Home Blog Page 11

The Cost of Insecurity – A case for women in peace building

By Añuli Aniebo

At the risk of sounding like a ‘broken record’, the continued advocacy for women in leadership and decision making should and continues to remain top of the agenda on my desk. Nigeria remains a developing country to date and will shift from this category when there is a deliberate (and not tokenistic) mainstreaming of women into positions of authority. The case for women in decision making tables (who actually contribute and make decisions) is essential. Women participation brings about a rare and inclusive lens and direction that has been proven to make great things work.
 
Why aren’t Women in Peace- Building?
 
At a very crucial time in our Nation’s trajectory, our communities have encountered and keep suffering from multiple bouts of insecurity. Every member of a community – irrespective of age, gender, class, ethnicity, geographical location, religion or position- is being consistently impacted by insecurity. The current architecture of peace building and conflict resolution decision making “owners” remain exclusive. I mean, you only need to check the data on women in National Assembly (less than 5%), women in the Federal Executive Council (less than 10%), women in ambassadorial positions (less than 10%), women in decision making military positions (less than 10%), women in ministerial positions (less than 10%), women in leading Government parastatals (less than 10%), women in political positions that can influence change (less than 10%), I could go on…
 
Women in peace building and conflict resolution is a very important space that has limited number of women despite the unique perspectives and experiences that women live through and bring to negotiations for achieving sustainable peace in our communities. Research proves that women involved in conflict resolution and peace building precipitates an inclusive lens into phased and lasting resolutions that contribute to development especially in a context and compressive specific solution. Women carry a resilience that can promote reconciliation and rebuilding spaces even after conflict.
 
The Herculean Issues
 
Our Nation is being governed by very strong patriarchal structures, mindsets and norms, that keep a society from benefiting from women’s innate “super power” of peace building, limiting our Nation from opportunities of a conflict-free society. Globally, there is an increased importance of gender in peace-building with countries taking the very decisive steps to ensure women are aligned in policy making, governance and leadership. Africa has had (and still has) many women who have been presidents, vice presidents and women making decisions that demonstrate core competence and capacity. Research shows that Nigeria is yet to key into this transformative strategy.
 
Insecurity is not knocking on our gates; it is living within our environments. Insecurity is become the “enemy within” and sadly so. When innocent children as young as 3 years old, are abducted and remain in captivity in conditions that are not climate friendly for more than 14 days at a stretch, we have to question the power imbalances that have created such phenomena of conflict dynamics and perharps created opportunities for perpetrators, shape victims’ vulnerabilities and have delayed professional and tactical rescue-responses. In the most recent abductions by armed bandits in Nigeria, abductors utilise women for uptakes. A woman is used to make a video for public plea and bandit negotiations; a mother to trigger sensibilities of weakness and victimhood vis-à-vis threats for quick outcomes and returns -on- insecurity (ROI) from the government.
 
The Risk of Sentimentality
 
The United Nations has documented the multifaceted nature of insecurity – conflicts creates sexual violence which is a weapon and “spoil” of war, forced recruitment of child soldiers and young men (sometimes girls and women) into armed groups (Machel Report, 1996). The justification of recruitment offers range from economic desperation, perceptions of (in) security, armed (state) actors and social pressures that are influenced by masculinities and honor.
 
Peace processes that prioritise political settlement without accountability may entrench impunity, fanning the flame on insecurity and acts of banditry as a ‘glorified’ form of economic entitlement. Where markets are controlled by armed groups, sexual exploitation can be woven into systems of patronage and access to women’s bodies become resources that armed actors commodify.
 
The Price of Exclusion
 
United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) clearly outlines the very devasting impact of armed conflict on women and then very critical, essential and crucial need for women in peace building. Keeping women out of decision making and leadership continues to mar the inclusion strategies that our Nation can leverage from. Peace is expensive! Nigeria is paying a huge price with innocent lives. How many more abducted citizens will signal that this level of impunity is unacceptable? When will active listening be a core governance strategy? Can the capacity to investigate and prosecute gendered crimes be scripted into agencies of security through international cooperation, resources and training?  Is insecurity avoidable?
 
Women are paying huge prices from structural and systemic violence. From bodies as site of crime and violence, tasked to reproduce societal ideals or risk shaming and labelling, to being reduced to campaign “fixtures” and elements such as clapping, dancing and “asoebi-ing” levels. Women look first to nurturing and care-taking as a gender normative value and are greatly impacted by insecurity and violence when they loose family members in the process. Women have suffered historical marginalisation both economically and socially however these few points still make a very strong case for women to be in leadership and peace building agendas in our Nation. Women are built, raised and scripted ready!
 
Hopeful Futures – Include Women
 
As an optimist, Nigeria will become a Nation at peace someday. While realities of this futures are seemingly afar; leveraging on gaps unexplored in the full utilisation to tackle insecurity is pertinent. Inclusion strategies is a beneficial framework that needs to be explored and engaged. Everyone matters and hence all persons must be integrated into transforming the current trends of unsafety.
 
While we continue to advocate, speak and represent the vulnerable members of our society, we strongly suggest that a refined architecture need to be developed with an engine room inclusive of women and girls.
 
Without a shadow of doubt, I believe in the power of women! I believe we are built with the unique and intersectional lens to be involved effectively, contribute to tackling insecurity and promoting peace-building.
 
Añuli Aniebo
 
Gender and Inclusion in Practice|ED, HEIR Women Hub.

Echoes of Trauma: The people we forget after the headlines fade

By Lillian Okenwa

Every kidnapping leaves behind more victims than those taken into captivity. Long after the news crews leave and public attention shifts elsewhere, parents, spouses, siblings, teachers and entire communities continue living with invisible wounds.

A father answered a telephone call and heard every parent’s worst nightmare.

His 23-year-old daughter had been kidnapped while travelling. During her captivity, she was reportedly subjected to repeated sexual violence. When her captors finally allowed her to speak with her father, she did not ask him to raise money. She did not plead to be rescued.

Instead, she reportedly told him not to bother.

The shame, the violations and the trauma had become too much for her to bear. As her father desperately pleaded with her over the phone, a gunshot rang out. Moments later, the kidnappers reportedly sent him images confirming his worst fears.

The nation recoiled in horror. Many expressed outrage. Social media erupted. Then, as usually happens in Nigeria, attention shifted. But somewhere today, that father is still living with that moment. Somewhere, he is still hearing that gunshot. Somewhere, he is still asking himself whether there was anything more he could have done.

That is the thing about trauma. It does not end when the news cycle moves on.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: The children we are failing and the monsters we may be creating

A few days earlier, another Nigerian family found itself trapped in a different kind of nightmare. Their 25-year-old daughter was kidnapped along the Abuja-Kogi Road. The kidnappers demanded millions of naira. They threatened to kill her if the family contacted authorities.

For weeks, relatives waited anxiously for phone calls. They negotiated. They borrowed. They reached out to family members and friends. They lived from one frightening call to another.

By the time she regained her freedom after weeks of captivity, reports indicated that she had endured starvation, abuse, repeated movement across multiple locations and unimaginable psychological trauma.

Yet her ordeal was not hers alone. Her family had been held captive too. Not in a forest. Not behind armed guards. But inside a prison of fear, uncertainty and helplessness.

When kidnappers seize one person, they rarely take only one victim. They take a father who cannot sleep. A mother who jumps whenever the telephone rings. Siblings who stop laughing. Friends who spend their days raising ransom money. Neighbours who become fearful of every unfamiliar face. Entire communities whose sense of safety is shattered.

These are the people we forget when the headlines fade.

In recent weeks, much of the nation’s attention has focused on the abduction of pupils, teachers and residents in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State. We have read the reports. We have seen the photographs. We have watched the appeals.

We have heard the cries of parents, grandparents and spouses waiting desperately for news.  Among them is an elderly grandmother whose four grandchildren and daughter-in-law were reportedly taken away during the attack. There is also the husband of an abducted teacher who publicly pleaded with the kidnappers to take him instead and release his wife and infant child.

There is the woman from the Republic of Benin who came to Nigeria seeking a better future for her children, only to find herself begging for help after her daughter was abducted.

For these families, every passing day brings a fresh battle against despair. Every incoming call creates hope. Every rumour sparks expectation. Every evening ends with unanswered questions.

And while the nation discusses rescue operations, deployments and official visits, families continue to endure something far less visible but equally devastating: the psychological torture of not knowing.

Mental health experts describe this as ambiguous loss. It occurs when a loved one is physically absent but psychologically present. There is no closure. No certainty. No clear path through grief. The wound remains open.

Yet Oyo is only one chapter in a much larger national story.

In Borno State, families in Mussa community in Askira Uba Local Government Area are also waiting for abducted children.

In Ngoshe, relatives of hundreds of women and children reportedly taken by insurgents continue to live with uncertainty. Across communities in Niger, Kaduna, Zamfara, Katsina, Kwara and elsewhere, countless families wake each morning carrying the same burden.

The details may differ. The pain does not.

A mother waiting in Askira Uba understands the anguish of a grandmother in Oriire. A father in Ngoshe understands the desperation of parents negotiating ransom demands elsewhere.

Fear does not recognise ethnicity. Trauma does not recognise religion. Grief has no geopolitical zone. One of the least understood consequences of Nigeria’s insecurity crisis is the scale of secondary trauma it creates.

When we talk about victims, we often mean those who were kidnapped, attacked, displaced or injured. But every act of violence creates a much larger circle of suffering.

There are teachers who survive school attacks and must somehow return to classrooms filled with memories they cannot erase. There are journalists who repeatedly listen to stories of loss and brutality, carrying images and voices that remain with them long after the assignment ends.

There are security personnel and first responders who confront human suffering daily and are expected to move on to the next operation without pause.

There are neighbours who witnessed attacks. Classmates who watched friends disappear. Children who escaped while others did not. Entire communities that no longer feel safe.

Research consistently shows that relatives of kidnapping victims often experience severe anxiety, depression, prolonged stress and symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder. Many struggle with sleep. Some become physically ill. Others find themselves trapped in cycles of fear and helplessness.

The trauma is often intensified by ransom negotiations, threats from abductors and the circulation of videos showing loved ones in distress. For some families, the suffering continues even after a victim returns home. Freedom does not automatically erase trauma. Neither does rescue. Neither does survival. Long after the physical ordeal ends, emotional wounds often remain.

Perhaps this is one of the greatest costs of the insecurity consuming our nation. It is not measured only by the number of people kidnapped, killed or displaced. It is measured by the thousands of invisible wounds carried by those left behind.

A nation cannot truly heal if it only counts the people who were taken. It must also see those who remain. The father haunted by a final phone call. The husband waiting for news of his wife. The grandmother praying for the return of her grandchildren. The teacher who no longer feels safe in the classroom. The child who survived and cannot understand why others did not.

Long after the cameras leave and public attention shifts elsewhere, these people remain. They wait in Oriire. They wait in Askira Uba. They wait in Ngoshe.

They wait in villages, towns and cities that may never trend on social media or attract television cameras.

They wait beside silent telephones.

They wait through sleepless nights.

They wait through rumours and prayers.

And as they wait, they remind us of a truth we often forget: every act of violence creates far more victims than those who are taken away.

Perhaps the more troubling question is not how we rescue those already in captivity, but how we prevent new families from joining this growing fellowship of grief. The answer will not come from helicopters alone, nor from press statements, condolence visits or promises made in moments of public outrage.

It will come when Nigeria decides that security is more than a political slogan. It will come when intelligence is stronger than the criminals, when forests and highways are no longer surrendered to armed gangs, when communities become genuine partners in protecting themselves, when justice is swift and certain, and when every child’s journey to school or traveller’s journey home is no longer an act of faith. Until then, the circle of trauma will continue to widen, drawing more families into a pain they never chose.

The people we forget when the headlines fade are still here. Carrying wounds the rest of us can no longer see.

A lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]

Massive youth turnout as Akinlaja’s birthday celebration sparks tribute to his leadership legacy

Ondo City came alive on Monday, June 1, 2026, as a sea of jubilant youths converged on Adoc Events Centre and the residence of Hon. Joseph Iranola Akinlaja, former representative of Ondo East and West Federal Constituency, to celebrate his birthday.

Under the banner of the End Miscreants Movement, the gathering was more than a festivity—it was a tribute to Akinlaja’s enduring legacy and his contributions to the socio-economic growth of Ondo.

The youths described the septuagenarian and former General Secretary of NUPENG as a peace-loving icon, a consummate democrat, and a leader committed to youth empowerment, human capital development, and sustainable innovation.

They emphasized that the “End Miscreants Movement” reflects Akinlaja’s role as a stabilizing force whose interventions have curbed cultism, violent clashes, land grabbing, and other social vices in the community.

The event drew prominent figures, including former Governor Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, who praised Akinlaja as a symbol of peace, unity, and progress. Mimiko lauded his maturity and sacrifice in advancing excellence.

Other dignitaries present were Speaker of the Ondo State House of Assembly Rt. Hon. Olamide Adesanmi Oladiji, Hon. Biola Makinde, Hon. Moyinoluwa Ogunwunmiju, and Hon. Abiola Oladapo, Akin Akinbobola, Eni Akinshola, editor in chief and publisher of Veracity Desk (veracitydesk.com), Emmanuel Ajibulu etc, all of whom extolled Akinlaja’s virtues.

The Chairman of Lagos Zone of Petroleum Tanker Drivers (PTD) Branch of NUPENG, Comrade Gbolahan Saheed Adigun who was unavoidably absent was represented by Israel Okougbo, Comrade Samuel Owolabi, Adekunle Akinlaja and Comrade Timothy Iseoluwa.

The atmosphere was electrified by live music from five different professional musicians, with youths chanting solidarity slogans and dancing in contagious but peaceful jubilation.

In his remarks, Akinlaja thanked the youths for their support, urging them to prepare for a prosperous future. He highlighted the achievements of Dr. Mimiko (fondly called Iroko), noting his enduring legacies in governance and innovation.

“Our youths must remain steadfast as ambassadors of excellence, shaping a brighter future for Nigeria,” Akinlaja declared, challenging them to actively participate in the electoral process to ensure credible and peaceful elections.

Speaking on behalf of the youths, Aseyege Ayoola, popularly known as Spender, hailed Akinlaja as a unifying figure whose temperament and experience are vital for Nigeria’s progress.

He commended fellow youths for making the event successful and acknowledged contributors such as Kayode Folajogun, Adijath Wonuola, Akin Fadayomi, Lawrence Adefolaju, Lukas Famakinwa, and Akinpelumi.

As the 2027 races begin in earnest, By Monday Philips Ekpe

Monday Philips Ekpe writes that considering the unrelenting misbehaviours of the political class, Nigerians must actively engage in the current electoral cycle.

With the short supply of tangible, measurable achievements in the real sectors of the economy and the actual ingredients that determine the joy and happiness of the people, politicking has been on the nation’s menu since the start of this administration. But putting the whole blame on the government of President Bola Tinubu would be unfair. And the attempts by the president and his team to exonerate themselves from the frustrations moving ferociously across the country are both uncharitable and disingenuous.

Just like the billboards that surfaced in Abuja and elsewhere as far back as June/July 2023 seeking a second term for Tinubu, Nigerian people whose lives were viciously ruffled under the late President Muhammadu Buhari started early to wonder where their salvation would come from. The discerning among them knew early that Tinubu’s ‘bold’ twin decisions to remove oil subsidy by fiat and float the vulnerable naira would result in more agony and an uncertain future. By the way, no matter how well-intentioned reforms may be, if they’re not accompanied by matching optics and actions, they would crush the people’s spirit and demonstrate to them the folly of hoping for transformational outcomes.

So, the quest for those to provide answers to the country’s myriads of challenges appeared on the scene rather too soon, a condition that hasn’t been helped by the craze of political office holders to remain on their seats by all means. Seeking re-election is constitutional and it isn’t new, surely. Only that, this time, politicians have done so without visible proofs that they’ve invested commensurate energies or anything close in combating the nation’s snowballing insecurity, unemployment, inflation, decaying infrastructure and despondency of the citizenry. Political power has been substantially altered to mean the most lucrative avenue to amass wealth without qualms, bereft of the decency to cover up selfish and myopic motives. Impunity in wrong doing continues in the face of glaring institutional failures. All to the discomfiture of a helpless populace.

What exactly can the people do at this point other than waiting and wishing that things would be different this time? But, will they? There’s hardly any cause for optimism at the moment. Take for instance the flocking of erstwhile opposition state governors into the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). To be clear, such occurrences aren’t new to our polity. However, none before now equals the quantum of the ‘earthquake’ that gives credence to the apprehension about Nigeria’s mutation to a one-party state. As things stand, only Abia, Anambra, Bauchi, Osun and Oyo state governors haven’t joined the bandwagon. Even then, some of them have publicly declared their loyalty to Tinubu and his ambition to remain in office beyond next year.

Many of the cross-carpeting state chief executives never took those steps with their own people on their minds. This clearly self-centred gamble aimed at securing their return tickets or shielding them from law enforcement agencies when they finish their terms has only enhanced the possibility of civilian authoritarianism, a phenomenon alien to our democratic history even with all its shortcomings. Self-interest may not totally be divorced from any human activity but with fewer and fewer deliveries of governance benefits, these actions do portend a widening gulf between the long-suffering Nigerian masses and their leaders or, arguably better named, rulers.

For most of the governors, the popular pretext for jumping from their original ships into APC was the need to hook up with the government at the centre for enhanced access to federal might or an escape from their sinking former bases. Yes, while their ex parties eventually descended into protracted crises that are yet to be resolved, the fabled dividends waiting to be extracted from Abuja simply haven’t shown up. Instead, those enmeshed in, say, security issues have degenerated further. The governors’ decampments don’t look like public-spirited sagacity.

The omnibus that APC has become ought not to be concerning if the opposition parties were to be on their own feet. The conspiracy theory that drives discussions about the troubles of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), African Democratic Congress (ADC) and others is rooted in allegations of presidency’s meddling and outright sabotage through subterfuge and abuse of legal processes. Those accusations could well be true by half. And what happens to the other half? The answers are now unfolding.
Opposition politicians who love to play the victim are engaged in misconducts of their own.

The final result of the ADC presidential primary conducted on Monday May 25 hasn’t been announced over 48 hours after, having been reportedly pronounced inconclusive. The two men who ran against the frontrunner, Wazirin Adamawa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar – Mr Chibuike Amaechi and Alhaji Muhammad Hayatudeen – have since rejected and distanced themselves from the outcomes of the exercise. If this debacle is not resolved fast, it will be tragic indeed. To think that just before Mr Peter Obi and Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso left the ADC coalition for the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), the former was seen by many political watchers as having the capacity to truly challenge the party in power.

Sadly, these foibles are only one part of the troubling atmosphere preceding next year’s general polls. The umpire, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), has done little to correct its widespread image as a pal of Tinubu and his party, an assumption that may actually not subsist under scrutiny. After the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the Senator David Mark-led faction of ADC in the status quo ante bellum case that had put pressure on its integrity, INEC complied promptly. And few days ago, it countered the bogus claims made by the APC National Chairman, Prof Nentawe Yilwatda, about his party’s membership strength. Perhaps, Nigerians who have been constantly drawn into pessimism and cynicism against their wish can hold onto this as a sign of hope.

Equally worrying is the conduct of the primaries generally. One hallmark of APC’s outings was the deliberate distortion of figures as the voters were counted. Moving from number one to 10 to 200 and then 1000 was an unfortunate corruption of the glorious Option A4 mode of voting which produced the famous June 12, 1993 presidential election. That such was also registered during ADC’s turn that followed signalled a frightening degeneracy and national shame.

These missteps call for vigilance. Average citizens and ordinary party members who are sometimes complicit should step out and own the processes. They have worshipped power wielders and peddlers enough. This season hasn’t started well but too much is at stake to squander through collusion, apathy, docility and a fatalistic disposition.

Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board
X: @monday_ekpe2

Leveraging Nigeria’s young population for national growth and development (4)

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

UNITED NATIONS POLICY ON YOUTH PARTICIPATION

The UN’s policy on youth participation centers on the Youth 2030 Strategy, aiming for meaningful engagement, not just consultation, making youth central to achieving SDGs, promoting human rights, and fostering peace, with initiatives like the UN Youth Delegate program and digital platforms enhancing their voice in policy, driven by principles of inclusivity, gender equality, and tackling barriers like digital divides to empower young people as agents of change.

KEY PILLARS OF UN YOUTH POLICY:

·Youth2030: The UN Youth Strategy: The overarching framework (now in Phase 2: 2025-2030) focuses on youth empowerment, SDG implementation, knowledge building, and ensuring youth voices are heard across all UN efforts.

·Meaningful Engagement: Goes beyond tokenism; it’s about tangible youth influence in policy, supported by principles from the Secretary-General’s Policy Brief on the topic.

·Youth as Agents of Change: Recognises young people as crucial for peace, justice, climate action, and sustainable development, empowering them to drive societal transformation.

KEY MECHANISMS & INITIATIVES:

·UN Youth Delegate Program: Young people, selected by their governments, participate directly in UN meetings (like the General Assembly) as part of national delegations.

·UN Youth Office: Acts as a convener and conduit, amplifying youth visions and coordinating efforts across the UN system.

·Digital Platforms: Using technology to understand youth priorities, inform them, and co-create policies.

·Our Common Agenda & Pact for the Future: Calls for greater youth inclusion in global decision-making.

GUIDING PRINCIPLES:

·Inclusivity and Equity: Removing social, economic, and cultural barriers, especially for young women and girls, to ensure equal access and participation.

·Intergenerational Solidarity: Fostering collaboration and understanding between generations.

·Rights-Based Approach: Upholding youth’s fundamental right to participate, as a core human right.

FOCUS AREAS:

·Empowerment: Building skills, capacity, and opportunities.

·SDG Acceleration: Integrating youth perspectives into achieving Sustainable Development Goals.

·Peace and Security: Supporting youth as peacebuilders and ensuring their needs in post-conflict reintegration.

In essence, the UN policy views youth not just as beneficiaries but as essential partners, providing platforms and strategies to ensure their diverse perspectives and solutions shape a sustainable future.

NIGERIAN POLICY ON YOUTH PARTICIPATION

Nigeria’s youth policy, primarily guided by the National Youth Policy (NYP) 2019-2023, aims to foster youth participation and development by enhancing rights, education, health, and economic opportunities for the large youth demographic (ages 15-29) to contribute to national goals, though implementation faces challenges like funding and coordination, requiring stronger youth engagement in policy making itself for better outcomes.

KEY ASPECTS OF THE POLICY

·Broad Goals: Promote fundamental rights, improve quality of life, and boost youth involvement in national development and achieving SDGs.

·Target Groups: Acknowledges varying needs, categorizing youth into low-risk,  vulnerable, and at-risk groups for targeted interventions.

Read Also: Leveraging Nigeria’s young population for national growth and development (3)

·Focus Areas: Education, health, sports, economic empowerment, civic engagement, and social well-being.

 ·Framework: Provides guidelines for government, stakeholders, and youth themselves.

CHALLENGES AND NEEDS

·Inconsistent Implementation: Funding gaps, poor execution, and lack of coordination hinder progress.

·Need for Inclusivity: Calls for genuine youth involvement in policy design (e.g., youth on the table) rather than just planning for them.

 ·Tapping Potential: The large youth population (over 60% under 25) represents a demographic dividend needing better policy to unlock.

YOUTH RESPONSIBILITIES (UNDER THE POLICY)

·Promote tolerance, respect, and reconciliation.

·Protect public property and the environment.

· Avoid violence, substance abuse, and crime.

·Engage in self-improvement, lifelong learning, and positive lifestyles.

·National Youth Council of Nigeria (NYCN): Established to amplify youth voices and provide training.

·IOM Youth Strategy (2023-2027): Focuses on empowering youth migrants and aligning with national strategies.

THE CONCEPT OF THE 7Cs

Competence, Confidence, Connection, Character, Contribution, Coping, and Control are critical elements that shape our approach. We strive to create an environment that fosters growth, empowerment, and authentic life skills so that the youths involved in all our programmes can build the resilience they need to thrive.

THE CRITICAL PLACE AND ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN LEVERAGING THE YOUNG POPULATION

Until the return of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the Church Militant (Church on Earth) Pillar and Ground of Truth remains the champion of the Great Commission. Part of the neglected mandate of the Church is in the area of discipling the whole youth inside-out. While the world system may endeavour to educate the mind of the young population, only the Church has been given the spiritual paraphernalia to educate the spirit man of the youth.

We must not take for granted the fact that Satan, the arch enemy of mankind whose stock-in-trade is to steal, kill and destroy is always on top of his game in destroying the youth of any nation to ensure they lead purposeless lives through sinful practices: social vices, addiction to soul-destructive habits and lifestyles such as illicit drugs, illicit sex and pornography, cultism, violent crimes, abortion, etc. If our Nation’s young population must be leveraged for purposes of National Growth and Development, then keen focus must be directed at gospelizing and discipling the youths God brings within our ministerial influence using the principles of the Kingdom to equip them to function effectively.

THE LIMITS OF YOUTH PARTICIPATION

Every idea has two dangers of either being extinguished or contained. What is being advocated is youth participation, not youth take over. The world is at the threshold of transition to integrate the youth into mainstream leadership which should not be translated as licence to weaken or displace the existing authority of the fathers but rather to create a symbiotic re-alignment. In 1 Samuel 3:5, young Samuel was actively trimming the lamp to keep the altar aflame and despite his direct interaction with God, he reported all his encounter accurately to old prophet Eli by way of accountability and respect for existing authority without any embellishment or fabrication, this notwithstanding the indictment of Eli by God Himself.

The youth will be driven with the flame of their vision but they need the fathers to deploy their dreams to interprete the vision. The President of the United States of America is by all definitions not a youth but he has surrounded himself with competent young minds to drive the vision of a new America. When he was appointed as the General Overseer of RCCG in 1981 in his tender age, Pastor E.A. Adeboye appointed old Pastor Abiona as his Deputy General Overseer and retained him in that position until he was called to glory.

The fathers represent custodians of sound doctrine, they are mentors, leaders, pioneers and shining examples who have weathered the storms faithfully and have remained steadfast to their calling. Thus, in Job 24:2, a note of caution was sounded that “some remove the landmarks; they violently take away flocks, and feed thereof”, whereas Proverbs 22:28: says clearly that: “remove not the ancient landmark, which thy fathers have set.” King Solomon in all his wisdom still sounded the note of warning in Proverbs 23:10: “remove not the old landmark; and enter not into the fields of the fatherless.” Youth participation connotes conscious acceptance of responsibility, not entitlement. A system of checks and balances must be maintained to offer measured control and supervision, in order to sustain the unbroken chain of command.

CONCLUSION

Twenty-five percent of the world population of 1.7 billion is youth. Of this 1.7 billion, 86% live in the developing world. The increase in youth population ages 15-24 has taken place in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Youth are the future and their well-being is critically important to shaping a better future for the world. It is estimated that by 2030, Nigeria’s youth population will peak at about 100 million, with around 70% of the entire population under 30, creating significant opportunities but also demanding massive job creation to avoid instability. RCCG has a significant youth presence, with estimates suggesting young people make up over 60% of its global membership. This constitutes both positive and negative forces, which when properly harnessed will result in national growth and development but if neglected and forsaken, may become ready tools for perpetrators of violence and division. The celebrant (Pastor Adeboye) has accomplished significant leaps in leveraging the population of the youth for their spiritual empowerment but this must be taken to the next level.

A sizable majority of the artists in Nigeria today were once church choir members until they left the church to seek greener pastures and got absorbed by the waiting world. We must not continue in the error of feeding the youth with spiritual food only but also galvanise them into self-sufficiency by creating lasting opportunities for realising their potentials. The celebrant has been very instrumental in providing the enabling environment to advance the cause and agenda of youth empowerment.

He has accomplished significant leaps in leveraging the population of the youth for their spiritual and secular empowerment but it has to be taken to the next level of developing their spiritual energy into profitable ventures that will help in realizing the vision of the church for growth. The positive impact created by the celebrant [Pastor Adeboye] upon the youth cannot be exhausted in any single lecture, as he has by his commitment to and sacrifices for the youth, ignited a positive zeal in their hearts for a glorious future. The challenge is to rebrand and sustain it to galvanise growth and development.

Judicial Tryst: Cop and married judge heard having ‘loud’ sex in Chambers with appalled staff listening… 

Deputy Chief Kelley Collier has been revealed as the high-ranking Atlanta Police Department officer who allegedly had an affair with federal judge Eleanor Ross, 58, in her chambers.

An investigation has since been launched following Collier being unmasked for the reported steamy tryst with the married Obama-era jurist, Bloomberg Law reported.

The pair reportedly had sex in “chambers during business hours”, loud enough that other court staff could hear moans, a judicial complaint said.

The Committee on Judicial Conduct and Disability of the Judicial Conference of the US last week confirmed it had received a formal grievance on the alleged ordeal.

Online, Collier is listed as a community services division commander with the Atlanta PD.

In a statement, the agency said an investigation had been launched to “determine if the person mentioned in the Committee on Judicial Conduct and Disability of the Judicial Conference of the United States, is indeed an employee of the Atlanta Police Department”.

Ross was subject to a private reprimand for the alleged affair, according to a source close to the matter.

She is the Atlanta-based US District Court for the Northern District of Georgia, and had been nominated by President Barack Obama and confirmed by the Senate in 2014.

Previously, she served as a state court judge, a federal prosecutor in the district, and a prosecutor in the Fulton County District Attorney’s Office.

Ross has not spoken out publicly regarding the warning.

In a special judicial conduct committee of the Eleventh Circuit, it was revealed that a judge – who wasn’t identified – engaged in sexual intercourse in “chambers and during business hours” over the course of a two-year relationship.

The publicly available report said the relationship “demonstrated a gross lack of judgment” and resulted in a “chambers workplace that was extremely uncomfortable and troubling for clerks.”

The affair – with an unnamed police department commander – created a “conflict-of-interest risk,” the report added.

While unidentified at the time, the report said the officer and affair partner had worked for the police department since 1998 and served as the “commander of a certain division” since last year.

That information aligned with Collier’s biography on the police department’s website as well as his now-deleted LinkedIn profile.

But Ross did not preside over any case in which Collier or the police department was a party to between January 2022 and October 2025, according to the committee report.

Ross received a private reprimand for her misconduct following the special committee finding she had “demonstrated a strong propensity for rehabilitation and continued diligent service to the judiciary.”

She also agreed to write apology letters to the former clerks interviewed during the investigation and not to serve as chief judge or other judicial leadership roles.

Some critics have slammed the penalty for being too lenient, for allowing her to remain anonymous and didn’t give litigants in her courtroom the opportunity to raise any conflict of interest concerns they might have.

“The judge’s misconduct “strikes at the heart of judicial integrity and destroys public confidence in an impartial, ethical court system,” Aliza Shatzman, leader of the Legal Accountability Project said.

The group advocates for judicial law clerks.

The judge was also found to have improperly attended a partisan political event hosted by a district attorney’s campaign, and to have made false statements to judges investigating the conduct.

Ross was the first Black woman to serve as a judge on the Northern District of Georgia.

Source: The Sun

World Menstrual Hygiene Day: Embracing the Girl Child Initiative tackles period poverty in IDP camp

In a bid to combat period poverty and promote menstrual health awareness among displaced populations, Embracing the Girl Child Initiative marked this year’s World Menstrual Hygiene Day with a humanitarian outreach to an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp, providing education, sanitary products and essential support to women, girls and vulnerable families.

The outreach focused on raising awareness about menstrual hygiene, breaking long-standing stigma surrounding menstruation and equipping girls and women with the knowledge needed to manage their menstrual health safely and with dignity.

As part of the intervention, the organisation distributed free sanitary pads to women and adolescent girls, many of whom face significant challenges accessing basic menstrual hygiene products due to displacement and economic hardship.

Speaking during the outreach, Founder and Executive Director of Embracing the Girl Child Initiative, Barrister Nneamaka Onyema, said the programme was designed not only to provide sanitary materials but also to empower women and girls through education and support.

According to her, the choice of an IDP camp was deliberate, given the heightened vulnerability of displaced women and girls who are often excluded from conversations and interventions relating to menstrual health.

“Women and girls in displaced communities are often overlooked, and it is important that they are equipped with the right knowledge and support regarding menstrual hygiene,” Onyema said.

She noted that access to menstrual health education remains a critical challenge for many girls living in displacement camps, where poverty, limited healthcare services and inadequate sanitation facilities often compound existing difficulties.

Beyond menstrual hygiene support, the outreach extended assistance to pregnant women and nursing mothers through the distribution of postnatal medical supplies and other essential items aimed at supporting maternal and child wellbeing.

In a further demonstration of community care, food was provided for residents of the camp, bringing relief to dozens of families and creating an atmosphere of hope and inclusion.

The organisation expressed appreciation to its partners and supporters whose contributions made the outreach possible, including LinkedLegal Attorneys, Zeal + Passion Home Kitchen, The Trip Fixers International, I Dey Com Tours and Travels Limited, and the Abuja ESUT Law Class of 2005.

Embracing the Girl Child Initiative said the success of the programme underscores the importance of collective action in addressing the needs of vulnerable women and girls.

As conversations around menstrual equity continue to gain global attention, the organisation reiterated its commitment to ensuring that no girl is denied dignity, education or opportunity because of her menstrual cycle.

“Together, we can continue to create a world where no girl is left behind,” the organisation stated.

For predatory Alájogbé and derelict Alájobí, By Suyi Ayodele

If the one who controls the nation’s security architecture lacks faith in the security of his aides on our roads, then we are cooked, salted and barbecued at the same time. This is akin to Aso Rock Villa abandoning the epileptic National Grid for a N10-billion solar power so that while the rest of us wallow and waggle in òkùnkùnbirimùbirimù (absolute darkness), our President can pick a dropped needle at 1.00am in Aso Rock.

There are two sociological concepts that define the Yoruba cosmology on peaceful coexistence. The first is Alájobí (shared progeny or blood tie), and the other is Alájogbé (co-residentship). In Yoruba worldview, the two concepts, sociologists say, “are not mutually exclusive but function together to create a stable society.”

While Alájobí establishes a person in their specific origin, Alájogbé widens the horizon by teaching individuals to live peacefully and harmoniously with people of diverse backgrounds and opposing views – either political or religious. This in essence means that in a society, Alájobí’s interest must take into account the values of the Alájogbé so that no interest is sacrificed for the other

The situation in Yorubaland today is that many feel failed on both fronts. They complain that the Alájobí in power appears distracted by political calculations while communities bleed. At the same time, they accuse some foreign Alájogbé elements of abusing the generosity of their hosts by turning forests into sanctuaries of terror, farms into killing fields and highways into corridors of fear. Such conduct violates the very covenant of neighbourliness on which peaceful coexistence rests.

Hospitality is a sacred Yoruba virtue, but it is not a licence for predation. The stranger who is welcomed into a home is expected to honour the rules of the household. When some guests repay kindness with violence, they endanger not only their victims but also the long tradition of trust that made their presence possible. The lesson is simple: the Alájobí must not neglect his duty of protection, and the Alájogbé must not abuse the privileges of hospitality. A society survives only when both obligations are honoured.

This is for the Alájobí orchestra who says that because President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a Yoruba man, all Yoruba men and women must support him. Under the watch of Tinubu, something that has never happened in the entire South happened in Yorubaland. The decapitation of the kidnapped Mathematics teacher from Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State is something very new to the Yoruba race.

Until the unfortunate beheading of Mr. Michael Oyedokun, we thought that random decapitation of citizens was an exclusive preserve of the North. That incident was not the only strange happenings in the South-West under the Presidency of Tinubu. Kidnapping of school children has never been our lot in Yorubaland until the penultimate week in Oriire, Oyo State. Again, the North holds the patent to school children kidnap. Yorubaland is now sharing the trophy.

But when it happened in our land, it got worse. While the depraved minds of the North who make school children kidnapping their pastime would always go after secondary school children, the ones who took our children into captivity 17 days ago went after pupils in the nursery and primary school! There in the forest or whatever, we have children as young as two to three-year-olds held in conditions which no-one can fully decipher yet.

Yet, the Alájobí proponents are not seeing this stranger than strange occurrence as happening under the watch of our ‘own brother’ in whom we are expected to be well pleased. When one’s relation is on top of an orange tree, the wise men of my place say that one will not eat the unripe sour oranges (Ará ile eni kìí wà l’órí osàn kí ènìyàn mu kíkan). The question to ask these tiwan ntiwa (our own is our own) clappers is: what benefit has Yorubaland derived from the presidency of our son-of-the-soil such that we must all break bones and spines to support his second coming?

What has the Tinubu Presidency done differently to show that the man cares about our security or the security of any Nigerian for that matter? Has it not been politics all through? Has he taken the pain, as a Yoruba man who must be supported by all, to visit the relations of the victims of the Oyo kidnap? Are the you-don’t-have-light-here people of Jos, Plateau State, not better off given that President Tinubu visited them, at least even if the presidential jet that conveyed him to Jos had barely taxied to a halt when the president hopped in for the return journey to Abuja?

Two weeks ago, precisely on May 19, 2026, writing under the title: “Afenifere and Fulani siege on Yorubaland”, on this page, I questioned why Afenifere found it convenient to lay the blame of insecurity in Yorubaland on the governors of the South-West region while it insulated the almighty Federal Government. I pointed out that only the President controls the State security architecture.

Many commenters argued that even at that, the state governors should still do something about insecurity.  I read those comments and I asked: what exactly should Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State in whose state those children and teachers have been taken hostage, have done in this circumstance?

The answer came over the weekend with the ‘powerful’ security delegation President Tinubu sent to the Oriire area of Oyo State over the unfortunate kidnap of those helpless toddlers and their minders. The delegation was led by no other person than Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the President. He was accompanied on the farce called security visit by the Chief of Staff (CoS) to the President, Femi Gbajamibiala, and a host of other security personnel.

I may be wrong. But I have the strong conviction that Governor Makinde’s earlier visit to the area obviously prompted the President to send the ‘high-powered’ delegation! Before then, the Presidency had been silent like the proverbial raffia-palm farm stream. I watched Makinde as he interacted with the relations of the kidnap victims and I felt so sad. The picture of the husband of the kidnapped principal holding the governor as if Makinde holds the solution to the immediate return of the victims has refused to go away.

Read Also: Nigeria’s Supreme Court draws a red line against corporate takeovers by court order

I held my breath as a grandmother, whose four grandchildren and daughter-in-law are in the kidnappers’ den, begging profusely, for the governor to help bring back her grandchildren. I saw the I-am-doing-my-best look on Makinde’s face and the graphic picture of a man going through a mental torture over what he has limited or no immediate control over played in my head. Then, I asked again: What can Makinde do in this circumstance when the man who holds the key to the nation’s security architecture that can be scrambled to go for the rescue is busy playing politics?

I say politics, a dangerous one for that matter, because all Tinubu is doing about the Oyo school kidnap is nothing but bloody politics. I read the post by the Lagos night soil man, Joe Igbokwe, the Special Adviser to the Lagos State Governor on Dirty Gutter and Drainages, where he alluded that the Oyo kidnap is linked to the 2027 second term bid of Tinubu.

I don’t know how much shamelessness is sold for in Nnewi, Igbokwe’s countryside in Anambra State. But it is crystal clear that the very day Joe decided to move to the sugarcane plantation of Tinubu in Bourdillon Street was the very day the old fella threw the last modicum of self-worth in him into the Atlantic!

But for that, how on earth would a supposedly responsible father like Igbokwe be so insensitive to write that: “If kidnapping school children and their teachers is a strategy to stop President Tinubu from winning the 2027 elections, you have failed woefully. Light and darkness have no meeting point. It is a poor strategy that is dead on arrival.”

So, in the entire calamity that the kidnap of those toddlers and their teachers, including the unfortunate summary execution of Oyedokun through decapitation portends, all Igbokwe sees is the 2027 ambition of his paymaster, Tinubu. And if we may join the issue with him, has it occurred to Igbokwe that those victims were kidnapped less than 24 hours after Governor Makinde declared his presidential ambition?

Is the Igbo-Yoruba naturalised Igbokwe reading between the lines? If another warped mind were to follow the line of argument he advanced in his most unfortunate post, would such a person not conclude that the kidnapping was orchestrated to embarrass Makinde or frustrate his political ambitions? Is that what Igbokwe is suggesting?

If we go back a little over a decade, was it not a similar pattern with the Chibok girls, who were abducted shortly after President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan declared his bid for a second term in 2014? Who benefited politically from that tragedy? Who were the gainers and who were the losers?

Why, for God’s sake, must we continue to share the same civic space with people who reduce every human tragedy to political calculation? Why do we have, operating on the same orbit in this country, men and women who think like human beings and others who seem determined to behave otherwise?

When you have figures like Igbokwe as principal players in the Tinubu’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), one cannot but be suspicious of the moves and body language of the President when issues that require his immediate decisive actions are at play. This is why I feel personally sad and scandalised that while our children are in the forest and at the mercy of the elements and criminals, the man we elected as our head hunter is busy dancing palongo  (uncoordinated dance steps) in the political arena! It is most unfortunate; it is most unthinkable. Sadly enough, that is the reality. I will explain.

I watched a TV programme on Sunday, May 31, where the presenter said that Tinubu was in Lagos. I calculated the distance from Lagos to Ogbomoso and it came to 246 kilometres. Then I asked: why did Tinubu have to send a delegation to Oriire instead of going there himself? How does the President set his priorities? 

The fact, a very incontrovertible one, is that Nigerians did not vote for the NSA or the Chief of Staff to the President. Nigerians voted, or were said to have voted for Tinubu as President and Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C) of the Armed Forces. If anyone should lead the charge for the rescue operation, it should be the C-in-C himself. The parade is Tinubu’s; he alone can shout the order! If anyone ought to be in Oriire, Tinubu was the one because he was the one elected to carry out such an assignment more so that he was even in Lagos when the delegation moved to Oyo State!

His staying back in Lagos while he sent some babariga-wearing errand boys to Oriire leaves a bad taste in the mouth. At the risk of sounding insolent, it is crass insensitivity; it is very unfeeling! It is part of the deadly politics of the moment at the expense of the lives of innocent children and their minders!

Again, and more worrisome, is the fact that the Presidency delegation had a morbid fear of the insecurity pervading the entire landscape. This is why our NSA, in company with the best of our security personnel, had to travel to Oriire by helicopter! That the delegation abandoned the road for the air is very instructive.

If the one who controls the nation’s security architecture lacks faith in the security of his aides on our roads, then we are cooked, salted and barbecued at the same time. This is akin to Aso Rock Villa abandoning the epileptic National Grid for a N10-billion solar power so that while the rest of us wallow and waggle in òkùnkùnbirimùbirimù (absolute darkness), our President can pick a dropped needle at 1.00am in Aso Rock.

The way and means by which the Tinubu’s delegation got to Oriire is not the dangerous politics here. The most troubling of the entire charade is the fact that the NSA team did not contact or have any interaction with Governor Makinde or the Chairman of Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State! The delegation completely sidestepped the governor.

The claim that that the Oyo State Commissioner for Education, Olusegun Olayiwola, represented the governor when the Ribadu team came was, and is not exactly true. The fact of the matter is that is that since the kidnap took place, Olayiwola had been in Oriire to monitor events there before the team arrived!

A lot has been written about this unfortunate breach of protocol and crass political pettiness since Sunday. And the Presidency, very unusual of its media handlers, has not been able to respond to the issue. How on earth do we allow politics to determine the fate of the lives of the victims that are in danger?

And this goes for the Makinde-is-the-chief-security-officer chanting gang. If Tinubu sent his NSA and his Chief of Staff to go to Oyo State to assess the situation, who is expected to brief them? Who is also expected to lead such a ’high-powered’ delegation to Oriire if not the governor? How do you sidestep the governor of a grieving state the way Makinde was sidestepped, and you expect the citizenry to take you seriously?

Granted, Makinde belongs to a different political party. Agreed, the Oyo State governor has indicated interest in Tinubu’s job. How, if one may ask, do these affect those hapless citizens in captivity? Where lies the humanity in us if even when lives are in danger, we still place political inclinations above the common good of the people?

I don’t know Nuhu Ribadu, the NSA, in person. All I know about him, I got through his official conducts as the head of the Economic and Financial Crimes commission (EFCC), where, to a greater extent, he did well. Going by that antecedent, I find his Sunday visit to Oriire without an atom of courtesy to Governor Makinde very uncomfortable.

That is not the picture Ribadu cut while in the EFCC. Men do change, so they say. I don’t want to be tempted to say it is unbecoming of his office as the NSA. Ribadu is answerable to the President. If sidestepping Makinde is one of the briefs the ex-police officer got from his principal, then we are in for the night of the long knives.

I know it is difficult in such a circumstance to abide by the ancient injunction that if one is sent on an errand like a slave, one should find a way to deliver it like a freeborn. Even at that, I pray for a day when everyone in positions of responsibility will be able to draw the line between self-worth and outright slavery. There are some briefs that one should not accept; the Oriire visit and its attendant breach of protocol is one.

As for Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff, I don’t think he could have done better than he did during the visit. As the head of the personal aides of the President, Gbajabiamila does not cut the picture of a man who can stand for what he believes in when the President is involved.

Again, like our wise men are wont to say: Tí ewé bá pé l’ára ose, á di ose (a leaf that is used to wrap soap for a long time has itself become soap). His mien at the palace of the Soun of Ogbomoso tells the story of a child who is ready to carry out the instructions of his father to the letter and also impress the father regardless of whose ox is gored! May God give us men of honour!

In all this, my heart goes to those little, innocent children in the forest. The picture of the mother with her toddler child begging the government to rescue them is enough testimonial that men of conscience are in short supply in this epoch. What can we do other than to pray that God will show mercy and rescue the victims, not only in Oyo, but all over the nation.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Rescue as leitmotif, not relitigation

By Onikepo Braithwaite

Rescue the Children, Now
I must join my voice to that of all the others, appealing to Government and all the security agencies to secure the release of every child in Nigeria who is in the hands of terrorist kidnappers. To date, about 91 Chibok girls and Leah Sharibu, the lone remaining Dapchi girl, are unaccounted for, and they appear to have been forgotten.

On May 15, 2026, 39 children ranging from age 2 to 18, and 7 teachers were kidnapped from 3 schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State. One of the teachers, Mr Michael Oyedokun was killed in an extremely gruesome manner by the kidnappers. May his soul rest in peace. And, may God comfort the family he left behind. Amen. About 40 children were also kidnapped from school, in Borno State.

It is more than heartbreaking and heart wrenching, to imagine little children, particularly such small ones, being left to the elements and harsh conditions in the forest for over 2 weeks. They are too small, to be put through such hardship and suffering. No innocent person, at any age, deserves to go through such hell. The dissemination of videos showing the brutal treatment of victims by these terrorists and the execution of Negotiators, is a way of spreading fear amongst Nigerians to gain more power and attention, to create distrust, discontent and possibly, to recruit followers using the, “if you can’t beat them, join them” mentality.

The primary purpose of Government, is the security and welfare of the people – see Section 14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution). While we pray for God to take control and protect these innocent children and teachers, and indeed, all those who have been taken into captivity by these kidnappers, we ask Government to do their job. If the same amount of time and energy that is spent by Politicians/Government Officials on plotting to stay or come into power by any means necessary, is devoted to strategising on how to secure the lives of our people, everyone would have been rescued by now.

Twiddledee and Twiddledum/Hassan and Hussein
If there are any terms that can depict closeness/inseparable pairs even more than Twiddledee and Twiddledum, that’s what we should use to describe All Progressives Congress (APC) and African Democratic Congress (ADC)! They are two peas in a pod. Maybe Hassan and Hussein? Hickory Dickory? Molly Polly? Just as APC counters were jumping from 1 to 1,000 and so on, so did an ADC counter in the North, when counting for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar during the ADC Primaries! We saw the video clips. They all shamelessly worked to the answer. These two political parties are Siamese twins, birds of the same feather, and even if they may quarrel like Tom and Jerry, they are a pair! In fact, irrespective of which party they belong to, majority of Nigerian politicians, with very few exceptions, have rolled off the same assembly line, and they are all members of the Twiddle Family – many peas in one pod! Even in the brand new party, Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), there were complaints about how some candidates emerged, with allegations that some positions went to the highest bidders.

Then, the same people who defect from party to party with fluidity, recycle the same godfatherism, display a gross lack internal democracy in whichever party they belong to, and use the same cheating style to win elections (both internal and external), turn around to bring election petitions, crying foul when they are beaten at their own game and lose at the polls!

Non-Justiciability of Intra-Party Matters
However, it appears that nomination of candidates is an intra-party affair, so, unsuccessful aspirants can only cry disenfranchisement and rigged primaries; it appears that they cannot go to court. See Section 83(5) of the Electoral Act 2026 (EA). In Kabir v APC & Ors (2024) LPELR-61712(SC) per Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa, JSC, the Supreme Court held inter alia that: “….the question of membership of a political party and sponsorship of a candidate for an election, squarely falls within the purview and contemplation of domestic affairs of a political party, thus, not justiciable. This proposition of law has been settled and reiterated beyond per adventure by this court, in a plethora of authorities….it is….indeed, a No Go Area for courts, as they lack jurisdiction to delve into such affairs or matters”. See also Anyanwu v Emmanuel & Ors (2025) LPELR-8.0882(SC) per Jamilu Yammama Tukur, JSC.

The pronouncements of the Apex Court are as clear as crystal, on the justiciability of these two issues – membership of a political party and sponsorship of candidates for election; yet, Lawyers, experienced ones at that, and even Senior Advocates mostly, still take these issues to court repeatedly for adjudication, sometimes deliberately adding a twist to mask issues that are already well established and require no more litigation. To tell the truth, it appears that many of the adults in the room, whether politicians or Lawyers, are responsible for eroding Nigeria’s institutions for their own selfish gain.

Relitigation of Decided Cases
In the case of relitigating decided cases or issues in Nigerian political cases, at times, the doctrine of Res Judicata or Issue Estoppel may apply, as sometimes, the same/similar parties relitigate the same subject-matters already decided, and this is one of the elements that must exist to plead Res Judicata or Issue Estoppel. ‘Res Judicata’ means ‘a matter judged’; it concerns the legal principle of not relitigating a matter or issue that has already been judged by a court of competent jurisdiction, or settled by the Supreme Court.

Even if the first element of same/similar parties isn’t fulfilled, the second and third elements usually obtain in political cases, that is, the matter has been decided on its merits, and the subject-matter of the subsequent case is the same as the one that has been decided upon – see Tiput v Dawamkat & Anor (2025) LPELR-81992 per Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa, JSC where the Supreme Court held inter alia in respect of Res Judicata that: “The three essential elements are: (1) an earlier decision on the issue; (2) a final judgement on the merits; and (3) the involvement of the same parties, or parties in privity with the original parties…”; also see Anchorage Leisures Ltd & Ors v Ecobank (Nig) Ltd (2023) LPELR-59978 (SC) on Issue Estoppel.

And, even if fresh parties/strangers relitigate decided issues, this is an abuse of court process or violating the principle of ‘stare decisis’, that is, “to stand by things decided and not to disturb settled points” – see Edede v AGF & Anor (2025) LPELR-82109(SC) per Moore Aseimo Abraham Adumein, JSC. In Emenuwe v State (2024) LPELR-62735(SC) per Mohammed Lawal Garba, JSC, the Supreme Court held thus: “It is an abuse of the court’s process to bring an appeal on issues which have been firmly settled by several pronouncements of this Court over the years, merely for the purpose of re-statements of the established principles on the said issues”. So also, is it an abuse for a litigant to relitigate an identical matter that has been decided against him, even if it isn’t res judicata, or matters that are covered by issue estoppel – see Arubo v Aiyeleru & Ors (1993) LPELR-566 (SC) per Philip Nnaemaka-Agu.

Unfortunately, we will still see a great deal of this vexatious type of abuse of court process, during this new electoral cycle. How do we classify election petitions vis-à-vis res judicata and issue estoppel?Some argue that election petitions are ‘sui generis’ that is, unique, and that repetition may arise because of evolving facts in each scenario. Possibly. But, even though the actual Petitioners/Respondents may be different, their political parties are recurring decimals in petitions, past and present, at least, PDP since 1999, APC since 2015, and along with INEC, they are usually joined as parties, while there are serial Petitioners who jump from party to party, and have been parties in some of these decided cases under different political parties.

In Obi & Anor v INEC & Ors (2023) LPELR-61532(SC) per Tijjani Abubakar, JSC, on the issue of the nomination of Senator Kashim Shettima as APC’s Vice Presidential Candidate, the Supreme Court held that “….this issue has been dealt with by this Court in PDP v INEC & 3 Ors delivered on the 26th day of May, 2023. Appellants appeal on this point, amounts to an attempt to relitigate the point on nomination of Senator Shettima, this certainly offends the settled position of the law that there must be an end to litigation, this issue having been fully settled by this Court. The Appellant will not be allowed to relitigate this issue….”. This decision appears to establish the principle that, even if the parties are different, the same issue mustn’t be relitigated, particularly when the Supreme Court has decided on it.

For instance, in Nyesom Wike v Dr Dakuku Peterside, APC, INEC & PDP (2016) LPELR-40036 (SC) per Kudirat Kekere-Ekin, JSC (now CJN), the Apex Court held that a Petitioner complaining of non-compliance with the Electoral Act “must prove it polling unit by polling unit, ward by ward, and the standard of proof is on the balance of probabilities. He must show figures that the adverse party was credited with, as a result of the non-compliance”. But, in Obi & Anor v INEC & Ors (Supra), the Petitioner had alleged non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 (EA 2022), questioning the results in over 18,000 polling units. But, instead of proving it “polling unit by polling, ward by ward”, the Petitioner had only 13 witnesses, out of which only 3 filed their witness statements on oath along with the Petition and testified, contrary to Paragraph 4(5)(b) 1st Schedule to the EA 2022. 3 witnesses, even if it was 13, testifying about 18,000 polling units where they weren’t physically present, based on third-party information amounts to relying on hearsay say evidence, which is inadmissible in court – see Sections 37 & 38 of the Evidence Act 2011; Okoro v State (1998) LPELR-2493(SC) on the inadmissibility of hearsay evidence.

The Presidential Election Petition Tribunal had observed that specific polling units weren’t named, nor were alleged authentic results provided; the polling agents who were alleged to have complained about the results weren’t named or called as witnesses. In short, the standard of proof set in Nyesom Wike v Dr Dakuku Peterside, APC, INEC & PDP (Supra) was not met with regard to non-compliance in Obi’s case, as the Petitioner failed to adduce the requisite evidence; yet, the petition was still brought to court, with full prior knowledge that they hadn’t met the necessary threshold of proof. This is an abuse of court process.

In a jurisdiction such as UK, Counsel that attempts to relitigate issues that have already been settled by the Supreme Court, or bring only 5 items instead of the 500 items that may have been established by the Supreme Court to be required to maintain an action, apart from the fact the lower court must swiftly strike out such matters, Counsel that filed such a frivolous case may face disciplinary action from their professional body, and both Counsel and Client can face financial penalties, such as paying heavy costs to opponent’s Counsel, as such behaviour undermines the principle that there must be finality to litigation. It is also a waste of valuable judicial time.

The Jonathan Eligibility Case
Recently, in a case filed at the Federal High Court, Abuja, seeking to disqualify former President Goodluck Jonathan, GCFR from running in the 2027 Presidential election, Justice Lifu upheld President Jonathan’s eligibility to run and struck out the case, following the UK pattern by awarding N21 million costs against the Plaintiff, N20 million payable to President Jonathan and N1 million to the Attorney-General of the Federation. Justice Lifu cited the previous judgements of the Federal High Court, Yenagoa and the Court of Appeal, stating that the present case is an abuse of court process and that the Court of Appeal being a superior court, the Federal High Court is bound by the doctrine of stare decisis. This aligns with the principles against relitigating of settled issues, respecting judicial precedent and penalising abuse of court process.

Conclusion
The kidnapping and terrorist epidemic crisis in Nigeria, is a national shame. The recent Oyo incident shows how far this epidemic has spread, nationwide. There must be targeted forest clearance and combing, to fish out these criminals from their hideouts across the country’s forests, while a better school protection framework including perimeter fencing, CCTV, trained security, amongst others, must be deployed to schools, particularly soft targets in the rural areas. The welfare of the most vulnerable, children, must be a priority, over and above political machinations. There must be more preventive measures and effective rescue, as opposed to a recourse to regular ransom payments, that make this criminal enterprise more attractive to these wicked criminals. Though, the truth is that, out of desperation, any parent or person in such a position would do anything to secure the release of their loved ones, even paying ransoms.

The incessant spectacle of politicians defecting from one political party to another like interchangeable twins, while Lawyers relitigate settled Supreme Court issues which amounts to abuse of court process, only deepens institutional decay and erodes public trust. It is time for the courts to discourage frivolous litigation through heavy costs and discipline, while the legal profession should endeavour to uphold higher standards like in UK and Canada, by coming down heavily on its erring members who engage in this unholy practice. Only then will the “go to court” taunt which has become a common joke, even for nonsensical cases and 1000 election petitions out of which only a few can be proved, will be curbed.
According to PLAC analysis, for the 2023 election petitions, almost 90% of them failed, and just over 70% failed because the requisite burden of proof couldn’t be discharged. It is against the Rules of Professional Conduct for Lawyers to pursue frivolous actions, particularly when they know they cannot discharge the evidentiary burdens. As Counsel, it is not enough to claim to be doing your client’s bidding, as such behaviour can amount to professional misconduct, which when punished accordingly, will serve as a much needed deterrent.

DSS denies arresting Okey Ndibe, says airport encounter was part of 13-year watchlist review

The Department of State Services (DSS) has pushed back against reports that it arrested or detained renowned author and columnist Professor Okey Ndibe at Lagos’ Murtala Muhammed International Airport, insisting that the interaction was part of an ongoing review process aimed at removing his name from a long-standing security watchlist.

In a statement issued Tuesday, the agency said claims that Ndibe was arrested on June 1 were inaccurate, describing the encounter as a routine interface connected to a broader effort to clean up watchlist records dating back decades.

“The Department of State Services (DSS) hereby clarifies that it did not arrest or detain Prof Okey Ndibe at Murtala Muhammed International Airport on June 1, 2026, or any other place on that date for that matter,” the agency said.

The statement, signed by the DSS Deputy Director of Public Relations and Strategic Communications, Favour Dozie, revealed that Ndibe had been on the Service’s watchlist since January 29, 2013.

According to the agency, his case has now been reviewed and downgraded, with the airport interaction forming part of the final process leading to the removal of his name from the list.

“In the same vein, Prof Ndibe has been on Watchlist since January 29, 2013. Meanwhile, his case has been reviewed and downgraded. Thus, the interface with him at the airport was geared towards the final delisting of his details from the Action,” the DSS stated.

The Bigger Revelation

While the DSS denied carrying out an arrest, its statement confirmed a fact likely to generate fresh debate: one of Nigeria’s most prominent writers remained on a security watchlist for more than 13 years.

The agency said the current leadership had initiated a review of legacy Watch-List Actions, some inherited from previous administrations and dating back to the military era, to prevent citizens from being unnecessarily subjected to travel-related embarrassment.

Officials explained that individuals on such lists are periodically interviewed while in transit to assess whether the reasons for their original designation remain valid.

The review process, according to the DSS, serves as a precursor to eventual delisting and is intended to align the agency’s operations with international best practices.

The Service noted that several Nigerians have already benefited from the exercise, citing media rights advocate Lanre Arogundade, whose removal from the watchlist was approved in 2025 after more than a decade under surveillance restrictions.

Ndibe’s Account

The DSS response followed reports that Ndibe, who has lived in the United States since 1998, was stopped upon arrival in Lagos, taken to the agency’s office at the airport and questioned over his watchlist status before being released.

According to accounts of the incident, security officials informed him that his continued appearance on the database triggered the stop and advised him to visit the agency’s headquarters in Abuja to facilitate his removal from the list.

Ndibe reportedly declined.

“I told the SSS that it’s a shame a country that rolls out the red carpet for criminals would harass a writer who wages war on corruption and the corrupt,” he was quoted as saying after the encounter.

The DSS, however, emphasized that the interaction lasted less than an hour and ended with Ndibe being cleared and escorted.

The agency further noted that the writer himself acknowledged the professionalism of its personnel during the encounter.

A History of Encounters

The latest episode has also revived scrutiny of Ndibe’s long and often contentious relationship with Nigeria’s security establishment.

The celebrated columnist and academic has previously alleged that he was detained at the same airport in 2011, with both his Nigerian and American passports temporarily confiscated.

Friends and associates say similar incidents have occurred on multiple occasions over the years, often ending with interventions from senior officials in Abuja and subsequent apologies from the agency.

Former Anambra State Commissioner for Information, Don Adinuba, described the latest incident as evidence of persistent bureaucratic shortcomings within the security system.

“It is a pity that this agency doesn’t update its database to enable the officers on duty at the airport to know that the agency no longer regards Prof Ndibe as a security threat,” Adinuba said.

According to him, each previous encounter followed a familiar pattern: airport officials detained the writer, contacted headquarters, received clarification and eventually released him.

Questions Beyond One Man

Beyond the disagreement over whether Ndibe was arrested or merely questioned, the controversy raises broader questions about the management of Nigeria’s security watchlists.

The DSS now insists it is undertaking a comprehensive review of legacy records and has invited Nigerians who believe they may be affected to contact its headquarters for assessment.

Yet the revelation that a prominent public intellectual remained on a watchlist for more than a decade despite repeated encounters with security agencies is likely to fuel debate about transparency, accountability and the safeguards governing such databases.

For critics, the issue is not simply what happened to Okey Ndibe at Lagos airport.

It is how many other Nigerians may still be navigating the consequences of watchlist decisions made years—or even decades—ago.

1...101112...1,421Page 11 of 1,421

TIPS

Load more