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From Obituary To ICU: Katsina United defender declared dead, then found alive in mortuary

The football community had begun mourning 18-year-old Ozor Chinedu. Tributes had been posted. Condolences had been issued. Then, inside a Katsina mortuary, staff noticed something no one expected—a movement that turned a story of loss into an urgent fight to save his life.

By Law & Society Magazine

What began as another pre-season football fixture has become one of the most extraordinary medical dramas Nigerian football has witnessed in recent years.

An 18-year-old defender was pronounced dead after collapsing during a match. His club announced his passing. Fellow clubs mourned him publicly. Preparations had effectively begun to treat the tragedy as another painful reminder of football’s hidden medical risks.

Then came a development almost nobody saw coming.

While his body was awaiting further procedures at the mortuary of Katsina General Hospital, staff reportedly noticed signs of movement. Medical personnel were immediately alerted, and the teenager was rushed out of the mortuary and into the hospital’s Intensive Care Unit, where doctors placed him on oxygen and began emergency treatment.

Today, Ozor Chinedu, a newly signed Katsina United defender, is no longer being mourned. He is fighting for his life.

Collapse During Pre-Season Match

The dramatic sequence began during a Gusau/Ahlan Pre-season Cup fixture between Katsina United and Niger Tornadoes at the Muhammadu Dikko Stadium in Katsina.

Chinedu, who recently joined Katsina United from Kano Pillars and was regarded as one of the club’s promising young defensive recruits, suddenly collapsed on the pitch.

Medical personnel rushed to his aid before he was taken to K-Dara Specialist Hospital for emergency treatment.

According to club officials, doctors there pronounced him dead.

The announcement sent shockwaves through Nigerian football.

Katsina United released a condolence message mourning the defender, while Heartland FC, Kano Pillars and other clubs paid tribute to the teenager on social media, describing his reported death as a devastating loss to the sport.

An Extraordinary Turn

Hours later, the story changed dramatically.

According to Katsina United’s Media Officer, Nasir Gide, Chinedu’s body had been transferred to the mortuary at Katsina General Hospital when workers reportedly noticed signs of movement.

The discovery prompted an immediate medical response.

Doctors rushed him to the Intensive Care Unit, where he was placed on oxygen and intensive treatment commenced.

Heartland FC subsequently appealed to supporters across the country to pray for his recovery, confirming that the player remained alive despite the earlier announcement of his death.

As of Wednesday, Chinedu remained in critical condition while doctors continued efforts to stabilise him. Club officials said a comprehensive medical report was still being awaited.

A Medical Mystery Awaiting Answers

Doctors have not publicly disclosed what caused the young defender to collapse.

Until specialists complete their assessment, medical experts caution against speculation.

While rare, medicine has documented instances in which patients believed to have died later showed unexpected signs of life before biological death became irreversible.

One recognised phenomenon is delayed return of spontaneous circulation (ROSC)—sometimes referred to in medical literature as the “Lazarus phenomenon”—where a patient’s heartbeat resumes after resuscitation efforts have stopped. Such cases are exceptionally uncommon and do not explain every incident involving an apparent return of vital signs.

Other conditions, including severe cardiac events, profound hypothermia, metabolic disorders and certain neurological emergencies, can complicate the assessment of life-threatening collapse, making careful confirmation of death essential before certification.

Whether any of those factors played a role in Chinedu’s case remains unknown.

Football’s Persistent Medical Challenge

The incident has revived concerns about medical preparedness at football grounds, particularly during domestic competitions.

World football has witnessed several high-profile collapses.

Denmark midfielder Christian Eriksen survived a cardiac arrest during the UEFA European Championship in 2021 after immediate cardiopulmonary resuscitation and defibrillation on the pitch.

Earlier tragedies involving Marc-Vivien Foé, who died during an international match in 2003, and Antonio Puerta, who collapsed while playing for Sevilla in 2007, transformed conversations about emergency medical response in football.

Their deaths accelerated reforms requiring many professional competitions to maintain automated external defibrillators (AEDs), trained emergency personnel and detailed cardiac response protocols at match venues.

Sports medicine specialists have consistently stressed that the first few minutes after a sudden collapse often determine survival.

Rapid recognition, immediate CPR, prompt defibrillation where indicated and swift transfer to advanced medical care significantly improve the chances of recovery.

Questions Beyond One Football Match

Chinedu’s case also raises broader questions that Nigerian football may eventually have to answer.

Were emergency response protocols fully activated?

Was advanced life-support equipment available at the stadium?

How was death confirmed before the player was transferred to the mortuary?

Could additional diagnostic procedures have been undertaken before the initial declaration?

Those questions are not criticisms of any individual medical team. Rather, they reflect the extraordinary nature of a case that has surprised even experienced health professionals.

The Nigeria Football Federation, league authorities and medical experts may, in time, examine the sequence of events to determine whether any lessons should be learned for future competitions.

For now, however, football has given way to something far more important.

A young player whose teammates, opponents and supporters believed they had lost is still alive.

The condolences have stopped.

The prayers continue.

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When a Judgment Changes After It Is Delivered: The Imo case that has shaken confidence in Nigeria’s courts

An altered Certified True Copy. Hidden court notes. One judge overturning another court’s official record. The Imo judgment controversy has become more than a state dispute—it is now a test of whether Nigerians can still trust what a court says after the courtroom is empty.

By Law & Society Magazine Analysis

Every judicial system rests on a simple but indispensable promise: Once a judge pronounces judgment in open court, that decision becomes part of the permanent judicial record.

Lawyers may appeal it. Litigants may celebrate or despair. Scholars may criticise its reasoning. Yet one principle has always been beyond debate—the judgment cannot quietly become something else after the courtroom has emptied.

That foundational assumption now finds itself under unprecedented scrutiny following extraordinary proceedings before the Imo State High Court.

The issue is no longer whether one litigant won or lost. It is whether the official record of a court can faithfully be trusted to reflect what the judge actually said when judgment was delivered.

If the answer is uncertain, the implications extend far beyond Imo State.

They reach into the heart of public confidence in Nigeria’s judicial system.

From Open Court to Official Record

The controversy arose from proceedings before Justice B. C. Nwagboso of the Imo State High Court.

According to court records now circulating widely within the legal community, Justice Nwagboso delivered judgment on 24 June 2025 in litigation involving the Governor of Imo State, Senator Hope Uzodimma.

Ordinarily, that should have been the end of the matter.

Instead, when the successful party later obtained the Certified True Copy (CTC)—the official record upon which appeals and enforcement proceedings depend—it allegedly contained material changes that favoured the governor instead of reflecting the judgment delivered in open court.

The aggrieved party challenged the authenticity of the document.

That application led to one of the most remarkable judicial proceedings seen in recent years.

Justice I. O. Okpara ordered the production of the court’s record book together with the original handwritten judgment notes used during delivery of the judgment.

According to Justice Okpara’s findings, the handwritten notes were concealed until the court directed that they be produced. After examining both records, the court concluded that the Certified True Copy did not faithfully reproduce the judgment delivered in open court.

In a judgment delivered on 21 July 2026, Justice Okpara set aside the disputed Certified True Copy. The ruling has since circulated widely among lawyers and judicial observers.

The Questions That Immediately Followed

The judgment resolved one dispute but opened many others.

How did an official Certified True Copy come to differ from the judgment pronounced in court?

At what stage did the alteration occur?

Who prepared the document?

Who certified it?

Was the discrepancy the product of administrative error, deliberate manipulation or something else entirely?

Most importantly, what safeguards exist to prevent similar incidents elsewhere?

Those questions remain unanswered.

The Legal Community Begins Asking Hard Questions

The judgment has prompted unusually strong reactions across Nigeria’s legal community, where concern has centred less on the fortunes of the litigants than on the integrity of the judicial process itself.

Human rights lawyer and former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, was among the first to draw national attention to Justice Okpara’s findings after excerpts of the ruling began circulating publicly.

Summarising the case, Odinkalu posed a question that has since resonated across legal circles:

“What should happen to Justice Nwagboso?”

He subsequently observed that Justice Nwagboso had previously been among judges compulsorily retired by the National Judicial Council in 2025 over age falsification issues, arguing that the latest court findings, if ultimately sustained, would inevitably generate fresh questions about judicial accountability.

Yet many lawyers argue that the larger issue extends beyond any individual judicial officer.

If a court itself determines that its official Certified True Copy differs materially from the judgment delivered publicly, the credibility of judicial records inevitably becomes an institutional concern rather than merely a personal one.

That explains why the case has attracted attention well beyond Imo State.

Why the Certified True Copy Matters

To non-lawyers, a Certified True Copy may appear to be little more than an administrative document.

Within the justice system, however, it is the official voice of the court.

Appeal courts rely on it.

Enforcement proceedings depend upon it.

Government agencies execute judgments from it.

Lawyers advise clients on the basis of it.

If the official record differs from the judgment actually delivered, the consequences extend well beyond the immediate dispute.

An appellate court reviewing an altered record would, in effect, be determining an appeal based on a judgment different from the one pronounced in open court.

The integrity of judicial records is therefore inseparable from the constitutional guarantee of fair hearing and the rule of law.

What the Law Requires

Nigeria’s constitutional framework provides mechanisms for addressing allegations involving judicial misconduct.

Under the Constitution, the National Judicial Council (NJC) possesses disciplinary authority over judicial officers and may investigate complaints where misconduct is alleged.

Should evidence emerge that official court records were deliberately falsified or altered, criminal investigations could also become relevant under laws relating to forgery, falsification of official documents, conspiracy or abuse of public office.

Equally important is the role of court registries.

Certified True Copies are administrative documents produced and authenticated through established judicial procedures.

Any proven irregularity would inevitably raise questions not only about judicial conduct but also about the systems designed to protect the integrity of court records.

Whether the facts disclosed in the Imo proceedings ultimately justify disciplinary action, criminal prosecution or institutional reforms remains a matter for the constitutionally authorised bodies.

The Larger Constitutional Question

The significance of this case lies in what it reveals about the administration of justice.

Courts derive their authority not merely from constitutional provisions but from public confidence that judicial decisions remain exactly as they were delivered.

When questions arise over the authenticity of a court’s own official record, the issue ceases to be a private dispute between litigants.

It becomes a matter of public trust.

Every citizen who enters a courtroom does so believing that the judgment pronounced publicly will remain the judgment preserved permanently.

If that expectation weakens, confidence in the administration of justice weakens with it.

The Road Ahead

Whether the National Judicial Council will investigate the circumstances surrounding the altered Certified True Copy remains to be seen.

Equally uncertain is whether law enforcement authorities or court administrators will examine how an official judicial record came to be found inconsistent with the judgment delivered in open court.

Those questions now extend beyond Imo State.

They concern every litigant who walks into a Nigerian courtroom expecting that the judgment announced from the Bench will remain the judgment preserved in the official record.

For now, the most important issue is no longer who won the original case.

It is whether Nigeria’s justice system can demonstrate that even when questions arise about its own records, the rule of law remains strong enough to correct itself openly, transparently and without fear or favour.

In every constitutional democracy, courts possess neither the purse nor the sword. Their authority rests upon public confidence that what they say in court is what the law will remember.

That, ultimately, is the principle now being tested.

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Tales My Patients Told Me: Paralyzing fear is hazardous to your health!

By Emmanuel Fashakin, M.D., Esq.

On a bright unseasonal warm January 2023  in New York, I arrived in my Brooklyn office full of energy, and ready for the day’s work. My first patient is Carl, looking melancholic as usual. Patients appreciate when you know them and are familiar with their family members. So, trying to cheer him up, and knowing how close they are, I casually asked after his wife: “how is Clara?” I was expecting the usual generic response, “she is fine”, or “she is okay”, but what Carl blurted out deflated me completely, and had me upset the rest of the day. 

“Clara is dead”, Carl said sadly. And went silent. “Clara is what?” “Dead”? “How?” “What happened?” I went into a tirade of questions. “Cancer of the Cervix”, he replied slowly. “Cervix!” I drew in a breath and exhaled slowly. Anyone with a primary care doctor who keeps up with her preventive care should not get cancer of the cervix, because this grows slowly, most times taking three years as the cells go through dysplasia before becoming cancerous. If a woman undergoes the gyn exam and papanicolaou smear in that time, the dysplasia would be detected and the area merely frozen up during colposcopy. Cancer of the cervix is what kills women in developing countries; not in our New York, except women who don’t take care of themselves. 

I looked up Clara’s records. Her last Gyn exam was in 2015. Over seven years. She preferred to do her Gyn with outside gynecologists, rather than in our Family Medicine practice. That is ok, except that Clara would not go, despite our repeated urging. Clara was always anxious that something bad was going to happen. Very anxious. And fearful. She would have a thousand questions about her results. I usually assured her that everything was okay. 

In February 2022, Clara finally summoned courage and went for her Gyn exam. The results were not good. The gynecologist told her that she needed colposcopy and biopsy. Clara came to our office in April for blood tests and medical clearance for the procedure. Two days later, she came to pick up the results. We did not know it at the time, but that was the very last time we would see Clara. 

Her husband picked up the story. He said although Clara was told in February 2022 that she had cancer of the cervix, she did not tell anyone in the family. She had her sixty years birthday celebrations in March. Her husband said that he sensed that she was not very happy, as if something was on her mind. Carl said he now thinks she purposely kept the information from everyone so that they would not be sad. In April, after all the celebrations, she went for the colposcopy, LEEP and biopsy. She maintained her silence. 

In July 2022, Clara went to the Gynecologist for follow up appointment. Carl was sitting in the car downstairs. Clara called him to come up to the consulting room and hugged him. She tearfully told him the truth. Clara died in the third week of November. The course of the disease was short and aggressive. I strongly suspect that Clara told them to do nothing. I chose not to ask Carl. Clara was my patient for over twenty years. She brought her husband to me. Her death hit me hard, like a family member. The news ruined my day. 

Finally, I turned to Carl. “How are you coping? Who is at home with you? How are the children coping?”. “I am all alone, all our children are grown. Our first son is 45 years old?” “What?” I exclaimed. “You mean Clara had a baby at 15?” A rare smile crossed Carl’s face. “You are very smart doc. Yes we were teenagers. I met Clara when I was 17 and she was 13. We had our first child when she was 15. We were married for 45 years”. I found that most remarkable. Most teenage marriages never lasted more than a couple of years. 

Clara’s case reminded me of Juanita. A very unusual case. Juanita was a devoted single mother of three. They were registered patients of the medical practice in Jamaica Avenue when I took over and purchased the practice in August 2000. She doted on her three boys. I remember a funny incident about fifteen years earlier. Juanita brought the children to the office and I was discussing the case of David, the eldest son, then 14 years old. Wanita said something and David exploded. He yelled at Juanita that she should shut up. Juanita cowered into a corner away from her huge oversized son. I was furious and jumped out of my seat. I waved my fist in David’s face and gave him a stern warning, never to talk that way to his mom in my presence. David backed off from me — I don’t think he has ever had a big man in his face before. 

It was this same David, now 29, who filled me in on Juanita. David has grown up to be a fine young man, got a job and taking care of the younger brothers. Juanita and the rest of the family had disappeared from our practice in the last few years. When I saw David few months earlier, I was so happy to see him. Where is Juanita? I asked him. David shook his head. Juanita is dead. Vuat? Cancer of Breast. Vuat? 

I quickly pulled up Juanita’s medical records. Then I remembered. For more than 15 years, we gave Juanita referrals for mammograms. She confided in me that she was terrified that they would find something, so she never did it. I explained to her the essence of early diagnosis and treatment for cancer, especially the breast. Many of my patients have survived breast cancer. Hundreds. Many of them have been cancer free for over ten years. One of my Nigerian patients has been cancer free for over fifteen years. Her cancer was detected by routine mammogram. She told me that she would live and not die in Jesus name, but she kept all the medical regimen prescribed for her. She is now in her sixties, a cancer survivor. 

Juanita refused to do a single mammogram. David said four years earlier, Juanita discovered a lump in one of her breasts. She refused to come to the office. She stayed home. The cancer grew bigger and bigger, until it spread everywhere. She died at home when she lost a lot of weight and she was unable to eat. Juanita was so scared of cancer, and when she got it, like Clara, the fear paralyzed her. Paralyzing fear could kill you. These were really good and decent folks. May their souls rest in peace

Emmanuel O. Fashakin, M.D.,FRCS(Ed), FAAFP, Esq.
Attorney at Law and Medical Director,
Abbydek Family Medical Practice, P.C.
web address: www.<http://www.abbydek.com/>

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When numbers become political mirrors, By Abdulrauf Aliyu

I finally had the leisure this weekend to read, one after another, the essays that followed the Catholic Bishops’ visit to the Presidential Villa. I read Temitope Ajayi, Sunday Dare, Bayo Onanuga and Sam Omatseye, not as a partisan seeking ammunition, but as a Nigerian interested in how power explains itself when challenged. The sequence was revealing: four pieces, one political weather system, and an oddly similar instinct, defend first; interrogate later.

The dispute is simple enough. The Catholic Bishops visited President Bola Tinubu, presented their assessment of Nigeria’s condition, and Cardinal John Onaiyekan later discussed the encounter publicly. That became the spark. What followed was a festival of rebuttal. Yet beneath the quarrel lies a larger question: what happens when communication or media aides treat criticism as an attack rather than information about how government is experienced?

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The Mirror and The Mask

Ajayi argues that the Bishops were unfair because they emphasised hardship while overlooking achievements. That is a legitimate challenge, but only if applied symmetrically. If their catalogue of problems can be called incomplete, so can government’s catalogue of achievements. A government cannot answer poverty merely by listing projects, just as a Bishop cannot prove national collapse by listing grievances. Both require evidence, measurement and context. A serious public communicator must therefore distinguish between a claim being inconvenient and a claim being incorrect. That distinction is the difference between persuasion and propaganda.

A new hospital is an input; a functioning hospital is an outcome. A student loan is a financial instrument; it is not evidence, by itself, of improved learning or employability. Higher FAAC allocations are fiscal flows; they become development only when translated into better services and productive capacity. Likewise, declining inflation is welcome, but a slower rise in prices does not restore purchasing power already lost.

Ajayi’s argument that the President possesses intelligence unavailable to Bishops is true in one narrow sense and weak in another. Governments have classified information; citizens have lived experience. Both facts can coexist. The wise administrator reconciles them. The poor communicator chooses one and calls the other ignorance.

When Numbers Become Ammunition

Onanuga’s intervention is more elaborate, and therefore deserves more scrutiny. His central proposition is that the economy has moved from crisis toward stabilisation. That may be defensible. But stabilisation is not transformation, and transformation is not welfare. A patient whose fever falls from forty degrees to thirty-eight has improved; he has not necessarily recovered.

GDP, debt ratios, reserves, inflation, credit ratings, oil revenues and investment figures therefore require interpretation. GDP can rise while households become poorer. Reserves can strengthen while firms face expensive credit. Credit ratings can improve while unemployment remains painful. Stock-market gains can enrich investors without materially improving informal workers.

Onanuga is right that debt-to-GDP alone cannot determine fiscal sustainability. But a moderate ratio cannot settle the question either. Revenue mobilisation, debt-service costs, maturity structure, interest rates, exchange-rate exposure and the productivity of borrowed funds matter. Context is the difference between arithmetic and economics.

His treatment of subsidy removal similarly confuses fiscal relief with social welfare. Removing a costly subsidy may correct a distortion; it can also impose distributional pain. The serious question is whether savings became productive investment and effective social protection. In public policy, intentions matter, but consequences matter more. The economist asks, “Who paid, who gained, by how much, and over what period?”

The Politics of Selective Memory

Sunday Dare’s contribution is less an economic argument than a collection of rebuttal points. Army divisions, proposed state police, university stability, student loans and presidential optimism are presented as though mentioning them answers the Bishops. It does not.

Creating a military division is not defeating insecurity. Proposing state police is not establishing effective policing. Preventing university strikes is commendable, but quality, financing and relevance remain separate questions. Student loans widen access to finance; they do not automatically make education affordable, nor create jobs for graduates.

Dare’s framing also carries confirmation bias: evidence supporting government is foregrounded; inconvenient evidence becomes political noise. There is attribution bias too: critics are assigned political motives while official claims receive patriotic motives. Yet, he forgot that, motives are not outcomes. The proper question remains: what does the evidence show? The state is not a family compound; its accounts must withstand hostile questions.

The Cassock and The Constitution

Sam Omatseye in his own case added history, theology and constitutional argument, but sometimes uses them as decoration rather than inquiry. His claim that Onaiyekan’s opposition to the Muslim-Muslim ticket explains subsequent criticism is an argument about motive, not evidence. A critic may have a political history and still make a valid argument. Churchill’s imperialism did not make every warning about Hitler wrong; Martin Luther King Jr.’s political controversies did not invalidate his arguments about racial justice.

The issue of mission-school question illustrates the same problem. Yes, Mr President was correct that state governments have constitutional responsibilities over education. But jurisdiction does not make the underlying concern illegitimate. A citizen may raise an issue with the wrong institution and still raise a real issue. Nor should criticism be romanticised merely because it comes from a cassock. The responsible aide explains the constitutional route without pretending the concern has disappeared.

Omatseye’s historical analogies were also selective. Moses, Locarno and Mussolini do not neatly map onto contemporary Nigeria, but forgot that history only illuminates when causal structures resemble one another; otherwise it becomes literary ornament.

The Missing Citizen

Across these essays, the missing character is the ordinary Nigerian. He appears as beneficiary, statistic, taxpayer, student or recipient of intervention. Households do not experience GDP directly. They experience food prices, transport, rent, wages, electricity, school fees, healthcare, insecurity and employment prospects. The small manufacturer experiences interest rates, power costs, foreign exchange and demand. This is the meso and microeconomy beneath the macroeconomic theatre.

That omission matters because a country can achieve macroeconomic stabilisation without having achieved broad-based prosperity. Inflation can fall while the price level remains painfully high. Reserves can rise while unemployment remains elevated. Government revenues can improve while inequality persists. Fiscal stability is valuable; it is not the final destination. It is a platform from which better outcomes must be built.

Beyond The Echo Chamber

There is a lesson here for all the presidential communication aides, and for Omatseye, whose defence of the administration is unmistakably vigorous. Government communication should not resemble a barracks where every incoming sound is hostile fire. The modern communicator must be interpreter, explainer and evidence broker.

Power needs communicators who can say, “This criticism is wrong,” and demonstrate why; but also, when necessary, “This criticism is partly right, and here is what government is doing about it.” The second requires intellectual courage. History remembers rulers not because their spokesmen defeated every critic, but because institutions learned from criticism.

An African proverb says, “When you point one finger at another person, three fingers point back at you.” Before dismissing the next critic as partisan, ask whether the criticism contains evidence. Before celebrating the next statistic, ask what it measures, omits, and who benefits. Before writing another defence of power, remember that the Republic is larger than the administration of the day. And before reaching for another talking point, look for the Nigerian standing behind the number.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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Colombia declares state of emergency as earthquake death toll climbs, thousands still missing

The country’s strongest earthquake this century has plunged Colombia into a humanitarian crisis, testing a new president and exposing entire cities to devastation.

BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Colombia has declared a national state of emergency after the country’s strongest earthquake in more than a century left at least 254 people dead, more than 2,500 injured and thousands still missing beneath collapsed buildings in what officials fear could become one of the worst natural disasters in the nation’s modern history.

With rescue workers racing against time through mountains of concrete and twisted steel, the humanitarian situation has become increasingly desperate. Entire neighbourhoods remain without electricity, clean water and communications. Hospitals have been damaged, thousands of families have been displaced, and more than 100 aftershocks have repeatedly forced rescuers to suspend operations amid fears of further building collapses.

The magnitude 7.4 earthquake struck western Colombia on Monday, flattening homes, apartment blocks, schools and public buildings across Cali, Pereira, Manizales, Quibdó and surrounding communities. More than 1,600 buildings have either collapsed or suffered severe structural damage, leaving thousands homeless. Authorities warn the death toll is expected to rise as emergency crews continue to search the rubble.

President Abelardo De La Espriella, sworn into office only days before the disaster, declared the state of emergency and mobilised the military, emergency agencies and government ministries in what has instantly become the defining crisis of his young administration. Additional troops have been deployed to maintain security, protect abandoned neighbourhoods from looting and support rescue operations in the worst-hit areas.

For emergency workers, every passing hour reduces the chances of finding survivors. Rescue teams, assisted by volunteers, continue to work around the clock, listening for voices beneath collapsed buildings, cutting through reinforced concrete and removing debris by hand where heavy equipment cannot reach. The operation has become a race against the clock as the critical 72-hour survival window narrows.

There have been moments of hope amid the devastation. Rescue workers have pulled children, elderly residents and entire families alive from the rubble, drawing cheers from exhausted volunteers and relatives who have maintained anxious vigils outside collapsed buildings. Yet those rescues have been overshadowed by the growing number of bodies recovered from destroyed homes and public facilities.

The disaster has also paralysed critical infrastructure. Airports across western Colombia were temporarily shut for structural inspections, roads have been damaged by landslides and debris, while power and telecommunications outages have complicated relief efforts in remote communities. Humanitarian agencies warn that some isolated areas remain difficult to reach, raising concerns that the full scale of the tragedy is still unknown.

International assistance has begun flowing into Colombia. The United States has pledged emergency aid, while neighbouring countries and humanitarian organisations have dispatched rescue personnel, medical supplies and relief materials to support overwhelmed local authorities.

Colombia sits along the Pacific Ring of Fire, one of the world’s most active seismic zones, but seismologists say this was the country’s most powerful earthquake of the 21st century. Although the epicentre was more than 100 kilometres below the surface, the earthquake generated violent shaking across densely populated valleys, causing catastrophic structural failures over a vast area.

As night falls once again over western Colombia, thousands of families remain gathered outside flattened homes, hospitals and emergency shelters, waiting for news of loved ones still unaccounted for.

For a nation already grappling with economic pressures and internal security challenges, the earthquake has become more than a natural disaster. It is now a national emergency demanding an enormous humanitarian response—and the first great test of a new presidency.

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Wrongly Retired, Now Recalled: What the police reinstatement means for the rule of law

By the Law & Society Magazine Editorial Board

The return of 475 officers is more than an employment victory. It is a powerful reminder that even the Police Service Commission must exercise its powers within the limits of the law.

For nearly 18 months, they were no longer police officers.

Their careers appeared to have come to an abrupt end—not because they had reached the lawful retirement age, but because of an administrative policy that has now been struck down by the National Industrial Court.

Today, they are on their way back.

The Nigeria Police Force has begun the reintegration of three Assistant Inspectors-General of Police—Idowu Owohunwa, Benneth Chinedu Igwe and Uche Ifeanyi Henry—along with 472 other senior officers whose compulsory retirement was nullified by the National Industrial Court.

The affected officers will undergo a mandatory six-month induction programme at the Police Staff College, Jos, before returning to active service.

At first glance, the development may appear to be an internal personnel matter. In reality, it is a significant legal and institutional milestone. Beyond restoring the careers of hundreds of officers, it reaffirms a principle that lies at the heart of constitutional governance: no public authority, however powerful, may exercise powers beyond those conferred by law.

How the controversy began

The officers were retired under the Police Service Commission’s controversial “merger of service” policy, which treated years spent in other areas of the public service as part of an officer’s police career for the purpose of calculating retirement.

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The policy affected hundreds of officers who had entered the Force through different recruitment channels and career paths. Many maintained that it was inconsistent with the legal framework governing police service and unlawfully shortened careers that had not reached their statutory end.

The dispute eventually found its way to the National Industrial Court.

In Suit No. NICN/ABJ/28/2025, the court set aside the compulsory retirements and ordered the restoration of the officers’ service.

The judgment did more than vindicate the affected officers. It underscored an important legal principle: administrative policies cannot override rights created by law.

The implementation of that decision is now well underway.

A confidential directive dated 31 July 2026, signed by the Force Secretary, Assistant Inspector-General of Police Bode Akinbamilowo, on behalf of the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, instructed police commands nationwide to notify the affected officers and ensure they report for documentation and induction.

The Police Service Commission has also regularised their dates of first appointment in compliance with the court’s judgment, paving the way for their full return to service.

A judgment with wider implications

The significance of this case extends far beyond the careers of 475 officers.

Public institutions derive their authority from law, not from policy. While statutory bodies may issue guidelines and regulate their internal affairs, those powers must always be exercised within the boundaries laid down by legislation.

Whenever an administrative decision conflicts with the law, it is the law that prevails.

That is one of the central lessons of this case.

The National Industrial Court’s judgment is therefore not simply an employment decision; it is a reaffirmation of judicial oversight over administrative action and a reminder that statutory bodies remain accountable to the law.

When policy exceeds legal authority

Disputes of this nature are not uncommon across Nigeria’s public service.

Government agencies often adopt policies to address operational challenges or standardise administrative practice. Difficulties arise when those policies begin to alter legal rights or obligations established by statute.

Nigerian courts have consistently held that administrative guidelines cannot amend or replace legislation. Where the two are inconsistent, the statute takes precedence.

That principle appears to have informed the court’s decision to invalidate the retirements.

The personal cost

Behind the legal arguments are hundreds of disrupted careers.

Many of the affected officers lost command appointments. Others watched promotion opportunities pass them by. Families faced financial uncertainty, while years of professional experience were abruptly cut short.

Although reinstatement restores their employment, it cannot erase the consequences of the period spent outside the Force.

Several important questions remain unanswered.

Will the officers recover lost seniority?

How will missed promotions be addressed?

Will salaries and allowances withheld during the period of retirement be paid?

What becomes of officers who were promoted to positions vacated by those now returning?

These issues are likely to require careful administrative decisions and could yet become the subject of further litigation.

Rebuilding careers—and confidence

The six-month induction programme is about more than administrative formalities.

Policing has evolved during the period these officers were out of service. Operational procedures, technology, command structures and institutional priorities have continued to change.

The programme is therefore intended to prepare the officers for a seamless return to duty while helping restore confidence after one of the most consequential personnel disputes in the Force’s recent history.

Beyond the Nigeria Police Force

The implications of this judgment reach well beyond policing.

Across the public service, disputes regularly arise over appointments, promotions, disciplinary measures and retirement. This case reinforces an enduring constitutional principle: public authorities cannot enlarge their powers through administrative policy.

When they do, the courts remain the final safeguard.

That is why this judgment matters.

It serves as a reminder that the rule of law is measured not only by the laws enacted, but by the willingness of institutions to comply with judicial decisions—even when doing so requires reversing decisions affecting hundreds of public officers.

The road ahead

The return of the officers marks an important step, but it is unlikely to be the final chapter.

Questions surrounding compensation, pension rights, career progression and accountability for the decisions that led to the unlawful retirements remain unresolved.

Those issues may shape the next phase of this legal saga.

For now, however, one point is beyond dispute.

The reinstatement of 475 police officers is not merely the correction of an administrative error. It is a significant affirmation that in a constitutional democracy, public power is exercised under the law—and when that boundary is crossed, the courts retain the authority to call it back.

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The new colonialism is digital, By Olufunke Baruwa

There was a time when colonialism was easy to recognise. It arrived in uniforms, planted flags, drew borders and claimed territory. It extracted our minerals, controlled our trade and governed our people. Independence was supposed to end that arrangement. But colonialism has evolved.

Today, it arrives through smartphones, platforms, algorithms, cloud infrastructure and artificial intelligence. It does not always need to occupy our territory because it can occupy our digital spaces. It does not have to seize natural resources when it can extract something equally valuable: our data.

This is the uncomfortable question Africa must confront: have we achieved political independence without achieving digital sovereignty?

There is nothing inherently wrong with using foreign technology. No country develops everything it needs. The problem begins when dependence becomes so deep that we lose the ability to determine who controls our data, how algorithms make decisions about us, where our information is stored and who benefits from our digital economy.

That is where the new colonialism begins.

Read Also: When the Plebeians Walked Away: How Rome’s commoners forced the republic to change

The New Resource Is Data

The most valuable resource of the 21st century may not be oil. It may be data. Every time Nigerians search online, make a digital payment, use navigation, post on social media, stream a video, access a government service or interact with an AI system, they generate data. Individually, these interactions seem insignificant. Collectively, they create a detailed picture of who we are, what we buy, where we live, what we believe and what we want.

The crucial question is not simply whether Nigerians are connected. It is who owns, controls and benefits from the value generated by that connectivity? This is where Africa’s digital predicament resembles the old extractive economy.

During colonialism, raw materials were extracted from Africa, processed elsewhere and returned as expensive finished products. Today, we risk exporting raw data and importing digital products built from data, algorithms, computing power and intellectual property controlled elsewhere.

The pattern is familiar. We provide the users, data and market. Others provide the platforms, infrastructure, algorithms and capital. They capture much of the value. We must therefore become more deliberate about the terms on which we participate in the digital economy. Economic independence without technological capacity may prove equally fragile.

AI Could Deepen the Divide

Artificial intelligence makes the issue more urgent. AI is increasingly used in education, banking, healthcare, recruitment, journalism, government and business. But there is another side.

AI systems are only as good as the data and assumptions embedded in them. If African realities are poorly represented in the datasets used to develop these systems, AI may reproduce the biases and blind spots of the societies in which it was created.

An algorithm trained predominantly on Western faces may perform poorly when recognising African faces. A language model developed largely from English and other dominant languages may understand Nigerian languages inadequately. A system designed around Western labour markets, financial systems or social assumptions may produce inappropriate results here.

The danger is not only that AI may misunderstand Africa. It is that Africa may increasingly organise parts of its society around technologies that misunderstand Africa.

There is also the question of jobs. Nigeria has one of the world’s largest youth populations, with millions entering the labour market every year. Yet technologies promising productivity gains may also automate routine jobs.

If Nigeria becomes primarily a consumer of foreign AI, we may enjoy some benefits while bearing many social costs. But if we build capacity to develop, adapt and govern AI ourselves, the technology could become a powerful instrument of African development. The difference is leadership.

Digital Sovereignty Does Not Mean Digital Isolation

Some may hear “digital sovereignty” and imagine shutting out foreign technology companies or attempting to build every digital product domestically. That would be neither realistic nor desirable. Digital sovereignty is not technological isolation. It is the capacity to make informed choices.

A digitally sovereign country should know where its critical data is stored. It should have the legal and institutional capacity to protect citizens’ information. It should be able to scrutinise algorithms that affect people’s rights and opportunities. It should possess enough technical expertise to negotiate effectively with technology companies and have domestic businesses capable of creating digital value rather than merely consuming it.

Imagine an algorithm deciding that someone is not eligible for a loan, scholarship, job or social protection programme. Who made it? What data did it use? Was the data accurate? Was the system biased? Can the person appeal? Who is accountable when the algorithm is wrong?

As governments digitise public services, these questions become more important. Digital government can reduce corruption, improve efficiency and make services more accessible. But poorly governed digital systems can also automate exclusion. A discriminatory human decision is bad enough. A discriminatory algorithm operating at scale can be much worse.

This is why Nigeria needs more than digital transformation. It needs rights-based digital transformation.

Africa Must Stop Being Just the Market

Africa is often described as the next great frontier for technology. But Africa must negotiate from a position of greater confidence. We need stronger data protection, local cloud and computing infrastructure, African researchers and engineers, and support for startups creating intellectual property.

There are already promising initiatives. Nigeria’s AI Collective is bringing together government, civil society, academia and the technology ecosystem to promote responsible, locally relevant AI, while the National AI Strategy provides a broader policy framework. Talent Nation and Itana by Talent City are also helping build the ecosystem in which African digital talent and technology businesses can thrive, making it easier for companies to establish and scale from Nigeria into African markets. Digital sovereignty is not simply about regulating foreign technology; it is about creating the conditions for African talent, businesses and innovation to flourish.

We also need universities producing world-class AI researchers and policymakers capable of regulating technology without stifling innovation. No African country can compete with the largest technology companies alone, but collectively the continent has significant bargaining power. The African Continental Free Trade Area should therefore help create an integrated digital market in which African companies can scale.

Nigeria has a particularly important role to play. Our population, entrepreneurial energy, creative industries and technology ecosystem give us the potential to become a digital powerhouse. But population alone is not power. A country that consumes technology without creating intellectual property remains a market, not a technological power.

The objective should be clear: Nigeria must move from being a market for the digital world to becoming a maker of the digital world.

There are reasons for optimism. Nigeria’s AI Strategy, AI Collective, data protection initiatives and growing regulatory scrutiny of global technology companies show that the country is beginning to assert its digital interests. Across Africa, the AU’s Continental AI Strategy and Data Policy Framework are laying foundations for greater coordination.

Digital sovereignty will not come from rejecting global technology. It will come from developing the capacity to negotiate with it, regulate it, adapt it and ultimately create our own.

The question is no longer simply who controls our land, minerals and borders. It is also: Who controls our data, algorithms, digital infrastructure and technological future?

The first colonialism was about controlling territory. The second was about controlling resources. The next may be about controlling intelligence.

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Kenechukwu Agwu Honours Dr. Ben Uruchi Odoh on His Birthday, Celebrates a Life of Excellence

I join family, friends, and well-wishers across Ebonyi State and beyond to celebrate a man of honour, brilliance, and quiet strength, my dear friend and big brother, Dr. Ben Uruchi Odoh, Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Ebonyi State. Yesterday was his special day.

Dr. Ben, watching your journey has been nothing short of inspiring. From the halls of legal practice and academia to the weighty responsibility you now bear as Chief Law Officer of our state, you have carried yourself with a rare blend of humility, sharp intellect, and unwavering commitment to justice. Those of us who know you outside the courtrooms and cabinet meetings know the man behind the title; thoughtful, principled, generous with wisdom, and deeply rooted in faith and family.

Since assuming office, you have not merely occupied the seat, you have transformed it. You championed the shift from a purely retributive system of justice to one that is restorative, and it shows in everything you’ve built. The Ebonyi State Citizens’ Mediation Centre, which you established for indigent persons who cannot afford legal representation, has already resolved dozens of cases free of charge, giving ordinary people a fair shot at justice they might never have accessed otherwise.

The Multi-Door Court House, the first of its kind in the state’s history, now offers litigants an alternative to the technicalities of the courtroom, opening doors to negotiation, mediation, arbitration, conciliation, and hybrid processes. Alongside these, you established the Office of the Public Defender and championed a dedicated Department of Gender-Based Violence, ensuring the most vulnerable in society are not left behind. I will not forget your full support for the US funded digitization project I attracted to the state during my time at PPDC.

Beyond institution-building, your tenure has been marked by measurable impact: dozens of new laws enacted, thousands of cases handled, lawyers trained as chartered arbitrators, and even interventions that secured amnesty and reintegration for former combatants in the Effium and Edda conflicts, and clemency for deserving inmates on death row. It is little wonder your peers across the federation recognised your leadership by electing you Chairman of the Body of State Attorneys-General of the Federation, a testament to how far your influence now reaches beyond Ebonyi’s borders.

The office of the Attorney-General is not an easy one. It demands courage to stand for what is right even when it is unpopular, discernment to balance the letter of the law with the spirit of justice, and an unshakeable integrity that not everyone in public life is able to maintain. Yet, time and again, you have shown that you carry these burdens with grace, and Ebonyi State is undoubtedly better for having you serve in this capacity.

Beyond your professional accomplishments, I celebrate the friend I know, one who has been a source of encouragement, sound counsel, and genuine camaraderie. Our friendship is one I hold dear, and I count it a privilege to walk this journey of life and law alongside you.

As you mark another year, my prayer for you is simple: may the Lord continue to grant you wisdom beyond your years, strength for every assignment, favour in every endeavour, and many more years to keep impacting lives and shaping justice in our dear state and nation. May your family be blessed, your health be sound, and your influence continue to grow for the good of all.

Happy birthday, Dr. Ben! Here’s to more milestones, more reforms, and more reasons to celebrate you.

Cheers to you, my learned AG, friend and big brother! 🥂🎉

Odoh Ben

#HappyBirthday#BenUruchiOdoh#AttorneyGeneralEbonyi#LearnedFriend#JusticeAndIntegrity#RestorativeJustice

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Echoes of Trauma: When hope refuses to leave

By Lillian Okenwa

Some people are not tired of hoping. They are tired of having to hope for so long.

They have watched opportunities come close and disappear, started again after things fell apart, celebrated small victories only to discover another obstacle waiting ahead. They have lived through circumstances that have tested their patience, their finances, their relationships, their bodies and their ability to imagine anything beyond the life they are living. Yet they keep making plans. They keep looking for another possibility. They keep asking what else they can try.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: When nobody is listening

The trauma weighs heavily. The exhaustion is real. The uncertainty can be frightening. Yet somehow, hope remains.

I have been thinking about the strange company hope keeps in some people’s lives. It can sit beside disappointment without erasing it. It can exist in the same heart as fear, frustration and grief. A person can be deeply unhappy with the life they are living and still believe another life is possible. They can be tired of the journey and still look for another road.

I will call her Tina, though that is not her real name.

Tina was a woman people loved. She was warm, generous and extraordinarily hospitable, the kind of person whose presence made people feel welcome. Then came the diagnosis that changed everything.

Chemotherapy began, and with every session came the hope that perhaps this would be the treatment that finally brought the disease under control. There was fear, and there was the physical and emotional toll of watching her body go through treatment, but hope travelled alongside all of it.

Then came radiotherapy.

Perhaps this would be the final answer. Perhaps after this, life could begin to resemble itself again.

Then one breast was lost.

Later, the other.

There was more chemotherapy. More radiotherapy. More difficult days. More waiting for results. At some point, there was relief. She was doing better. Perhaps this was finally behind her.

Then the cancer metastasised.

Her body began to surrender the things she had once taken for granted. Eventually, she became immobile. The illness kept taking pieces of ordinary life, while the people who loved her kept hoping for another turn in the story.

Eventually, Tina died.

What stays with me is that hope remained through almost every stage of it. Tina hoped. Her family hoped. Her friends hoped. They hoped after the chemotherapy, after the radiotherapy, after the surgeries, after the moments when it seemed the worst might finally be over.

Hope did not prevent the outcome. But neither did the progression of the disease immediately extinguish it.

We are accustomed to stories in which hope is rewarded. Someone persists through years of difficulty, eventually succeeds, and the ending seems to justify everything that came before.

But some of the most important parts of a person’s story happen long before anyone knows how it will end.

Before Jibrin Okutepa became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, he was a teenager beginning Primary 2 at more than 17, in a classroom with children many years younger than himself. His father did not want him to go to school. He eventually left and became a motorcycle-mechanic apprentice, later finding his way back into education, passing his GCE as an external candidate, studying law and eventually rising to the rank of Senior Advocate.

Before Ogwu James Onoja became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, there was a boy born in Idah on a day when the town was bombed during the Nigerian Civil War. His parents divorced when he was seven. Then came a succession of losses: his father died, six months later his mother died, and he subsequently lost his siblings. By his early thirties, he had experienced a depth of grief few people could imagine. Yet he continued building a life, working, studying and practising law, eventually rising to the very top of his profession and going on to build FortLugard University in Abuja, where the campus is now taking shape.

Before Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa became a Senior Advocate, he was a boy from rural Ilaje who lost his mother during his childhood, experienced severe hardship at home, dropped out of secondary school and became a cart pusher for more than a year. He eventually returned to education, studied law and endured further setbacks before rising to become one of Nigeria’s most prominent lawyers.

We usually encounter these men from the other end of their stories.

We see the Senior Advocate, not the teenager sitting among much younger children. We see the accomplished lawyer, not the young man carrying the grief of losing almost everyone closest to him. We see the legal luminary, not the boy pushing a wooden cart to survive.

The achievement is visible. The years before it are not.

None of them knew the ending while they were living through those years. They knew only the lives they were living.

And they continued.

There are women whose lives carry the same uncertainty.

By the time Olushola Olonade married for the first time at 48, she had already lived through years in which marriage and motherhood had remained possibilities rather than realities. Then life surprised her. On March 6, 2026, at 50, she gave birth to quadruplets, two boys and two girls, three weeks before her 50th birthday.

Think about the years before that.

Not simply the waiting, but the living. The work, the relationships, the ordinary days, the hopes carried alongside everything else. Think about reaching an age at which society has already begun to assume that certain chapters of your life are closed, only for life to open one of them in a way nobody could have scripted.

Society has a remarkable talent for putting expiry dates on people’s dreams.

By a certain age, you should be married. By another, you should have children. There are ages at which you are expected to have found your career, built your finances, bought a house, established yourself and generally demonstrated that you have figured life out.

When those milestones do not arrive on schedule, delay can begin to look like failure.

But life does not always consult the timetable we create for one another.

Another woman, Fummi Akinade, married in 1992 and became a mother 31 years later. After three unsuccessful IVF attempts, her fourth attempt succeeded. At 62, she gave birth to a baby boy in Lagos.

The birth is what makes the news.

The 31 years before it are harder to capture.

Thirty-one years is a long time to carry an unanswered hope. Long enough to watch other people’s children grow up. Long enough to attend naming ceremonies and birthdays. Long enough to answer questions you wish people would stop asking. Long enough to wonder whether hope is sustaining you or keeping an old wound open.

Yet hope remained.

Some years ago, I met another person whose story has stayed with me. I needed the seats of my car reupholstered, and someone introduced me to a young man who did upholstery.

In the course of our conversation, he told me that he had recently been released from prison. While there, he had learnt upholstery, bag making and other forms of leatherwork.

His journey to prison was nothing like the life he had been building before it was abruptly taken away.

He had started a business in Makurdi and, by his account, it was doing very well. An uncle who also lived in the city eventually asked for a share of the business. He refused, saying it was a business he had started and built himself. The disagreement became bitter. He said his uncle had connections within the police and that he was subsequently framed and arrested.

He was charged with armed robbery.

He was arraigned alongside two other men he said he had never met. Eventually, he was sentenced to death.

His family was in the East and, for a long time, did not know what had happened to him. As the years passed without word, they eventually gave him up for dead.

He, however, was still alive. Somewhere inside that prison, while the outside world had moved on without him, he kept hoping.

His death sentence was eventually commuted to life imprisonment. Later, he was released under the exercise of the prerogative of mercy.

When he finally made his way back to his village, people ran away from him. He looked so different from the person they remembered that some believed they were seeing the ghost of the man they had long assumed was dead.

Imagine surviving years in prison only to return home and discover that even your own people had already mourned you.

Yet he had something to return with.

He had learnt a trade. He had learnt how to make bags and other leather products. During those years when he could not know whether freedom would ever come, he continued acquiring skills that might be useful if it did.

When freedom came, he was not returning empty-handed. He carried with him the skills he had acquired while waiting for a future he could not see.

Sometimes hope looks like that: learning something today that may be useful if tomorrow comes.

But this is also where we have to be careful with the stories we tell.

We cannot take the case of the woman who went back to JAMB at 37 and became a doctor and tell another person who has failed repeatedly that their breakthrough is guaranteed. We cannot take Olushola’s story of marrying at 48 and becoming a mother of quadruplets at 50 and tell a woman who has waited for years that her own waiting will necessarily end in the same way. We cannot take the stories of people who survived extraordinary hardship and imply that everyone who perseveres will eventually receive a spectacular reward.

Life does not make that promise.

Hope should not become another burden placed on people who are already carrying enough.

The person who has sent hundreds of job applications and remains unemployed is not less deserving of hope because the job has not arrived. The student who has failed another examination is not lazy simply because the result is disappointing. The entrepreneur who has rebuilt three times and is still struggling is not necessarily lacking resilience. The woman whose treatment has failed is not someone who simply did not believe enough.

Sometimes people are already doing everything they can. They are simply living through a chapter whose ending has not revealed itself.

Perhaps that is why I hesitate when we tell people simply to “keep hoping.” It sounds encouraging until you meet someone who has been hoping for years and is exhausted from carrying the weight of uncertainty.

Maybe we do not always have to tell people to keep hoping. Sometimes we need to help them carry the hope they already have.

For someone who has hoped for too long, perhaps what is needed is not another instruction to keep hoping, but someone willing to sit with them in the uncertainty and help them find the strength for the next day. Sometimes that may mean listening without trying to fix the story, helping with something practical, reminding them of what they have already survived, or simply refusing to let them feel that they are carrying everything alone.

Hope is not always confidence. It is not always optimism. It does not necessarily mean believing that everything will work out.

Sometimes hope is much smaller.

It is filling out another examination form. Sending another application. Starting another business after the last one collapsed. Going for another medical appointment. Trying another treatment. Opening another book. Making another plan. Getting out of bed and asking what can still be done today.

Sometimes hope is simply refusing to close the door completely.

There is also a cost to carrying hope for too long. Repeated disappointment can make people afraid to expect too much. They may stop celebrating early. They may become cautious about making plans. They may learn to protect themselves by pretending not to care too much about what they deeply want.

They may still hope, but more carefully.

A person can be traumatised and hopeful at the same time. They can be frightened and hopeful, exhausted and hopeful, disappointed and hopeful. They can be deeply unhappy with today and still believe tomorrow might be different.

Perhaps we have misunderstood hope by expecting it to look like certainty. Hope is not necessarily the conviction that a particular outcome will happen. It can simply be the refusal to declare the future closed while we are still living in the present.

Tina’s story brings us back to the hardest part of that truth.

Her hope did not save her life.

But it was not meaningless because she died.

She and the people who loved her had something to hold while the outcome remained uncertain. They hoped because they loved her. They hoped because there was still another appointment, another treatment, another result, another morning.

When the ending came, it did not erase the hope that had existed along the way.

Trauma can make the future feel dangerous because we have learned how badly the present can hurt. It can teach us to expect disappointment before we allow ourselves to expect joy.

Yet people continue to imagine.

Another career.

Another relationship.

Another examination.

Another business.

Another chance.

Another year.

Another treatment.

Another life.

Not because they know it will work, but because they cannot quite bring themselves to believe it never will.

Maybe that is why some people keep striving long after observers think they should have stopped. They are not necessarily certain that success is waiting around the corner. They simply cannot accept that failure must be the final definition of their lives.

We often want to know how a story ends.

Perhaps it is more useful to ask what it takes to keep living while the ending is still unknown.

Sometimes hope changes the story. Sometimes hope leads us towards change. Sometimes hope sits beside us through something that cannot be changed.

It is not a contract with life. It is not a guarantee. It is not proof that everything will eventually make sense.

Sometimes it is simply the small space in the heart that suffering has not yet managed to occupy.

The trauma may weigh heavily. The disappointment may be deep. The waiting may have gone much longer than anyone imagined. The future may still be uncertain.

And somehow, hope remains capable of asking one more question.

What if?

Maybe that is why hope refuses to leave.

A lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]. Follow on X: @OkenwaLillian. Lin

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The Supreme Court Memorandum, the law and the battle over a prefix, By Eyimofe Atake, SAN

As the debate moves from lawyers’ groups to the national press, Eyimofe Atake, SAN, says the critics have produced plenty of argument but no statutory provision that the memorandum violates.

The Guardian of today, 11 August 2026, has entered our debate with a full feature on the Supreme Court’s memorandum, and the link is already circulating through our groups. I am quoted in it, and quoted accurately, for which I thank the reporter; the piece fairly presents both schools of thought. Since it is already in circulation, let these observations travel with it.

First, the opposing school decides the case against itself. Mr Douglas Ogbankwa argues that a statutory status cannot be altered by a memorandum, yet in the same breath accepts that a restriction confined to practice before the Supreme Court, issued as a practice direction, would be proper. But that is precisely what the memorandum is: an internal instruction confined to the Court’s official correspondence, records and engagements. Once that competence is conceded, the quarrel shrinks to the caption at the top of the page, and no lawyer’s rights turn on whether a page is headed memorandum or practice direction. The objection is to the stationery, not the substance.

And because the claim of conflict with statute keeps recurring, I have taken it seriously in the only way our profession knows how: I went through the laws, provision by provision, looking for the conflicting section. It does not exist. Section 2(1) of the Legal Practitioners Act entitles a person to practise as a barrister and solicitor if his name is on the roll; that entitlement is untouched, and every lawyer in Nigeria still practises before the Supreme Court in both capacities today. Section 4 provides for the call to the Bar; nobody’s call is affected. Section 5 creates the only rank the Act knows, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, worn after the name; untouched. Section 22 protects the description of legal practitioner against impostors; irrelevant to the qualified. Section 24 defines a legal practitioner by his entitlement to practise. Not one word, in the entire Act, about how a name is to be styled in correspondence. A conflict requires two laws, and the critics have so far produced only one document, which is the memorandum itself.

The Constitution fares no better for them, and in truth it testifies for the memorandum. Section 36 avails nobody, for the memorandum creates no offence. Sections 1(1) and 1(3) require an inconsistency, and in a month of debate no critic has named one. But section 236 provides that, subject to any Act of the National Assembly, the Chief Justice of Nigeria may make rules for regulating the practice and procedure of the Supreme Court. And here is the detail everyone has missed: on 1 July 2026, twelve days before the barrister memorandum, the same Chief Justice issued the Supreme Court Practice Directions 2026 on the mandatory electronic upload of processes, expressly pursuant to section 236, and the profession complied without a murmur. If she may prescribe how every process reaches the Court, she may certainly prescribe that names in the Court’s own records appear without an invented prefix. The greater power contains the lesser. For completeness: the Rules of Professional Conduct 2023 are silent on the prefix, and the tribunal that enforces them condemned it; the Legal Education Act concerns the qualifying certificate and says nothing of styles; and there is no Body of Benchers Act at all, the Body being created by section 3 of the Legal Practitioners Act. So I issue a standing invitation: let anyone who maintains that the memorandum conflicts with any law quote the provision. Chapter, section, subsection, and the words. Not the atmosphere of a statute, but its text.

Secondly, the feature introduces one genuinely new authority, and it deserves careful handling, for some will surely brandish it as an answer to the directive. Professor Osaretin Izevbuwa cites Ishaku & Anor v. Kantiok & Ors (2011) LPELR 8944 (CA), also reported in (2012) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1300) 457, where the Court of Appeal, as reported, held that the prefix Barrister attached to a candidate’s name did not invalidate his standing, being an adjectival description and not part of the name. That decision answers a different question from ours. Ishaku is about validity: the prefix does not void a process. Ofomata is about propriety: the prefix is unprofessional and improper. A thing can be improper without being void, and the memorandum concerns neither validity nor voidness but the propriety of official records. Better still, look at what Ishaku actually decided: that Barrister is not part of anyone’s name but an adjectival word describing the person’s profession.

That is the very proposition at the heart of my article, stated by the Court of Appeal itself: Barrister is a description of a lawyer’s professional status; it is not his name and it is not a title. And once that premise is established, the conclusion follows of its own weight. A word that is no part of the name cannot properly stand in front of the name in a register of names, and a word that merely describes a profession belongs where descriptions have always belonged, after the name, in the manner of Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. So the case offered in defence of the prefix in fact proves the opposite: it establishes the premise, that the word only describes, from which the memorandum’s conclusion, that the word cannot serve as a title before a name, inevitably follows. Far from answering the directive, Ishaku supplies its foundation. And it carries one comfort for the anxious: no past filing bearing Barr. is void on that account. Correction without carnage. Those minded to deploy the case should read the report at (2012) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1300) 457 for themselves.

Thirdly, two small corrections so the record stays clean. Nigerian Bar Association v. Ofomata (2017) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1557) 128 at 133 is a direction of the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee, the profession’s statutory tribunal, not the pronouncement of an appellate court, and its provenance should always be stated exactly. And the feature closes by wondering whether sanctions for non compliance will suffice: there are no sanctions to suffice, for the memorandum prescribes none; its enforcement is the ordinary supervision of a court over its own registry. As for the headline’s promise of constitutional drama, the Constitution was indeed invited to the party, and when it arrived, it took the memorandum’s side.

So where does the Guardian leave us? Exactly where the article stood. The word barrister is innocent. Its position before a name is wrong. The record must be true. The status endures after the name; the prefix remains homeless before it. The debate has now been tested in the national press as it was tested in our groups, and the fence is still standing.

Eyimofe Atake, SAN, PhD (Cantab)
Lagos, 11 August 2026

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