imagines losing their job. Nothing has changed except the meaning each person attaches to the moment.

We rarely respond to life exactly as it unfolds. More often, we respond to what we believe it means. Those meanings are not always formed by the present. Many are shaped by experiences we have carried for years.

Perhaps one of trauma’s greatest consequences is not what it makes us remember. It is what it teaches us to assume.

Pain has a narrator.

Left unattended, it slowly begins explaining the world for us. Before long, we are no longer seeing people simply as they are. We are seeing them through old disappointments, old betrayals, old rejections and old fears. The stories our wounds whisper become so familiar that we stop recognising them as stories. They begin to feel like facts.

Psychologists have observed an interesting pattern. People carrying unresolved anger or emotional pain are far more likely to interpret other people’s actions as intentionally hostile, even when those actions are ambiguous. Pain alters perception before it alters behaviour. It teaches us to assign motives where there may only have been misunderstanding or circumstance.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Life on Hold — The waiting that changes us (I)

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Life on Hold — The waiting that changes us (Part 2)

That helps explain why someone who has lived through betrayal struggles to trust genuine kindness. Someone raised under constant criticism hears condemnation in ordinary correction. A person who has repeatedly been abandoned experiences every delayed reply as another rejection. Someone whose confidence has been eroded interprets honest feedback as proof that they will never be enough.

The event may be ordinary. The meaning attached to it is anything but.

This explains why two siblings raised in the same home often remember their childhood differently. It explains why two colleagues leave the same meeting with completely different impressions. It explains why one person walks away encouraged while another leaves deeply offended, even though they heard the very same words.

Many of life’s fiercest battles are fought long before voices are raised. They begin in the stories we tell ourselves. Think about how many relationships have been damaged, not by what someone intended, but by what another person believed they intended.

“She didn’t greet me.”

“He ignored my message.”

“They left me out.”

“They’re talking about me.”

Perhaps they are.

Perhaps they are not.

The tragedy is that wounded hearts often stop asking which is true. They reach a verdict before the evidence arrives.

Perhaps one reason this subject resonates so deeply with me is that I am a lawyer. We live in a world of case files. Every case begins with questions. Who is responsible? What happened? When did it begin? What evidence is available? What is the history? No responsible judge delivers judgment before examining the facts.

Yet outside the courtroom, many of us do exactly that. We sentence people in the court of our hearts without hearing their side of the story. We assume motives. We fill in missing details. We convict on the strength of memories that belong to someone else, somewhere else, years earlier.

How many friendships have ended over an assumption? How many marriages have grown cold after two wounded people kept responding to stories neither of them intended to tell?

How many families no longer speak because each side became convinced, they already knew what the other meant? Trauma has a remarkable way of recruiting the present to replay the past.

The person standing before you today may not be the one who hurt you years ago. Yet if the wound remains unhealed, your heart may struggle to recognise the difference. This reaches beyond individual lives. Communities carry wounds. Nations do too.

Years of violence, insecurity, corruption, broken promises and disappointment leave more than economic or political scars. They shape expectations. People begin anticipating betrayal before trust, disappointment before hope and exploitation before sincerity. Every rumour sounds believable because it fits a story they have heard too many times before.

Nigeria has endured enough hardship to make suspicion understandable. Understandable, however, is not the same as healthy.

No family flourishes where suspicion becomes the default response. No workplace thrives when every decision is viewed through distrust. No nation can build lasting confidence if fear becomes the lens through which every action is interpreted.

Unhealed pain rarely remains private. It spills into conversations, relationships, institutions and communities until suspicion begins to feel normal. Healing invites us to see people as they are rather than through the wounds we carry.

That is not easy. Our minds naturally search for patterns. They try to protect us from being hurt again. Yet protection can slowly become distortion. We begin expecting from new people what old experiences taught us to fear.

A delayed response becomes rejection.

Constructive criticism sounds like condemnation.

A disagreement feels like betrayal.

An honest mistake is interpreted as deliberate disrespect.

Without noticing it, we stop responding to the present. We respond to echoes from the past. This may be one of trauma’s least recognised consequences. It does not simply preserve painful memories. It reshapes ordinary moments until they begin to resemble old wounds.

Healing, then, is not only about feeling better. It is about seeing more clearly.

Perhaps the hardest question any of us will ever ask is not, “Why did they do that?”

A more difficult question is this: “Is this what actually happened, or is this the story my pain is telling me?” That question demands humility.

Sometimes we discover that our greatest prison is not the wound itself. It is the story the wound has continued to tell.

Healing begins the day we become willing to question the narrator.

A lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]

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The Untold Cost of the Oriire Rescue: Family seeks answers over how army lieutenant died in Oriire rescue

The dramatic rescue of dozens of abducted pupils and teachers from three schools in Oyo State has been celebrated as a major security breakthrough. But behind the jubilation lies another story—one of sacrifice, unanswered questions and a family searching for the truth.

Nearly a week after the successful operation that ended 56 days of captivity for the victims, the family of Lieutenant Felix Ademe Isaac, the 28-year-old Nigerian Army officer who died during the mission, says it is yet to receive an official explanation of how their son lost his life while leading troops into one of Nigeria’s most dangerous rescue operations.

The young officer was buried with full military honours at the 23 Armoured Brigade Cemetery in Yola, Adamawa State, but the circumstances surrounding his death remain clouded by conflicting accounts.

While some reports suggest the convoy conveying security personnel struck explosives planted within the National Park axis, others indicate the officer stepped on a landmine allegedly planted by terrorists operating in the area. Military authorities have acknowledged that security personnel suffered casualties during the operation but have not publicly clarified the exact circumstances that claimed the officer’s life.

For his family, the silence has compounded the grief.

“He was the hope of the family and the community,” his father, retired Master Warrant Officer Isaac Alabura, said, recalling how his son had only recently completed military training in Kaduna and was preparing for another assignment in Sokoto before being redeployed at short notice to join the rescue mission in Oyo State.

According to him, neither the Nigerian Army nor the Oyo State Government has formally briefed the family on what happened during the operation.

Instead, the family says it learnt of the tragedy without any official explanation from authorities directly involved in the mission.

The elder Alabura described his son as a promising officer whose military career had only just begun, expressing hope that he would have risen through the ranks to make lasting contributions to Nigeria’s security architecture.

The operation in which Lt. Isaac died secured the freedom of pupils and teachers abducted from Baptist Nursery and Primary School, Yawota, Community Grammar School, Esiele, and LA Primary School in Oriire Local Government Area.

The victims were kidnapped on May 15, 2026, and regained their freedom on July 10 after spending 56 days in captivity.

The Senate has since paid tribute to Lt. Isaac, Private Silas Musa of the 81 Battalion and Sergeant Abena John Jerome of the Nigeria Police Force, all of whom died during the rescue mission. Lawmakers also recognised Lance Corporal Adamu Hussain, who sustained injuries during the operation, while mourning one of the abducted teachers who died in captivity.

Governor Seyi Makinde equally commended the security agencies for their role in the rescue and expressed condolences to the families of personnel who paid the ultimate price.

But beyond the official tributes, Lt. Isaac’s death has reopened broader conversations about the welfare of security personnel and the obligation of government to provide transparent accounts whenever officers die in the line of duty.

His cousin, Tidwawa Nelson Eweh, described him as calm, intelligent and deeply committed to national service, urging authorities to immortalise the fallen officer and extend meaningful support to the family he left behind.

Lt. Isaac is survived by his parents, a brother and a sister.

Beyond the Celebration

For many Nigerians, the rescue of the schoolchildren represented the successful conclusion of a terrifying ordeal.

For the families of the security personnel who never returned, however, the operation marked the beginning of another painful journey.

Their sacrifice underscores a difficult reality often overshadowed by rescue headlines—that every successful operation may carry a hidden human cost borne by soldiers, police officers and other first responders who confront heavily armed criminal groups so that others may live.

As Nigerians continue to celebrate the return of the rescued pupils and teachers, Lt. Isaac’s family says one thing remains missing: a clear account of how a young officer who answered his country’s call made the ultimate sacrifice.

Legal Context

The deaths of military and police personnel in active operations also raise issues of institutional accountability. While operational details may legitimately remain classified where national security is involved, transparency with the next of kin, prompt notification, statutory death benefits and other service entitlements form part of the state’s duty of care to officers who die in the line of duty. Public acknowledgement of their sacrifice is important, but so too are accountability, adequate support for bereaved families and clear communication regarding the circumstances of their deaths.

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Re: Why Oriire was not Chibok —Lasisi Olagunju, By Prof. Mojúbàolú Olúfunké Okome

There are many misconceptions. Let me stick to Chibok because I know it best, given focus, research, protest and activism that I have done since 2014. The communities have never been silent. If we choose not to hear them, it is not their fault. There is a list.

The Christian Association of Nigeria produced it but only after they found out that majority of the kidnapped girls are Christian. They even went to the extent of indicating the religious affiliation of each child. Some of the girls escaped. Some were rescued. It is alleged that the largest number that were “rescued” were ransomed.

I have no problem with ransoms because if it is my daughter, and it’s the only way they would be freed, I would pay. I even contributed hundreds of thousands of naira to a 50 million naira rescue fund for a UI classmate.

It is also disingenuous to present the Yoruba elites as superior in sensibility to their northern counterparts. How exactly? If the kidnappers decide to face Yoruba communities in the ways that they have faced the North, we will see how nonsensical all these analyses are.

Besides, whether the kidnappings happened in the North, East, West, or wherever, are these not all Nigerians? How many people here thought it was anything important enough to protest about when the kidnaps were in the North? Are they all not God’s children?

The Federal government is responsible for securing the national parks and forests like Sambisa and those abutting Oriire and other communities. It didn’t do its job. Also, the Federal Government under Tinubu can be accused of selective rescue and attention.

Now people who want to write articles and get readers to forget history will interpret things in seductive ways and everybody who does not want to pay attention to the specifics of history says that they are making sense.

The most concerning thing to me is that we don’t act as if we are the same country and we cast aspersions casually on our fellow Nigerians, presenting ourselves as superior, ignoring problematic specifics. Yes, numerically, there are more kidnappings in the North. However, I believe that if numerically, there are more in the North, it is not because of elite behavior. It’s because for whatever reason that no one has bothered to research, the North is being targeted in this way. Just let’s hope that these kidnappers and whoever is sponsoring them don’t target the West.

People who want to read factual accounts should read this. It is long but it gives numbers and good analysis. Pages 8-10 gives you the info in brief: https://www.sbmintel.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/202403_Mass-Abductions.pdf

Prof. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome is an international political economist and a full Professor of Political Science, African, and Women’s Studies at Brooklyn College, City University of New York (CUNY). Born in Nigeria, she is a prominent scholar, educator, and activist whose work centers heavily on globalization, gender, and political economy across the African continent.

Senate backs sustained offensive against terrorists, warns against moves that could undermine security operations

The Nigerian Senate

The Senate on Tuesday called for an intensified nationwide military and intelligence offensive against terrorists, kidnappers and other violent criminal groups, while cautioning Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde against statements lawmakers said could undermine ongoing security operations following his call for a United Nations investigation into the abduction of pupils and teachers in Oriire Local Government Area.

The resolution followed the consideration of a motion sponsored by the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, on the successful rescue of the abducted schoolchildren and teachers, as lawmakers paid glowing tribute to security personnel who lost their lives during the operation and urged the Federal Government to sustain the momentum against terrorism across the country.

The Senate commended President Bola Tinubu for directing the Armed Forces and other security agencies to deploy all necessary resources to secure the unconditional release of the victims after they were abducted by heavily armed terrorists on May 15, 2026.

Lawmakers noted that the rescue operation, which lasted more than 50 days, culminated in the release of the victims on July 10, with eight suspected terrorists arrested while several others were neutralised during coordinated security operations.

The upper chamber described the operation as evidence of improving professionalism, operational efficiency and inter-agency collaboration among the Armed Forces, intelligence agencies and other security institutions involved in the mission.

Despite the successful outcome, the Senate observed that the operation came at a heavy cost.

It paid tribute to Lieutenant F. A. Isaac of the Nigerian Army, Private Silas Musa of the 81 Battalion and Sergeant Abena John Jerome of the Nigeria Police Force, who lost their lives during the rescue mission. Lawmakers also recognised Lance Corporal Adamu Hussain, who sustained injuries during the operation, while expressing sadness over the death of one of the abducted teachers while in captivity.

Describing the rescue of the remaining victims as a significant boost to national morale, particularly among parents and school communities, the Senate urged the Federal Government to ensure the immediate payment of all statutory death benefits, insurance claims, pensions and other entitlements due to the families of the fallen security personnel.

The lawmakers further called for improved welfare, training, operational equipment and logistics for members of the Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies, stressing that sustained investment in security institutions remains critical to the country’s counter-terrorism efforts.

As part of its resolutions, the Senate urged the Federal Government to intensify ongoing military and intelligence operations against terrorists, kidnappers, bandits and other criminal networks through the deployment of advanced surveillance technology, enhanced intelligence gathering, modern equipment and improved operational support.

The chamber also called on security agencies to redouble efforts to secure the release of other Nigerians still being held captive in different parts of the country.

The debate, however, took a political turn when lawmakers cautioned Governor Makinde over his recent call for the United Nations to investigate the abduction of the Oriire pupils and teachers.

The caution followed contributions by Senator Adams Oshiomhole and was seconded by Senator Aniekan Bassey, representing Akwa Ibom North-East Senatorial District.

Although the Senate did not question the governor’s commitment to the rescue of the victims, lawmakers argued that public statements should not diminish confidence in the efforts of Nigerian security institutions at a time they are actively confronting terrorism and kidnapping across the country.

The intervention comes against the backdrop of renewed national conversations on how Nigeria should strengthen accountability after major terrorist incidents, with legal experts increasingly emphasising that successful rescue operations should be followed by thorough investigations, diligent prosecution of suspects and sustained efforts to dismantle criminal networks responsible for mass abductions.

The rescue of the Oriire pupils has been widely celebrated as one of the country’s most significant security successes in recent years. However, the Senate maintained that the broader objective must remain the complete dismantling of terrorist and kidnapping syndicates, improved protection for schools and communities, and the safe return of hundreds of other Nigerians who remain in captivity across different parts of the country.

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Supreme Court issues fresh order to lawyers, sets 30-day deadline for upload of appeal documents

ABUJA — In a move aimed at accelerating the administration of justice and deepening the judiciary’s transition to digital case management, the Supreme Court of Nigeria has directed all legal practitioners handling appeals and motions scheduled for hearing between September and December 2026 to upload all relevant court documents through the Nigerian Case Management System (NCMS).

The directive, issued by the Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court, Kabir E. Akanbi, requires counsel to electronically upload every filed process connected with their matters at least 30 days before the scheduled hearing date, in line with Rule 10(1) of the Supreme Court Practice Direction, 2026.

The order affects all appeals and motions already fixed for hearing within the four-month period and signals the apex court’s determination to fully implement its electronic case management framework as part of broader judicial reforms.

Under the directive, counsel are expected to upload key documents, including the Record of Appeal, Briefs of Argument, pending motions, and every other filed process relating to their cases.

To determine whether their matters are affected, lawyers have been advised to visit the Supreme Court’s website, navigate to the Litigation section, access the Nigerian Case Management System (NCMS), and download the list of appeals and motions scheduled for hearing between September and December 2026.

The Supreme Court stressed that strict compliance with the Practice Direction is essential for the effective operation of the electronic platform and the smooth management of proceedings before the nation’s highest court.

Legal observers say the directive represents another significant step in the judiciary’s ongoing effort to reduce delays associated with manual case administration, improve access to court records, and enhance the efficiency of appellate proceedings through technology.

By requiring parties to upload complete electronic records well before hearing dates, the Court is expected to minimise last-minute procedural setbacks, improve case preparedness, and enable Justices to access relevant documents more efficiently during the hearing process.

The Chief Registrar urged all counsel to comply fully with the directive, noting that adherence to the electronic filing requirements would facilitate the seamless operation of the Nigerian Case Management System and support the timely determination of appeals before the apex court.

The latest directive reinforces the Supreme Court’s push towards a technology-driven judicial system, with the NCMS increasingly becoming central to the filing, management and hearing of cases before the country’s highest court.

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NBA-SPIDEL unveils high-powered committee for 2026 conference, bringing together SANs, ex-ministers, senators and legal heavyweights

  • Section sets stage for flagship annual conference as prominent lawyers, public policy experts and civic leaders join planning team

The Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL) has assembled one of its most influential conference planning teams in recent years, drawing together an expansive mix of Senior Advocates of Nigeria, former ministers, lawmakers, academics, seasoned litigators and public interest advocates as preparations gather pace for its 2026 Annual Conference.

The 51-member Conference Planning Committee, chaired by Ejike Ezenwa, SAN, with E.T.O. Ogunjide serving as Alternate Chairman, will be formally inaugurated on Thursday, July 16, during a virtual ceremony scheduled to hold between 7 p.m. and 9 p.m.

More than a routine committee inauguration, the composition of the team reflects SPIDEL’s determination to deliver a conference that brings together legal scholarship, public policy and governance at a time when Nigeria continues to grapple with constitutional questions, human rights concerns, electoral reforms, security challenges and the administration of justice.

Among those appointed are prominent legal practitioners, former Minister of Aviation Osita Chidoka, former Kogi West Senator Dino Melaye, former Senator Emmanuel Bwacha, respected constitutional lawyer Chinyere Moneme, SAN, veteran legal practitioner Ikhide Ehighelua, media personality and lawyer Kanayo O. Kanayo (Anayo Modestus Onyekwere), public interest advocate George Itodo, alongside several professors, development experts and senior members of the Bar.

The committee also reflects broad regional and professional representation, bringing together practitioners from different parts of the country and diverse areas of legal practice—a feature that has increasingly defined SPIDEL’s approach to policy engagement and institutional development.

Providing strategic oversight is an advisory panel drawn from the SPIDEL Executive Committee, including Ntufam Mba Ukweni, SAN, Andrew Odum, SAN, Vincent Adodo, Saadatu Abdullahi Mohammed, Princess Frank-Chukwuani and other members of the Section’s leadership. Regional representatives have also been incorporated into the planning structure to ensure wider participation and national reach.

The committee’s secretariat will be led by Dr. Lilian Ojimma as Secretary, assisted by Daniel Kip, while the inauguration is expected to mark the commencement of planning activities for what many within the legal community anticipate will be one of the Section’s most significant conferences yet.

Over the years, the NBA-SPIDEL Annual Conference has evolved into one of the Bar’s leading platforms for debating constitutional governance, public interest litigation, judicial reforms, electoral integrity, anti-corruption, policing, human rights and other issues at the intersection of law and public policy. The calibre of personalities assembled for the 2026 planning committee suggests the Section intends to build on that tradition.

The inauguration comes at a period of heightened activity within SPIDEL. In recent weeks, the Section has intensified membership expansion across regional bar forums while also recording a significant legal victory after the National Industrial Court affirmed the NBA’s standing in public interest litigation and ordered the deployment of police lawyers to police stations nationwide in a judgment hailed by the Section as a milestone for the rule of law.

Against that backdrop, the composition of the Conference Planning Committee signals an organisation seeking not only to convene another annual gathering, but to reinforce its position as one of the Nigerian Bar Association’s foremost platforms for legal reform, policy advocacy and national discourse.

Below is the full list.

1. Ejike Ezenwa, SAN (Chairman)

2. E.T.O Ogunjide (Alternate Chairman)

3. Chinyere Moneme, SAN

4. Ikhide Ehighelua

5. President Aigbokhan

6. Senator Dino Melaye

7. Osita Chidoka

8. Senator Emmanuel Bwacha

9. Paul Chukwuma

10.Bulus Atsen

11.Emeka Nwadioke

12.Kanayo O. Kanayo (Anayo Modestus Onyekwere)

13.Lillian Okenwa

14.Dressman Ebikebena

15.Akpomiemie Akpomiemie

16.Fatima Zara Abdulmalik

17.Samuel Etuk

18.Gloria Ireka

19.Ntami Agube

20.Iwa-enih Katherine Anukwa

21.Dr. Sunday Kelechukwu Agwu

22.Folarin Aluko

23.Igbeaku Evulukwu

24.Funmi Adeogun

25.Stanley Ekpa

26.Idris Bawa

27.Bayo Akinlade

28.Joy Nnani

29.Chidinma Amadi

30.George Itodo

31.Prof. Usman Mohammad Shuib

32.Prof. Nnamdi Obiaraeri

33.Prof. Chizoba Okpara

34.Dr. Maureen Baribefe-Koate

35.Godwill Archibong Umoh

36.Abdulahi Karaye

37.Adaobi Egboka

38.Nkiru Uzodi

39.Mfonobong Udo-Inyang

40.Hilary Ogbonna

41.Daniel Asomeji

42.Okey Barrah

43.Kingsley Uche Iheanacho

44.Godfrey Echeho

45.Ibrahim Baba Saliu

46.Alpheus Anayo Mba

47.Abba Shuaibu

48.Francis Nwora

49.Ledua Akekue

50.Dr. Lilian Ojimma (Secretary)

51.Daniel Kip (Assistant Secretary)

CPC Advisory (Drawn from the SPIDEL Executive Committee)

1. Ntufam Mba Ukweni, SAN

2. Andrew Odum, SAN

3. Vincent Adodo

4. Tosan Barbara Onwubiko

5. Saadatu Abdullahi Mohammed

6. Mojirayo Ogunlana

7. Princess Frank – Chukwuani

8. Chika Okoli

9. Dr. Ike Ukam

10.Yakubu Bawa

11.Dr. Nnenna Eboh

12.Chisom Onuoha

13.Stanislaus Mbaezue

14.Monday Adjeh

SPIDEL Regional Representatives

15.Olawunmi Tope Adeola

16.Dorn Cklaimz Enamhe

17.Ibrahim Nassarawa

The inauguration of this Committee will be held from 7pm – 9pm on Thursday,

the 16th day of July, 2026.

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After The Rescue (Part III): The battle beyond the forest

Why some kidnappings become national causes—and what the Oriire rescue reveals about security, public pressure and the resilience of constitutional democracy

By Law & Society Magazine Investigations

The rescue of the forty-four pupils and teachers abducted from schools in Oriire Local Government Area ended one of the most anxious chapters in Oyo State’s recent history. For fifty-six days, families lived between hope and despair, communities waited for news that often came in fragments, and security agencies pursued an operation whose details remained largely outside public view until the captives finally regained their freedom.

Relief was immediate. Across Oyo State and beyond, the return of the children was celebrated as a rare moment of good news in a country where mass abductions have too often ended in prolonged captivity, uncertain negotiations or irreversible loss.

Yet the celebrations had scarcely subsided before another report emerged from the same local government area. Armed men had allegedly abducted the headmaster of Nomadic Basic School, Matthew Kolawole Owoade, while he was returning from his farm, with the kidnappers reportedly demanding ₦30 million for his release.

Read Also: Law & Society Magazine Special Report: Home, but not yet free

Read Also: After The Rescue (Part II): Beyond freedom

Whether or not the two incidents were connected operationally was almost beside the point.

Together, they illustrated a reality confronting many communities across Nigeria. A successful rescue operation, important as it is, does not necessarily signify the end of a security crisis. It may represent an operational victory within a much longer struggle to restore public confidence and dismantle the conditions that allow organised criminality to persist.

That distinction deserves closer examination.

Public discussions about insecurity often revolve around numbers, how many people were abducted, how many were rescued, how many suspects were arrested, or how many criminal camps were destroyed. These statistics are indispensable. They provide measurable indicators of operational performance and help citizens understand the scale of the challenge confronting security agencies.

Communities, however, experience security rather differently.

Parents judge it when children leave for school without fear that classrooms might become crime scenes. Farmers measure it by whether they can cultivate their land without paying illegal levies or travelling in armed convoys. Teachers understand it through the confidence to stand before a classroom without wondering whether the journey home will end at a checkpoint—or in a forest.

Security, from the citizen’s perspective, is measured less by dramatic rescues than by the quiet confidence that ordinary life can continue uninterrupted.

That confidence cannot be restored through a single operation, however successful.

It is built gradually through consistency, visible public institutions and the belief that the State remains firmly in control long after television cameras have moved elsewhere.

One of the less examined features of the Oriire kidnapping was the remarkable persistence of public attention.

In an era when major national controversies frequently disappear from public discourse within days, the fate of the abducted pupils remained in the national conversation for nearly two months. Families continued to speak. Community leaders maintained public engagement. Civil society organisations demanded answers. Journalists returned repeatedly to the story rather than allowing it to dissolve into the routine rhythm of daily headlines. Political leaders at both the state and federal levels faced sustained public expectation that the children would be brought home safely.

It would be simplistic to suggest that media attention or public advocacy rescued the victims. Rescue operations depend upon painstaking intelligence, operational planning, coordination among multiple security agencies and, in many cases, extraordinary personal risk undertaken by security personnel.

Public attention, however, performs a different function in a constitutional democracy. It keeps institutions focused.

Democratic governments respond not only to security intelligence but also to public accountability. Sustained civic engagement reinforces the expectation that the lives of victims remain a matter of continuing national concern rather than yesterday’s news. Families cease to feel abandoned. Public officials remain under legitimate scrutiny. Security operations continue against a backdrop of visible national expectation.

In that sense, public attention becomes more than media coverage. It becomes part of the democratic infrastructure through which citizens hold institutions accountable for protecting life.

The opposite phenomenon is equally important.

Security researchers have long observed that societies exposed to repeated violence can gradually become accustomed to emergencies that would once have provoked widespread public outrage. Psychologists describe aspects of this process as desensitisation; conflict scholars speak of fatigue; journalists recognise the relentless pressure of an unforgiving news cycle that constantly demands new stories.

Whatever terminology is employed, the consequence is the same.

Events that once shocked the national conscience begin to attract diminishing public attention, not because the suffering has lessened but because repetition dulls collective response.

That progression carries profound implications for democratic governance.

The Constitution imposes upon the State the responsibility for the security and welfare of the people. Citizens, meanwhile, retain the constitutional freedoms to speak, assemble, associate and petition their government. Those rights are not incidental to public safety. They are among the mechanisms through which democratic societies insist that governments remain responsive to persistent threats.

Silence, by contrast, carries its own risks.

When communities begin to regard mass abductions as inevitable, when prolonged captivity no longer generates sustained public concern, or when victims disappear from public consciousness before they are rescued, organised criminal groups gain something that extends beyond money or territory.

They gain normalisation.

For armed groups, that may be one of the most valuable victories of all.

The significance of the Oriire rescue therefore extends beyond the professionalism of the operation that secured the children’s freedom. It demonstrated how political leadership, community resilience, responsible journalism, civic engagement and coordinated security efforts can converge around a common objective without allowing public attention to dissipate.

The challenge now is ensuring that such commitment does not fade with the celebration.

Communities confronting insecurity require more than successful rescue operations. They require confidence that schools will remain safe, that educators will not become the next targets, that families will not be left to negotiate alone with armed criminals and that public institutions will continue to act with the same urgency after the headlines disappear as they do while the nation is watching.

The abduction of another educator in Oriire so soon after the pupils regained their freedom is therefore more than an unfortunate coincidence. It is a reminder that criminal networks seldom concede defeat after a single setback. They adapt, regroup and search for fresh opportunities. Effective security policy must display the same persistence.

The ultimate measure of success will not be remembered simply as the day forty-four pupils returned home.

It will be remembered by whether the conditions that made their abduction possible are steadily dismantled, allowing future generations of children to pursue an education without becoming symbols of a nation still struggling to secure one of its most fundamental constitutional promises.

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Oríire Pupils, Makinde and the children of Ọ̀rúnmìlà, By Suyi Ayodele

Among the Yoruba, an enduring proverb echoes through generations: “Ọmọ Ọ̀rúnmìlà kò lè sọnù” – the child of Ọ̀rúnmìlà can never be lost.

It is a declaration rooted not merely in folklore but in the vast treasury of Ifa, where countless verses uphold the conviction that the offspring of the sage who witnessed destiny can never wander beyond the reach of providence.

Yet, hidden within the same sacred corpus, lies a haunting paradox.

Ifa preserves the painful account of a time when the child of Ọ̀rúnmìlà was not only lost but, in a cruel twist of fate, was sacrificed in error. That tragedy became the watershed that ended the practice of human sacrifice in Yorubaland. So, whenever anyone hastily labels the Yoruba—or indeed the Black race—as practitioners of human sacrifice, this ancient narrative deserves to be told before judgment is passed.

In the days when myths breathed alongside men and the ant was said to tower above the elephant, there lived a woman whose greatest sorrow was barrenness. Year after year, she remained childless, becoming, in Yoruba expression, “obìnrin tó fi ọwọ́ ọ̀sùn nu ògiri gbígbẹ” – the woman who wiped her camwood-stained fingers on dry walls. Despair eventually led her to the doorstep of Ọ̀rúnmìlà. She desired nothing extravagant—only the privilege of motherhood before death claimed her.

The great sage, mindful of the kindness the woman had once shown him, cast the sacred divination. Ifa unveiled only two paths before her. She could remain childless and live a life of peace, for, after all, whether a woman bears children or not, there will always be hands to commit her body to the earth when her journey ends.

The second path promised motherhood, but at a devastating cost. She would conceive through a man endowed with profound wisdom, yet destiny decreed that the child would not survive to bury her mother. There was no third option. Heaven had spoken. Such is why Ifa is revered as Eleri Ìpín – the Witness of Destiny.

Without hesitation, the woman embraced motherhood, regardless of its bitter end. And in that age, there was no man whose wisdom eclipsed that of Ọ̀rúnmìlà himself. Their union blossomed into conception, and in due season, the woman brought forth a daughter whom they named Ọlọ́mọ.

The little girl grew under the roof of Ọ̀rúnmìlà, nurtured by both father and mother. Then, one mysterious day, mother and child vanished without a trace.

Ọ̀rúnmìlà searched relentlessly. The finest Babaláwos of the age consulted the Oracle, yet every divination returned the same immutable verdict: the prophecy pronounced at Ọlọ́mọ’s birth would surely be fulfilled. Time might delay destiny, but it could never defeat it.

Years later, calamity descended upon Otu Ife, the ancient cradle of humanity. Disorder engulfed the land, and the people sought divine counsel. Ifa demanded a human sacrifice. Yet Ọ̀rúnmìlà laid down an unbreakable injunction: the child of an initiate must never be offered upon the altar – “A kì í fi ọmọ ọ̀rẹ́ bo ọ̀rẹ́.” He therefore instructed the young men to venture beyond the town’s boundaries in search of a stranger suitable for the sacrifice.

After days of raiding a neighbouring settlement, they returned with a beautiful young woman captured as a slave. Without consulting Ifa to determine whether she was acceptable to the gods, they hurriedly offered her in sacrifice.

Heaven responded with ominous signs.

Alarmed, Ọ̀rúnmìlà once again sought the counsel of Ifa. The revelation shattered him. The young woman slain upon the altar was none other than Ọlọ́mọ—his long-lost daughter.

Overwhelmed by grief, the sage mourned not only the death of his child but the terrible consequences of human error. From the ashes of that tragedy emerged a decree that would forever alter Yoruba history: never again would human sacrifice be practised in Yorubaland.

To seal the covenant, Ọ̀rúnmìlà prepared a symbolic offering with iyerosun (divination powder) ikin mẹ́rìndínlógún (16 divination chains), roasted yam and seven wooden combs. Then he proclaimed another timeless ordinance: no father or mother whose child has gone missing should ever cease searching or speaking until that child is found.

From that solemn declaration sprang yet another enduring Yoruba saying: “Isu àtẹnumọ́rò kì í jóná” – the yam of one who never stops reminding others never gets burnt. As the sacrificial yam roasted, Ọ̀rúnmìlà repeatedly urged his apprentices to keep turning it. Their vigilance preserved the meal, just as persistence preserves hope.

That ancient injunction came rushing back to memory on the morning of Friday, May 15, 2026, when heartbreaking news emerged from Oríire Local Government Area of Oyo State. Armed bandits had invaded schools, abducting pupils and teachers. One teacher was reportedly killed during the attack, while another, Michael Oyedokun, was later gruesomely beheaded in captivity.

Shock rippled across Nigeria. Yorubaland descended into collective anguish. Mass abduction of schoolchildren was never considered one of the afflictions of Oduduwa’s homeland. Instinctively, the Yoruba remembered Ọ̀rúnmìlà’s timeless command: no parent must remain silent while a child is missing.

The cry for justice became deafening. From newspaper columns to radio studios, from community meetings to the bustling streets, voices rose in unison. Journalists, public affairs commentators, traditional leaders and ordinary citizens refused to let the story fade. The search for the missing children became a shared moral obligation.

So, the noise in the South-West was deafening. Virtually everyone was involved in the search for the missing children and their teachers. Columnists, opinion leaders and public affairs analysts did not sleep. Musical artistes and content creators including Simi, Baeyu Barbie among others, did not relent in their ardent cries for the release of the victims.

While Simi went to the studios to produce one of the most tear-inducing lyrics of our age, David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido seized the opportunity of a global audience to drum up the beat for a prompt release of the Oriire abductees. It was like there had never been a mass abduction of school children in Nigeria before the Oríire incident.

At the forefront stood Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State. Rather than embark on the familiar pilgrimage to Abuja in search of sympathy, he remained rooted in Oyo, directing efforts from the state where the tragedy occurred. He appeared to understand that leadership, in moments of crisis, is measured less by ceremony than by steadfast presence.

I don’t want to go into the politics of the abduction and the loud silence from the highest quarters over the issue. We would leave that for posterity to judge. Nevertheless, we must record it that the Oríire abduction, and the ‘rescue’ or ‘release’ of the victims, 56 days later, leaves an ugly indelible mark in the history of politics in Nigeria.

Governor Makinde himself noted that on Friday, July 10. While speaking in Bauchi State, he said that Nigerian politics, especially as it affects the opposition, “…is very toxic. It is in the darkest moments, I can say that to you.” Nothing can be far from the truth. We all can only hope, as the governor expressed that the day would break and Nigeria would experience “a new dawn…when “the sun will start rising again for Nigeria.”

It was in that Bauchi engagement that Governor Makinde made the most instructive statement about the Oríire abduction, when he submitted thus: “You need to situate things in proper perspective… The insecurity you mentioned happened two months ago, May 15. So, for several years, we didn’t witness anything like this in Oyo State. I declared to run for the presidency of Nigeria at 4 o’clock. And by 9 a.m. the following morning, the children were abducted.”

I said the “most instructive statement” because while the saga lasted, a lot of government apologists castigated those of us who insisted that looking for the pupils, rescuing them and bringing them back to their parents is the sole responsibility of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. We owe nobody any apology for that stance. The latest event over the matter has justified our stand on the issue.

And Makinde, again, hinted at that when he quipped further in Bauchi, that: “And it’s so unbelievable. When Chibok happened, it was the fault of President Jonathan. They went all over the world, asked Jonathan to bring back the children. But this happened, now and, it is the irresponsibility of the State Governor and the State Government.”

He enunciated this by stating that the appellation of ‘chief security officer’ given to any state governor is a huge joke. No governor, Makinde reiterated, has control over the Commissioner of Police, the Director of the Department of State Security (DSS) or the State Commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC).

This is why it is heartwarming that President Tinubu rose to the occasion and hours after Makinde alluded to the coincidence of his declaration for the nation’s presidency and the abduction of the school pupils and teachers, the victims were ‘rescued!’ Nigeria is indeed the seventh wonder of the world!

My initial reaction to the development was: May Nigeria witness more of such ‘rescue operations.’

Irrespective of our political inclinations, we must all recognise the importance of the ‘rescue’ mission. And in doing that, credit must be given to President Tinubu for not allowing the Oríire incident to be another Chibok in the dark history of Nigeria. The initial un-statemanly posture of the President notwithstanding, he has, in my own estimation, done what is expected of him as a leader, a father and most importantly, a human being. Everything should not be about politics.

We must also praise the gallantry of the members of the various security agencies for making the ‘rescue’ happen with minimal casualty. We knew, right from day one, that given the right encouragement, members of our security architectures can do wonders. Our prayers therefore go to the family of Lieutenant Felix Adere Isaac, who paid the supreme price during the operation to bring back the captives. May his sacrifice never be in vain. And to those members of our Armed Forces and other Paramilitary agencies, who might have sustained any injury during the operation, we wish them the quickest recovery ever.

But more importantly too, we must also recognise and appreciate the ‘benevolence’ of the bandits who kept those children, among whom was a two-year-old child, in good condition for the 56 days they spent in the National Park forest, where we were told they were held captive!

I saw the video of the jubilant kids, the enthusiastic adults with sparkling attires and the immaculate hijab of the two girls among the victims, and my mind raced to Eda Oníyò Ekiti and the kidnap victims, who, when they were released after 65 days in captivity, could hardly stand up!

The picture of the 16-year-old Eda Oníyò female victim, who could not hold the bottle of Coca Cola given to her keeps playing in my head; while the video of the Oríire victims, mostly children, especially the four-year-old kid, jumping cheerfully, would not go away! To think that only nine days separated them from their Eda Oníyò Ekiti fellow victims shows that God works in diverse ways! May His name be praised for ever more (Amen)!

No doubt, only a benevolent bandit, only a compassionate terrorist, and only a loving-doting depraved mind would kidnap children, keep them for 56 days and still ensure that they all had nice haircuts, looked healthy and their clothes washed and, possibly, ironed, when ‘rescued’!

Their abductors, surely, must have been so generous to have provided the children with blankets to shield them all from the cold weather, during the rains! How we wished the felons responsible for the Eda Oníyò Ekiti incident were this compassionate. One day, our day shall surely break in Nigeria!

The greatest lesson from the entire saga is the urgent need for a restructured Nigeria. This is the message, methinks, Governor Makinde was trying to pass across, when he refused to rush to Abuja to brief the President about the incident.

It is high time we decentralised our security architecture. A situation like we had in Oríire should not require the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA), or the Presidency to coordinate the ‘rescue operation’. It is an assignment a state governor should be able to execute, clinically, without recourse to a President acting like the typical Captain John Good of Rider Haggard’s world! This, to me, is the correct definition of True Federalism!

This is why Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq of Kwara State should borrow a leaf from Governor Makinde on the matter of the rescue of the 179 victims kidnapped in Woro, Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, since February 3, 2026! It is obvious, with the Oríire incident, that being a member of the party in government at the centre does not solve any security issue.

Whatever it will take the Kwara State governor, he must ensure that those victims, who, by today, would have spent 168 days in captivity, are ‘rescued’ and reunited with their families. The situation in Kwara is totally unacceptable. Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq must know that the delineation of Kwara as a Northern Nigerian state notwithstanding, majority of the people there share affinity with the Ọ̀rúnmìlà, who instructed, eons ago, that no parent, whose child is lost, should rest or stop talking about it, until such a child is found!

Finally, while we clap, loudly too, for President Tinubu over the ‘rescue’ of the Oriire pupils and teachers, he must know, like our elders say, that: Ó kù ni ìbon ún dún (a gun once loaded, can shoot multiple times). The President can only drink water now, but he cannot put the cup down yet, until every Nigerian in captivity from Woro in Kwara to the remotest village in Borno is released. This is the job he signed for; the security of every soul in Nigeria, their property and the territorial integrity of the entire nation. I am sure this is harder than the job of a firewood hewer!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine

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