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Police urged to probe alleged branding of child domestic worker in Benue

Countless Nigerian children sent away from home in search of a better future instead find themselves trapped in exploitation, neglect and abuse.

Calls for a police investigation are mounting after a minor was allegedly tortured with a heated object by the woman with whom the child was living in Makurdi, Benue State, in a case that has reignited concerns over the treatment of child domestic workers in Nigeria.

The alleged abuse occurred on Friday morning in the Old GRA area of Makurdi.

The incident came to public attention after Benue-based activist Zege Orkwande shared photographs of the child’s injuries on Facebook, alleging that the victim, who had been brought from a village to work as a domestic helper, was subjected to physical abuse.

“Happened this morning at Old GRA, Makurdi. Child abuse, assault, hard labour and slavery,” Orkwande wrote.

He further alleged that the woman responsible lives behind the Total filling station in Old GRA and described the treatment meted out to the child as “evil, slavery and inhumane.”

Read Also: Nursing mother allegedly murders maid for watching TV with her children

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The activist called on the suspect to voluntarily report to any police division under the Benue State Police Command, warning that he would mobilise public support to ensure her arrest and prosecution if she failed to do so.

As of the time of filing this report, the Benue State Police Command had not issued an official statement on the allegation or confirmed whether an investigation had commenced.

A recurring national concern

The Makurdi incident is the latest in a troubling succession of cases involving children allegedly abused by guardians or employers entrusted with their care.

Only weeks ago, another case in Benue drew public attention after a woman was arraigned before a Makurdi Chief Magistrates’ Court over allegations that she trafficked two teenage girls for sexual exploitation. The prosecution followed the girls’ escape and subsequent report to law enforcement authorities.

Earlier this month, four girls believed to be victims of an alleged trafficking ring were intercepted in Makurdi while reportedly being moved to Ghana, highlighting the continued vulnerability of children to exploitation within and beyond Nigeria’s borders.

Similar incidents have surfaced in other parts of the country in recent months. In Lagos, authorities have prosecuted several cases involving domestic workers, including minors allegedly subjected to prolonged physical abuse and starvation. In Anambra and Delta states, police have also investigated allegations of severe violence against children placed with relatives or employers, while child protection organisations continue to warn that many cases remain hidden because victims are isolated, intimidated or financially dependent on their abusers.

Child rights advocates say the common thread is the informal practice of sending children from rural communities to live with relatives or strangers in urban centres under the promise of education or better opportunities, arrangements that can sometimes deteriorate into forced labour, physical abuse and exploitation.

What the law says

The Child Rights Act, 2003, which has been domesticated in Benue State, guarantees every child the right to dignity and protection from physical, emotional and psychological abuse. Depending on the circumstances, anyone found culpable may also face charges under the Criminal Code or Penal Code for assault causing grievous bodily harm, while cases involving recruitment or exploitation of children may attract prosecution under Nigeria’s anti-trafficking laws.

For child welfare advocates, the Makurdi allegation is another reminder that abuse within private homes often goes undetected until neighbours, teachers, health workers or community members speak up.

Whether the latest allegation results in prosecution will now depend on the findings of investigators, but campaigners insist that every reported case deserves a thorough inquiry to ensure vulnerable children are protected and those responsible, where culpability is established, are held accountable.

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Hospital building collapses after rain-triggered landslide in Calabar

A hospital building in Calabar, the Cross River State capital, has collapsed after a landslide triggered by torrential rainfall, renewing concerns over the growing impact of extreme weather on infrastructure in Nigeria.

The building, identified as UNICEM Hospital, caved in on Thursday, August 13, after hours of heavy rain reportedly destabilised the hillside on which it stood. Dramatic videos shared on social media showed sections of the structure collapsing into a pile of rubble as terrified residents watched from a safe distance.

A Calabar-based pharmacist, Mr. Mekzy, who posted one of the videos on X, said the collapse followed a devastating landslide caused by the downpour.

There was no official confirmation of casualties as of Friday. While eyewitness accounts suggested the incident sparked panic in the area, emergency authorities had yet to verify whether anyone was trapped or injured.

The collapse has once again drawn attention to Calabar’s vulnerability to landslides, flooding and severe erosion during the rainy season. Experts have repeatedly warned that uncontrolled development, inadequate drainage and construction on unstable slopes have heightened the risk of such disasters.

Footage from the scene showed a mass of earth crashing into the hospital complex before the building gave way, leaving behind shattered concrete, twisted steel reinforcement and heaps of debris.

The incident is expected to reignite calls for stricter enforcement of building regulations, particularly in erosion-prone and hillside communities. Urban planning experts have consistently stressed the need for proper geotechnical assessments before construction in environmentally sensitive areas, warning that increasingly intense rainfall linked to climate change is exposing weaknesses in existing infrastructure.

Emergency officials are expected to assess neighbouring structures for possible structural damage, while investigations into the cause of the collapse are anticipated.

As of the time of filing this report, neither the Cross River State Government nor emergency management agencies had released a detailed statement on the incident.

The collapse comes as many parts of southern Nigeria continue to experience heavy seasonal rainfall, underscoring the urgent need for improved drainage systems, stronger building oversight and more effective disaster preparedness to reduce the risk of similar incidents.

Watch the video here.

Tampering With a Judgment Is a Crime’: Lawyer says Imo case has shaken the judiciary’s credibility

As outrage into the alleged alteration of a court judgment in Imo State continues to spread, another lawyer has warned that the controversy is no longer about one case but about the integrity of Nigeria’s entire justice system.

The publication of Law & Society’s investigation, “When a Judgment Changes After It Is Delivered: The Imo Case That Has Shaken Confidence in Nigeria’s Courts,” has continued to provoke intense debate within Nigeria’s legal community, with Owerri-based legal practitioner Ikenna Kenny Ujah describing the alleged alteration of a court judgment as “outrightly criminal” and warning that such conduct, if established, strikes at the very foundation of the administration of justice. Reacting to the report, Ujah argued that interference with a court’s final decision is not merely a question of judicial misconduct but an assault on the rule of law itself—one that deepens public distrust in the judiciary and reinforces growing concerns about accountability within one of the country’s most critical democratic institutions.

It is regrettable that even lawyers do not appreciate the heinous nature of the crime committed by the supposed “Honourable Justice”.

Read Also: When a Judgment Changes After It Is Delivered: The Imo case that has shaken confidence in Nigeria’s courts

It is outrightly criminal to tamper with a process of court, least of all a judgment, by anyone including the so-called “My Lord”.

This reprehensible conduct, amongst others, contributes to the spiralling loss of confidence in our ever-floudering judiciary.

In a serious country, the gonnif (pardon my French) would be treated like someone who committed high treason and dealt with accordingly. Unfortunately, we are in Nigeria where you will surprised to learn that he may be recommended for National Honours and feted for his “capacity”.

That is the tragedy of the territorial space we call home.

We live in a broken society.

Alas, it is finished!

ite missa est

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Nigeria strikes gold in Sweden as MFM chorale wins world choir games spiritual crown

Mountain Top Chorale tops global field, bringing home gold and the championship title in one of the world’s biggest choral competitions.

Nigeria has added another international honour to its rich musical heritage after the Mountain Top Chorale of the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries (MFM) emerged champion in the Spiritual Category at the 2026 World Choir Games in Helsingborg, Sweden, one of the world’s most prestigious choral competitions.

The choir secured a gold medal with 87.38 points in the Spiritual Category before going on to clinch the Champion of the World Choir Games title in the category, placing Nigeria ahead of leading choirs from across the globe. The World Choir Games and MFM both confirmed the result.

The victory marks another milestone for the choir, which has steadily built an international reputation over the years. Having previously won multiple gold medals at earlier editions of the World Choir Games, the Mountain Top Chorale returned to the global stage this year to convert past success into a championship title, reinforcing Nigeria’s growing reputation in international choral music.

Often described as the “Olympics of Choral Music,” the World Choir Games is the largest international competition dedicated to choral singing. The 2026 edition, held from August 6 to 16 in Helsingborg, attracted more than 160 choirs, about 8,500 singers and participants from over 40 countries, competing across numerous categories before international juries.

Conducted by Oluwasegun Okedunmola, the Mountain Top Chorale represented Nigeria in the elite Champions Competition, reserved for choirs with proven records of artistic excellence at national and international level. Choirs in this division are evaluated under a demanding 100-point scoring system, with only the highest-scoring gold medal winner in each category earning the title of Champion.

Reacting to the achievement, MFM General Overseer, Dr. Daniel Olukoya, described it as a proud moment not only for the church but for Nigeria.

“A Champion’s Sound! Gold for Mountain Top Chorale!” he wrote in a celebratory message.

“What a glorious moment for Mountain Top Chorale of Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries.”

Olukoya praised the choristers, conductor, music directors and support team for what he described as years of discipline, sacrifice and unwavering commitment to excellence.

“This is more than a musical achievement; it is a testament to discipline, excellence, dedication, teamwork and the power of using our gifts to glorify God,” he said.

“From Nigeria to the world, Mountain Top Chorale has raised the banner high.”

Beyond the trophy, the victory offers another reminder of Nigeria’s enduring influence in the performing arts. While the country’s global reputation has often been driven by Afrobeats, Nollywood and literary accomplishments, Nigerian choirs have quietly earned respect on some of the world’s biggest concert stages, combining Western classical traditions with African rhythm, indigenous languages and sacred music.

Music scholars have long noted that Nigeria possesses one of Africa’s richest choral traditions, rooted in church music, community singing and formal music education. Competitions such as the World Choir Games provide an opportunity for that tradition to be measured against the highest international standards, where technical precision, interpretation, vocal blend, musical expression and artistic presentation are judged by panels of renowned choral experts.

For the Mountain Top Chorale, the Swedish triumph represents more than another addition to its growing list of honours. It demonstrates that Nigerian ensembles can compete successfully at the highest levels of international choral performance, standing alongside some of the world’s finest amateur and semi-professional choirs.

At a time when Nigeria’s creative industries continue to command global attention, the choir’s success also broadens the country’s cultural story. It is a reminder that Nigerian excellence is not confined to popular music alone but extends to classical and sacred performance, where discipline, artistry and years of rigorous training remain the defining ingredients of success.

As the choristers return home with gold medals and a world championship title, they bring with them more than trophies. They return having once again carried Nigeria’s colours onto the global stage and demonstrated that, in the universal language of music, the country continues to find new ways to make its voice heard.

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24 Years After Barnabas Igwe’s Murder, Odinkalu Asks: Why is prime suspect Soludo’s security adviser?

Twenty-four years after the gruesome murder of former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Onitsha Branch Chairman, Barnabas Igwe, and his pregnant wife, Abigail, former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, has reignited one of Anambra State’s darkest unresolved cases by asking why a man identified in official commission records as the alleged leader of the operation is today serving as Governor Chukwuma Soludo’s Special Adviser on Security.

Speaking during an interview with Noble Nigeria, an online media platform, Odinkalu disclosed that Ken Emeakayi’s name featured prominently in records reviewed by the Anambra State Truth, Justice and Peace Commission, which he chaired, and whose report was submitted to Governor Soludo in March 2024.

According to Odinkalu, the Commission concluded that critical questions surrounding Emeakayi’s alleged role in the killings remained unanswered and recommended that the state government reopen investigations and pursue accountability.

Instead, seven months after receiving the report, the governor appointed Emeakayi as his Special Adviser on Security.

For Odinkalu, the appointment represents what he described as “a terrible blot” on Soludo’s administration.

“Ken Emeakayi, on the basis of the report of the Truth, Justice and Peace Commission, has questions that remain unanswered,” Odinkalu said.

“Regrettably, in October 2024, the governor appointed Ken Emeakayi his security adviser. That is one of the issues I find difficult to let go of.”

A Murder That Shook Nigeria’s Legal Community

The killing of Barnabas and Abigail Igwe on September 1, 2002, remains one of the most brutal assassinations in Nigeria’s democratic history.

The couple had just returned from the Nigerian Bar Association’s Annual General Conference in Ibadan when they were ambushed by armed attackers in Onitsha.

Barnabas Igwe, then Chairman of the NBA Onitsha Branch, had emerged as one of the fiercest critics of the administration of former Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju, particularly over prolonged salary arrears owed to public workers.

Human rights groups and lawyers had repeatedly warned that outspoken critics of the government were receiving threats before the attack.

According to accounts cited by Odinkalu, the assailants hacked the couple with machetes, shot them and allegedly drove over their bodies with their vehicle.

Abigail Igwe was pregnant.

They left behind three young children at the time.

Commission Reopened the File

Odinkalu said the Truth, Justice and Peace Commission revisited the case because earlier criminal proceedings had collapsed before reaching a conclusion.

Drawing from records personally reviewed by him, he alleged that Emeakayi—then associated with the Bakassi Boys security outfit operating in Anambra—had previously been arrested and detained on murder charges connected with the case.

According to him, the prosecution was disrupted after the court handling the matter ceased to function and a prison break led to Emeakayi’s escape from custody.

“The court was sacked and there was a prison break in which he was freed,” Odinkalu recalled.

“But the trial did not end, strictly speaking. It’s just that the records kind of vanished.”

He argued that the disappearance of those records contributed significantly to the collapse of the prosecution, making it necessary for the Truth, Justice and Peace Commission to reconstruct the case decades later.

Odinkalu stressed that the Commission did not pronounce Emeakayi guilty.

Rather, he said, it found sufficient unresolved issues to warrant renewed criminal investigation and possible prosecution.

“On the basis of the records I reviewed personally, he led the operation.”

Questions the Report Says Must Be Answered

The former NHRC Chairman said the Commission recommended that the Anambra State Government reopen the investigation and ensure that those allegedly involved in the killings account for their actions.

Instead, he said, one of the individuals identified in the Commission’s review was elevated to one of the state’s most sensitive security positions.

“I cannot speak for the governor,” Odinkalu said.

“He has his reasons, and I’m not privy to them.

“But the report tells him Ken Emeakayi has questions to answer.”

Odinkalu further disclosed that records examined by the Commission suggested that Abigail Igwe recognised Emeakayi during the attack because he had reportedly been a client of the family’s law firm.

According to him, she attempted to run towards him moments before she was fatally struck.

A Case That Refuses to Disappear

For Nigeria’s legal community, the Igwe murders have long symbolised the dangers faced by lawyers who challenge political power and the enduring weakness of the country’s criminal justice system in resolving politically sensitive killings.

More than two decades after the murders, no court has delivered a final judgment establishing responsibility for the killings.

The Truth, Justice and Peace Commission’s recommendations remain publicly unimplemented, while renewed attention generated by Odinkalu’s remarks has revived questions over whether the state will act on the report it commissioned.

For many lawyers who remember Barnabas Igwe’s fearless advocacy, the issue is no longer simply about one appointment.

It is whether one of the country’s most notorious unresolved political assassinations will ever receive the full measure of justice promised by the rule of law.

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Women In Politics Forum raises alarm over safety of women, persons with disabilities and the elderly ahead of Osun governorship election

“Osun Must Not Become Another Election Written in Blood.”

The Women In Politics Forum (WIPF) has expressed grave concern over the deteriorating security situation in Osun State ahead of Saturday’s governorship election, warning that the escalating violence now threatens not only the credibility of the electoral process but also the constitutional rights and physical safety of thousands of women, persons with disabilities (PWDs) and elderly citizens expected to participate in the poll.

While elections should represent the highest expression of democratic choice, WIPF notes with deep concern that the atmosphere preceding the August 15 governorship election has increasingly been defined by killings, intimidation, violent clashes, political reprisals and widespread fear in several communities across the state.

More than 2.3 million registered voters are expected to decide the next governor from a field of fourteen candidates. Yet, despite women constituting a significant proportion of the electorate and serving as election officials, party agents, journalists, observers and civil society monitors, only one woman appears on the governorship ballot.

For WIPF, this underscores a troubling paradox in Nigeria’s democracy: women remain indispensable to the conduct of elections while continuing to be significantly underrepresented in elective leadership.

The organisation is particularly disturbed that independent election observers have identified thirteen of Osun’s thirty local government areas as high-risk flashpoints following weeks of politically motivated violence. Reports from election monitoring groups indicate that more than thirty persons—and by some estimates nearly forty—have already lost their lives in election-related incidents during the campaign period.

Recent violence in parts of Ilesa, alongside earlier attacks reported in Osogbo, Boripe, Obokun, Ife North, Ife Central, Irewole and other communities, demonstrates the extent to which political competition has degenerated into violent confrontation in several parts of the state.

Whether the exact casualty figure stands at thirty or forty is, in WIPF’s view, secondary to the more disturbing reality that citizens are losing their lives simply because an election is taking place.

Such violence undermines public confidence in democracy, suppresses voter participation and disproportionately affects those least able to protect themselves.

Women are often the first casualties of electoral violence—not only through direct attacks, harassment and intimidation, but also because insecurity discourages many from leaving their homes to vote. Female journalists, election officials, observers and party agents deployed to volatile areas face similar risks, while women voters remain particularly vulnerable to intimidation, coercion and other forms of gender-based electoral violence.

WIPF therefore stands in solidarity with the women of Osun State who recently marched peacefully to demand professionalism, impartiality and accountability from security agencies.

Their message—that every voter deserves equal protection regardless of political affiliation—reflects the very essence of constitutional democracy.

The organisation further notes that Osun’s Resident Electoral Commissioner, Mrs. Oluwatoyin Babalola, is the first woman to occupy that office in the state. At a time when election officials themselves have become targets of threats and intimidation, WIPF urges security agencies to provide adequate protection for the REC, electoral personnel and all officials responsible for administering the poll.

Beyond women, WIPF expresses particular concern for persons with disabilities and elderly citizens whose ability to participate safely may be significantly compromised by violence or disorder.

The organisation welcomes INEC’s commitment to deploy Braille ballot guides, magnifying glasses, large-print materials, assistive listening devices and priority voting arrangements for persons with disabilities, elderly voters, pregnant women and nursing mothers.

It also commends the directive issued by INEC Chairman, Professor Joash Amupitan, emphasising priority treatment for elderly voters during accreditation and voting.

Similarly, WIPF acknowledges the constructive intervention by the Joint National Association of Persons with Disabilities (JONAPWD), which has urged INEC to permit persons with disabilities to vote early so they may leave polling areas before security risks escalate.

These measures, however, will only inspire confidence if they are fully implemented at every polling unit.

Accessibility cannot remain a policy commitment on paper while vulnerable citizens encounter barriers on election day.

Indeed, electoral violence affects all citizens, but it imposes a far greater burden on those with limited mobility, visual or hearing impairments, age-related vulnerabilities and underlying health conditions. These are citizens who may be unable to flee violent confrontations, relocate to alternative polling units or withstand prolonged disruption caused by insecurity.

WIPF therefore welcomes the deployment of approximately 15,000 security personnel across Osun State and notes the assurances by the Nigeria Police Force that ballot snatching, voter intimidation, vote-buying and election-related violence will be met with swift enforcement of the law.

The organisation also welcomes the prohibition on unauthorised armed groups around polling and collation centres, as well as INEC’s collaboration with anti-corruption agencies to curb vote-buying and protect electoral integrity.

However, WIPF stresses that the effectiveness of these security arrangements will ultimately be judged not by the number of personnel deployed but by their professionalism, impartiality and respect for the rights of every voter.

The organisation reminds all security agencies that neutrality is not optional; it is a constitutional obligation.

Equally, political parties, candidates and their supporters must recognise that no electoral victory can justify the loss of human life or the intimidation of citizens exercising their democratic rights.

WIPF’s Call to Action

The Women In Politics Forum therefore calls on:

  • Security agencies to provide visible, professional and impartial protection across all polling units, particularly within the thirteen local government areas identified as high-risk, while ensuring special protection for women, persons with disabilities, elderly voters, election officials, journalists and accredited observers.
  • INEC to guarantee that every accessibility commitment announced before the election—including assistive devices, trained personnel and priority voting arrangements—is fully implemented at every polling unit.
  • Political parties and candidates to publicly recommit themselves to peaceful conduct and to restrain supporters from violence, intimidation, hate speech and actions capable of undermining public confidence in the electoral process.
  • Election observers and the media to document and promptly report incidents affecting women, persons with disabilities and elderly voters, ensuring that their experiences remain visible throughout the electoral process.
  • Citizens, particularly women, persons with disabilities and elderly voters, to exercise their civic responsibility peacefully, utilise available priority voting arrangements and promptly report threats, intimidation or violence through official security and electoral complaint channels.

Democracy Must Never Demand Courage Simply to Vote

The integrity of the Osun governorship election will not be measured solely by who emerges victorious.

It will also be judged by whether every eligible citizen—particularly women, persons with disabilities and elderly voters—can exercise the right to vote freely, safely and with dignity.

No Nigerian should have to choose between participating in democracy and preserving their personal safety.

Women In Politics Forum remains committed to promoting inclusive political participation, defending democratic values and ensuring that elections strengthen rather than diminish the rights guaranteed under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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The Most Dangerous Place: Edo’s child sexual abuse figures expose Nigeria’s hidden epidemic of fathers who prey on their own children

More than half of the child defilement cases recorded in Edo this year allegedly involve fathers. Behind the statistics lies a deeper national crisis that punishment alone cannot solve.

For generations, Nigerian parents have taught their children how to recognise danger. Do not follow strangers. Do not accept gifts from people you do not know. Do not wander into unfamiliar places. The lesson has always been that danger comes from outside the home.

The figures released this week by the Edo State Government tell a far more disturbing story.

Read Also: Civil Defence arrests man for alleged incest and sexual abuse of 14-year-old daughter in Kwara

Between January and July 2026, the state recorded more than 70 cases of child defilement. According to the Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development, Eugenia Abdallah, more than half of those cases allegedly involved fathers abusing their own children. Many of the victims were between the ages of two and 10.

One case stood out even among the grim statistics. A 14-year-old girl is reportedly eight months pregnant after being repeatedly abused by her father. The case only came to the attention of government authorities after a concerned neighbour alerted officials.

Even then, the teenager reportedly begged officials not to arrest him.

That single detail says as much about the nature of incest as the pregnancy itself.

Child protection experts have long observed that victims of abuse by parents often remain emotionally attached to the very people who harm them. Fear, dependence, manipulation, shame and years of psychological control frequently leave children believing they are responsible for protecting their abusers rather than exposing them. Many continue to defend abusive parents even after the abuse has been uncovered.

This is why incest is widely regarded as one of the most devastating forms of child sexual abuse. Beyond the physical assault, it destroys a child’s most basic expectation—that home is a place of safety and that parents exist to protect, not exploit, them. Survivors often carry profound emotional scars into adulthood, battling depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, damaged self-worth and difficulties trusting others or forming healthy relationships.

The Edo figures are shocking, but they are not an isolated development. Across Nigeria, reports of child sexual abuse have become disturbingly frequent, while many experts believe countless more cases never reach the authorities because they occur within families determined to preserve their public image.

Only days ago, Law & Society Magazine examined two separate prosecutions involving different men convicted of sexually abusing two 10-year-old girls in different parts of the country.

In Anambra State, the Children, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Court sentenced 27-year-old final-year Mass Communication student Wisdom Edem to 25 years’ imprisonment after finding that he lured a 10-year-old girl to his home under the pretence of recording a comedy skit before raping her. Justice Peace Otti dismissed the defendant’s extraordinary claim that the child had seduced him, holding that under the law a child cannot consent to sexual activity. The court also directed that his university should not release his certificate until he completes his prison sentence and issued a warrant for his arrest after he absconded before judgment.

In Niger State, another court sentenced 25-year-old Bala Aliyu to 13 years’ imprisonment and ordered him to receive 20 strokes of the cane after he was convicted of sexually abusing another 10-year-old girl in Bosso, Minna. The court further directed him to pay ₦250,000 compensation to the victim. The punishment was publicly carried out at the palace of the District Head of Bosso, a decision local authorities said reflected the seriousness of the offence and was intended to deter future offenders.

The Director-General of the Niger State Child Rights Protection Agency described the judgment as a milestone in the fight against child sexual abuse and urged communities to stop shielding offenders. Prosecutors disclosed that the victim’s mother had initially contemplated withdrawing the case before deciding to pursue justice, a reminder of the social pressures that often prevent abuse from being reported.

Those convictions demonstrate that Nigerian courts are increasingly prepared to impose severe punishment where evidence establishes guilt.

The Edo disclosures, however, expose a different dimension of the crisis.

When fathers become the alleged perpetrators, criminal prosecution is only part of the solution. The abuse often remains hidden for years because children depend on their parents for food, shelter, emotional support and survival. Reporting the crime can mean destroying the only family they have ever known. In many cases, relatives discourage complaints to avoid public embarrassment, while victims themselves are persuaded that silence is preferable to scandal.

As a result, many children continue living under the same roof as those accused of violating them.

That reality raises uncomfortable questions that go beyond the courtroom.

Why are increasing numbers of children becoming victims of sexual abuse within their own homes? Are child protection systems adequately equipped to detect abuse before it escalates? Do schools, religious institutions and communities recognise the warning signs? And once victims are rescued, are there enough psychologists, social workers, shelters and rehabilitation programmes to help them rebuild their lives?

Nigeria is not without laws. The Child Rights Act, the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act and similar state legislation provide substantial legal protection and prescribe stiff penalties for offenders. The challenge has never been the complete absence of legal frameworks but the uneven implementation of those laws, delayed reporting, weak child protection systems and persistent social attitudes that encourage families to conceal abuse rather than confront it.

The Edo State Government says it remains committed to protecting vulnerable citizens, supporting survivors and expanding programmes that improve their welfare and economic opportunities. Those assurances are welcome, but the scale of the problem suggests that protecting children requires a broader national response.

Governments must invest more heavily in child protection agencies, trauma counselling, family support services, safe shelters and specialised investigators. Schools should strengthen safeguarding mechanisms and ensure teachers know how to identify and report suspected abuse. Religious and traditional leaders must challenge the culture of silence that too often shields perpetrators. Communities should encourage neighbours, relatives and caregivers to report suspected abuse without fear of stigma or retaliation.

Perhaps most importantly, society must abandon the comforting belief that children are safest simply because they are at home.

The Edo figures have exposed a painful reality. For too many Nigerian children, the greatest threat is not the stranger outside the gate but the trusted adult inside the house.

Justice remains indispensable, and recent convictions in Anambra and Niger States show that the courts are increasingly prepared to hold offenders accountable. Yet no prison sentence can restore a stolen childhood or erase the trauma of betrayal by a parent. The true measure of success will not be the number of convictions secured after the damage has been done, but the number of children protected before another life is permanently scarred.

The statistics released by Edo should therefore be seen not merely as another crime report but as a national call to action. Every child deserves a home where love is unconditional, trust is sacred and protection is certain. Until that becomes the lived reality for every Nigerian child, the country’s fight against sexual violence will remain painfully incomplete.

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Northern Nigeria: Divorce crisis and the politics of mass weddings

By Abu-Taqiyah Zumo

A 9-year-old boy in a Social Studies class asked his teacher: “Mallam, what is a father?” The class laughed. The teacher cried. That boy has never met his father. The man divorced his mother when he was 2 and never looked back.

Two streets away, Hajja Beauty, 28, First Class graduate, trilingual, Hafiza of the Noble Qur’an. Her younger sister, Bintu, with SSCE result, married at 16, with her third child is a divorcee. Hajja Beauty is not “too educated.” She is a victim. The men who can marry her are either already married twice, or cannot afford a bag of rice.

You may think this is just a movie. But in reality this is the situation in Northern Nigeria, 2026.

We did this to ourselves. We turned marriage into a fashion show, divorce into a habit, and children into collateral damage. We built our society on a lie. Many families thought if you could afford a cow, a microphone, and sadaq, you are ready for marriage. That if things get hard, you can just issue “divorce” and walk away. That government can solve 50 years of family collapse with one stadium and 1000 couples, in the presence of Emirs and tens of Ulama and full attendance of Hisbah at the massive wedding.

Unknowingly this is just a national emergency dressed as a cultural problem. We are not just losing marriages. We are losing a generation. A generation whose streets are full of Almajiri and yan daba because the home that should have raised them collapsed. Our universities are producing brilliant women who will die single because the economy killed the men who should marry them. Our mosques are full of worshippers but our homes are empty.

And when the house is burning, what do we do? We call the cameras, gather 500 couples, hand them pots and mattresses, and call it “mass wedding.” As if you can cure cancer with perfume. As if you can stop a flood by sharing buckets.

Let this irritate you. The truth is we are just using religion to cover failure, politics to cover shame, and mass weddings to cover a mass disaster.

The real question is not who is to blame. The real question is: How many more homes must burn before we admit failure?

This crisis did not fall from the sky. It was manufactured by 5 forces hitting at once.
First is economic strangulation. The cost of Sadaq- dowry and weddings has tripled, but jobs have vanished. A young man enters marriage with debt and desperation. When the bag of rice costs more than his salary, “I cannot feed you” becomes the most common line in court. So men delay marriage indefinitely, and those who marry, break under pressure.

Second is the death of patience and mediation. The normal arbitration panel from both families of the wife and the husband has collapsed. In those days such panel would sit for weeks to settle a marriage dispute between husband and wife. Today we WhatsApp a divorce and run to court. Patience is gone. Social media has also sold us a dangerous gospel: independence for women without responsibility, and freedom for men without provision. Both sides now quote Qur’anic verses when it suits them.

Third is the emergency and often unprepared marriages. We marry girls at 16 with no skill, and boys at 24 with no job. By 25 she has grown fully with four children and he has not. The worldview gap becomes a divorce paper. Family provisions hardened and irresponsibility becomes apparent.

Fourth is unnecessary polygamy without justice. Islam permits polygamy but with conditions. Many husbands make additional wives without additional income and the result end is family explosion.

The fifth is state failure. Government has abandoned job creation, and now pays the price by feeding the children of broken homes through NGOs and welfare.

When the home dies, the society bleeds. The most visible wound is the street child crisis. Most Almajiri and street urchins are not orphans. They are children of broken homes whose fathers disappeared and mothers could not cope. We are raising a generation with no father, no discipline, no hope and we are shocked when they become Yan Shila.

Then there is the silent army of unmarried women. Millions of educated, religious, pious women in their 20s and 30s sitting at home. Not because they don’t want marriage, but because the men who can marry are either broke or already married. This breeds frustration, depression, and in some cases, desperation.

Beyond that is moral decay. Delay marriage and zina rises. Normalize divorce and children grow up thinking commitment is a joke. Finally, there is the economic burden. Single mothers, abandoned children, and broken families are now a line item in the state budget. We are literally paying for our failure as families with public money.

This is not “men’s fault” or “women’s fault” alone. The men abandoned family responsibility and use divorce as a weapon. Some women embraced zero-tolerance and materialism with no attempt at reconciliation. Parents push expensive weddings and early marriage with no preparation. The Ulama are mostly silent, reducing marriage counseling to one khutbah a year. And the state failed to make life affordable.

Into this mess walked the mass weddings. The governors came with the stadium solution. 1000 couples in white dress. Microphones. Sadaq paid. Refrigerators given.pots, mattresses, cash. Drones in the air. Cameras everywhere. All live on TV. They called it charity. They called it Sunnah. And in part, it is. Making marriage easy is good.

But is it working? Rarely. Because you can fund a wedding, but not 10 years of feeding, rent, and school. Many of these couples divorce within 2 years. We have turned marriage into a government program, creating dependency and zero follow-up. Mass weddings are not evil. But they are bandages on a broken bone if there is no job, no training, no counseling, no mentorship, no economic plan, and no values behind them. Just the photo.

This is not the way. We rebuild brick by brick: by creating work, by using fatwas to cut the cost of weddings, by teaching our boys how to be husbands and our girls how to build homes.
Let premarital counseling be mandatory. Let the Ulama start saving marriages apart from doing weddings. Otherwise we are just gathering people to divorce with government sponsorship

There’s need therefore to stop decorating the roof and fix the foundation. Provide Jobs; make cheaper weddings and conduct marriage classes in mosques and schools. Make counseling compulsory. Measure success not by how many we marry, but by how many are still married 5 years later.

As a forward, first, government must make marriage economically possible. That means real jobs and real wages. It also means fatwas and policy to cut the cost of weddings and kill the culture of extravagance.

Second, our Imams and schools must teach marriage as a skill. Budgeting. Communication. Conflict resolution. The khutbah on marriage should not happen once a year.

Third, premarital counseling must become as compulsory as the nikah itself. No certificate of readiness, no wedding.

Fourth, we need support systems. Skills and dignity for single mothers. Mentorship for young men. Respect instead of mockery for unmarried women.

And if mass weddings must continue, tie them to 2 years of economic support, counseling, and job training. Measure success not by the number of couples on stage, but by the number of homes still standing 5 years late.

We will not pray or shame our way out of this. We must rebuild, brick by brick. Government must make marriage economically possible through jobs and by regulating wedding costs through fatwas and policy. Our Imams and schools must teach marriage as a skill: budgeting, communication, conflict. Premarital counseling should not be optional.

We must bring back community mediation. Let elders settle matters before judges do. We also need real support systems: skills for single mothers, mentorship for idle young men, and dignity for unmarried women instead of mockery. And if mass weddings must continue, let them come with 2 years of economic support, counseling, and job training.

A nation can survive bad governance. A nation can survive poverty. But a nation that cannot keep a home together will not survive.
The divorced man, the 35-year-old woman, and the child hawking on the street are not mere statistics. They are us.

So before the next stadium wedding, before the next viral divorce video, let us ask one question: Are we marrying them, or are we preparing them to stay married?

Until we answer that honestly, we will keep burying our future — one broken home at a time.
May Allah mend our homes, and bring succour to the North and the country at large.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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Two States, Two Convictions, Two 10-Year-Old Girls: The disturbing pattern behind Nigeria’s child rape crisis

Within days, courts in Anambra and Niger States jailed two men for sexually abusing separate 10-year-old girls, renewing urgent calls for stronger child protection across Nigeria.

By Law & Society Magazine

The conviction of two men in separate child rape cases in Anambra and Niger states within days of each other has once again exposed the scale of sexual violence against children in Nigeria, raising troubling questions about why minors continue to be targeted despite increasingly stiff punishments under the law.

Although the cases occurred hundreds of kilometres apart and involved different victims, the similarities are difficult to ignore. Both victims were only 10 years old. Both trusted adults who exploited their vulnerability. Both endured life-altering trauma. And in both cases, the courts handed down severe sentences intended to send a clear message that child sexual abuse will not be tolerated.

Yet child rights advocates warn that convictions, important as they are, cannot by themselves end what many now describe as an epidemic of sexual violence against children.

Anambra Court Jails Final-Year Student

At the Children, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Court sitting at the High Court in Awka, Justice Peace Otti convicted Wisdom Edem, a 27-year-old final-year Mass Communication student, of raping, sexually abusing and inflicting injuries on a 10-year-old girl.

The court sentenced him to 25 years’ imprisonment for rape, five years for sexual abuse, and another five years for causing physical injury, after finding that the prosecution had proved its case beyond reasonable doubt.

Justice Otti also issued a bench warrant for his arrest after he failed to appear for judgment, directing that he be declared wanted and that his photographs be circulated by the police and online. In an unusual order reflecting the gravity of the offence, the court directed his university to withhold his degree certificate until he completes his prison sentence.

According to evidence accepted by the court, Edem lured the child to his residence under the guise of producing a comedy skit. Having acted in similar productions with him previously, the girl arrived with her younger sister. He allegedly sent the younger child away on an errand before locking the victim inside his room and raping her.

Medical evidence presented before the court confirmed fresh injuries and bleeding consistent with the child’s testimony, while the defendant’s confessional statement corroborated critical aspects of the prosecution’s case.

Edem claimed during his defence that the child had seduced him, removed his clothes and initiated the sexual act. He further alleged that she had told him she was 14 years old and already had a boyfriend.

Justice Otti rejected the defence in its entirety, holding that a child is incapable of giving legal consent to sexual intercourse. The judge described the assault as deliberate and premeditated, observing that the defendant had manipulated the child’s trust before attacking her.

The prosecution, led by Principal State Counsel Chinelo Akorah, called six witnesses, including medical personnel, police officers and other investigators. The court also ordered the convict to pay ₦200,000 as compensation to the victim for the injuries inflicted on her.

Niger Court Hands Down 13-Year Sentence

Almost simultaneously, another court in Niger State delivered a similarly significant judgment in a separate case involving another 10-year-old girl.

Senior Magistrate Samira Jibrin Wambai of Court No. 9 in Minna sentenced 25-year-old Bala Aliyu to 13 years’ imprisonment after finding him guilty of sexually abusing the child in the Bosso area of the state.

The court also ordered him to receive 20 strokes of the cane and to pay ₦250,000 compensation to the victim.

In compliance with the court’s order, the caning was carried out at the palace of the District Head of Bosso, Malam Muazu Adamu Laka, in the presence of community members and members of the convict’s family.

The prosecution was conducted by the Niger State Child Rights Protection Agency (NSCRPA).

Its Director-General, Ummul-Kalthume Muhammed, described the judgment as a major milestone in the state’s campaign against child sexual abuse and gender-based violence, warning that offenders would continue to face the full weight of the law.

She also urged communities to stop shielding perpetrators and instead report suspected abuse promptly to the authorities.

Prosecuting counsel Aisha Ashafa disclosed that the victim’s mother had initially considered withdrawing the case before deciding to pursue justice, highlighting one of the biggest challenges confronting child protection efforts in Nigeria. Many cases collapse because families are pressured into private settlements, intimidated by offenders or discouraged by social stigma.

District Head Malam Muazu Adamu Laka welcomed the judgment, saying it reflected the seriousness of the offence and would serve as a warning to potential offenders.

A National Pattern

Taken together, the two convictions reveal more than isolated criminal acts.

They point to a wider national crisis in which children continue to be sexually abused in homes, neighbourhoods, schools and communities by adults who exploit their trust, innocence and vulnerability.

Child protection experts say many offenders no longer rely on physical force alone. Increasingly, they groom children through gifts, entertainment, mentorship, promises of opportunities or familiarity before committing the abuse.

The circumstances of the Anambra case—in which the victim was allegedly lured under the pretext of participating in a comedy skit—illustrate how easily trust can be manipulated against children.

Beyond Punishment

Nigeria has enacted several laws designed to protect children, including the Child Rights Act, state Child Rights Laws and the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act. Many states have also established specialised courts and agencies to handle sexual and gender-based violence.

Even so, enforcement remains uneven.

Investigations are often slow, specialised support services are limited, and many victims receive little or no long-term psychological care. In numerous cases, prosecutions never reach judgment because families withdraw complaints under pressure or agree to informal settlements.

These realities have prompted repeated calls for governments to invest not only in prosecution but also in prevention. Child safeguarding policies in schools, stronger public awareness campaigns, early reporting mechanisms, counselling services, community vigilance and sustained support for survivors are increasingly viewed as essential if the cycle of abuse is to be broken.

Justice After Harm

The judgments delivered in Awka and Minna demonstrate that Nigerian courts are prepared to impose severe penalties where evidence establishes guilt.

They also underscore a painful truth.

Every conviction represents justice delivered after a child has already suffered profound physical and psychological harm.

The larger challenge facing government, parents, schools, religious institutions and communities is to ensure that fewer children become victims in the first place. Until prevention receives the same attention as prosecution, each successful conviction will remain both a victory for justice and a reminder of a child the system failed to protect before it was too late.

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Priced Out of Lagos: How Nigeria’s commercial capital became a city many workers can no longer afford

As rents soar into tens of millions of naira and entire low-income communities disappear under bulldozers, a troubling question hangs over Nigeria’s commercial capital: who can still afford to call Lagos home?

By Law & Society Magazine Analysis

Frank Edoho’s recent remarks struck a chord because they articulated what millions of Lagos residents have known for years: The city’s housing market is drifting steadily beyond the reach of ordinary earners. The former Who Wants To Be A Millionaire? host questioned how property prices in parts of the city had climbed to levels that invite comparisons with luxury assets overseas, including private islands reportedly owned by football icon Cristiano Ronaldo.

Whether the comparison was exact mattered less than the sentiment behind it. Thousands of Nigerians who struggle each month to pay rent saw in those comments a reflection of their own reality—a housing market that increasingly appears detached from the incomes of the people it is meant to serve.

Fresh figures from the Lagos Island Residential Market Report 2026 suggest that this frustration is rooted in more than perception. The report places the average annual rent for a two-bedroom apartment at ₦17.25 million in Ikoyi, ₦15 million in Victoria Island, ₦10 million in Lekki Phase 1, and ₦8.5 million in Ikate, with every one of those markets recording dramatic increases since 2022. In Ikate alone, average rents have risen by more than 183 per cent in just four years. Analysts attribute the surge to familiar pressures—persistent inflation, the depreciation of the naira, escalating construction costs, limited land supply and sustained demand for premium housing—but the figures also point to something that extends well beyond economics.

They raise troubling questions about the direction in which Lagos is evolving and about the place of ordinary Nigerians within that future.

Every weekday, long before sunrise, teachers, nurses, journalists, police officers, junior lawyers, engineers, bankers and civil servants begin journeys that can last several hours simply to reach the offices, schools, hospitals and institutions that keep Lagos functioning. While they work in Victoria Island, Ikoyi and Lekki, many actually live far beyond those districts, commuting daily from Ikorodu, Iyana Ipaja, Badagry, Epe, Mowe and neighbouring Ogun communities because accommodation closer to work has drifted beyond their financial reach.

What used to be an inconvenience has gradually become a defining feature of working life in Nigeria’s commercial capital, draining both time and income from households already grappling with a harsh economy.

The burden does not end with the advertised rent. Prospective tenants are routinely confronted with demands for one or two years’ rent in advance, agency fees, legal fees, agreement charges, caution deposits and service charges that can inflate the total amount payable by millions of naira before a single piece of furniture enters the apartment. For many middle-income earners, securing accommodation has become one of the largest financial decisions they will ever make, often requiring loans, family contributions or years of savings.

Few people would argue that Lagos should stop modernising. As one of Africa’s fastest-growing cities, investment in roads, bridges, commercial centres and new residential developments is both necessary and inevitable. Yet modernisation carries difficult social questions when it proceeds without making room for those displaced by it. Across the state, communities such as Otodo-Gbame, Ilubirin, Tarkwa Bay and parts of Makoko have experienced demolitions or mass evictions over the years, frequently in the name of urban renewal or environmental enforcement. Human rights organisations have repeatedly criticised many of those operations, arguing that thousands of residents were removed without adequate consultation, compensation or meaningful resettlement, leaving families to rebuild their lives elsewhere with little support.

That contrast has become increasingly striking. While luxury developments continue to rise across parts of Lagos Island, affordable replacement housing has failed to emerge on anything close to the scale required. The city appears to be producing homes, yet many of them are designed for a market that excludes those on average incomes.

This dilemma is hardly new. Nigeria’s housing deficit has featured in policy debates for decades, and successive governments have acknowledged the scale of the challenge while unveiling ambitious housing programmes intended to bridge the gap. Lagos State has delivered several public housing estates and entered partnerships with private developers, but population growth has consistently outpaced those efforts. As more people move into the city each year, demand continues to race ahead of supply, leaving affordable housing perpetually beyond reach for millions of residents.

The market itself has also changed. Housing is increasingly viewed not only as shelter but as an investment class. Developers understandably concentrate on projects that promise the strongest returns, while investors channel capital into luxury apartments aimed at expatriates, multinational corporations, diaspora buyers and high-net-worth individuals. In many cases, premium developments generate higher yields through short-let accommodation than through conventional residential leases, reinforcing the commercial logic behind building for wealth rather than affordability.

From a business perspective, the calculations are understandable.

From a public policy perspective, the consequences are becoming harder to ignore.

Young professionals delay buying homes because ownership has slipped beyond their reach. Newly married couples postpone plans to start families while they search for accommodation they can sustain. Employers struggle to retain skilled workers who spend four or five hours each day travelling across the city, and businesses absorb the hidden costs of declining productivity, fatigue and staff turnover. What begins as a housing problem steadily spills into economic performance, family stability and quality of life.

Reducing the debate to supply and demand therefore tells only part of the story. Housing occupies a place unlike almost any other commodity. It provides shelter, certainly, but it also shapes educational opportunities, determines access to healthcare, influences productivity and underpins family life. International human rights instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights as interpreted by regional bodies, recognise adequate housing as an essential component of human dignity. When decent accommodation becomes unattainable for large sections of the working population, the consequences extend beyond the property market into the wider social fabric.

Cities around the world have wrestled with similar pressures and have responded in different ways. Some have introduced inclusionary zoning policies requiring developers to allocate portions of new projects to affordable housing. Others provide tax incentives for lower-cost developments, expand public housing programmes or strengthen tenant protections in overheated markets. None of those measures offers a perfect solution, but they reflect an understanding that housing cannot be left entirely to market forces when the market itself consistently rewards only the highest returns.

Lagos stands at a similar crossroads. The city has every reason to celebrate its remarkable economic growth, expanding infrastructure and growing international profile. Its skyline reflects ambition, resilience and investment on a scale unmatched in much of West Africa. Yet the measure of a great city has never rested solely on the height of its buildings or the value of its real estate. It also rests on whether the people who educate its children, patrol its streets, treat its sick, argue its cases in courtrooms, report its stories and keep its businesses alive can still afford to build their lives there.

Frank Edoho’s comments attracted attention because they sounded dramatic. The rental figures now emerging suggest they reflected something far more significant than a passing social media observation. They exposed a widening disconnect between the value of property and the earning power of ordinary Nigerians.

Unless affordable housing begins to receive the same urgency devoted to commercial development and luxury real estate, Lagos risks becoming a city admired for its prosperity while steadily becoming inaccessible to the very people whose labour sustains it.

A commercial capital that cannot house its workforce comfortably is not merely experiencing a property boom; it is confronting a profound question about equity, inclusion and the future of urban life in Nigeria.

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