Home Blog Page 6

Hidden in ‘Ghana-Must-Go’ Bag: Hisbah arrests man inside married woman’s home

Oplus_131072

Operatives of the Kebbi State Hisbah Board have arrested a man allegedly discovered hiding inside a “Ghana Must-Go” bag at the residence of a married woman in the Badariya area of Birnin Kebbi, in a case that has triggered widespread public reaction and renewed debate around morality enforcement and private conduct.

The arrest was confirmed in a statement by the Director of Sharia at the Hisbah Board, Sirajo Kamba, who said the incident occurred in the early hours of Monday, May 18, 2026, after residents reportedly observed a man entering the woman’s home around 12:15 a.m.

According to the statement, neighbours grew suspicious of what they described as a possible breach of Islamic moral norms, particularly given concerns around illicit relationships involving a married woman. The matter was subsequently reported to the Hisbah authorities.

Officers were immediately deployed to the residence to investigate the complaint.

“The residents suspected an illicit affair contrary to Islamic teachings, hence their decision to notify the authority,” Kamba said.

Upon arrival, Hisbah operatives requested permission to search the premises. The married woman initially insisted that she was alone and that no other individual was inside the house.

However, after further questioning, she reportedly allowed officers to conduct a full search of the property.

During the search, operatives allegedly discovered a man concealed inside a large “Ghana Must-Go” bag in what appeared to be an attempt to avoid detection.

The discovery prompted immediate arrest of the suspect.

Kamba said preliminary investigations indicated that both individuals were allegedly involved in a romantic relationship, adding that they later confessed during interrogation.

He further stated that the suspects would be charged before a Sharia court in accordance with applicable Islamic legal provisions.

The incident has once again drawn attention to the role of the Kebbi State Hisbah Board, which has intensified enforcement operations in recent months across communities in the state.

Just days before the arrest, the agency detained a married woman and five others during a separate raid on a hotel in Birnin Kebbi over alleged immoral conduct.

Hisbah officials say the increased operations are part of ongoing efforts to uphold public morality and enforce compliance with Islamic teachings and community standards.

The latest case has sparked discussion in the state over the boundaries between private conduct, religious morality enforcement, and community surveillance, particularly in cases involving married individuals.

Authorities say further details will be disclosed as the case proceeds in court.

Outrage grows after learner driver allegedly crashes into port harcourt home, killing three children

A mother in Port Harcourt is calling for justice after a devastating crash allegedly involving a learner driver tore through her home and killed her three young children in a tragedy that has shaken the city.

The tragic incident, which has sparked outrage across Nigeria, occurred on May 15 in the Ogbunabali area of Rivers State.

According to eyewitness accounts, a man was allegedly teaching his girlfriend how to drive when she suddenly lost control of the vehicle. The car reportedly veered off the road and crashed into a residential building, killing three siblings aged 10, four and three instantly.

Their mother, Mrs Amarachi Promise Esomonu, has since become the emotional face of the tragedy after a viral video showed her recounting the horrifying moment she recovered the bodies of her children from the wreckage.

Her grief-stricken testimony has triggered widespread sympathy online, while intensifying public anger over what many Nigerians have described as a preventable tragedy.

Residents who witnessed the incident described scenes of panic and chaos as the vehicle slammed into the house where the children were reportedly preparing for school.

One eyewitness said the car accelerated suddenly after the learner-driver lost control.

“The children were inside the house with their mother when it happened,” the witness said. “Everything happened within seconds.”

The incident has also generated controversy over allegations that the man supervising the driving lesson briefly attempted to switch seats with the driver after the crash in what neighbours interpreted as an effort to evade responsibility.

According to residents, he was prevented from leaving the scene by the children’s mother and other bystanders before authorities arrived.

In the now-viral footage circulating online, Mrs Esomonu described the devastating emptiness left behind by the deaths of her children.

She said she still wakes up each morning out of habit, only to remember there are no children left to prepare for school.

Beyond her grief, the mother also expressed fears that the case could be quietly buried without accountability, alleging attempts were already being made to suppress the matter.

Her claims have further amplified calls for a transparent investigation and possible criminal prosecution.

The Rivers State Police Command confirmed the incident and said a full-scale investigation had been launched.

Police spokesperson Blessing Agabe said the command was deeply saddened by the tragedy and committed to uncovering the full circumstances surrounding the crash.

Commissioner of Police Olugbenga Adepoju also extended condolences to the bereaved family and assured the public that justice would be pursued.

Authorities urged residents to remain calm and avoid spreading unverified claims while investigations continue.

Legal experts say the case could potentially result in serious criminal charges, including manslaughter or dangerous driving causing death, depending on the findings of investigators.

Questions surrounding licensing, insurance compliance and the legality of conducting informal driving lessons in residential neighbourhoods are also expected to form part of the investigation.

The tragedy has reignited broader concerns over unsafe driving practices in densely populated residential areas across Nigeria, where informal driving lessons remain common despite repeated warnings from safety advocates.

As public pressure mounts, many Nigerians are now demanding swift accountability, while the haunting testimony of a mother mourning three children continues to dominate conversation online.

Neither of the individuals allegedly involved in the incident has issued a public statement, and police have not publicly clarified whether formal arrests have been made beyond the initial intervention by residents at the scene.

Authorities say updates will be provided as investigations progress.

Court says employers cannot punish consensual office relationships in landmark Kenya ruling

A Kenyan court has ruled that consensual workplace relationships between employees do not amount to sexual harassment and cannot, on their own, justify dismissal, in a landmark decision likely to spark debate over employer authority and workers’ privacy rights.

The ruling arose from a case involving an employee of G4S Kenya Limited, where a senior manager was dismissed after engaging in a romantic relationship with a junior employee.

The company argued that the relationship constituted sexual harassment and an abuse of office, citing internal workplace policies prohibiting such conduct.

But the Employment and Labour Relations Court rejected that argument, finding that the relationship was mutual and consensual, with no evidence of coercion, intimidation, pressure or unwelcome advances.

In a strongly worded judgment, Justice James Rika stressed that not every workplace romance amounts to misconduct or sexual harassment.

“Romantic relationships are a natural occurrence wherever people work together,” the judge observed, warning employers against conflating consensual relationships with abuse.

The court further declared that blanket workplace policies banning romantic relationships between employees were unconstitutional because they violate fundamental rights to privacy, dignity and personal autonomy.

According to the ruling, employers under Kenyan law cannot punish workers merely for being involved in consensual relationships unless there is clear evidence of misconduct beyond the relationship itself.

The court held that while employers retain the authority to regulate professional conduct and prevent abuse of power in the workplace, consensual romantic relationships between adults are not unlawful and cannot automatically be treated as grounds for termination.

The judgment is expected to have far-reaching implications for workplace policies across Kenya, particularly in cases involving office relationships, sexual harassment claims and employer oversight of employees’ private lives.

‘Take Me Instead’: Oyo man begs kidnappers to free wife, baby

The husband of Mary Akanbi, a woman seen in a viral video begging Nigerians to help rescue victims abducted by terrorists in Oyo State, has said he would surrender himself to the kidnappers if they agree to release his wife and child.

The emotional revelation was made in an interview with media entrepreneur Chude Jideonwo after he visited Ogbomoso, Oyo State, days after gunmen kidnapped students, teachers and residents in the area.

According to Jideonwo, the distraught husband identified his abducted wife as Mary, who was carrying their one-and-a-half-year-old baby when she was seized by the attackers.

“My wife was kidnapped, her name is Akanbi Mary, she backed one-and-half-year-old baby,” the man said.

Read Also: Beheaded teacher Michael was someone’s son

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Two-year-old Christianah, Nigeria’s stolen childhoods and the crisis we refuse to confront

“We the victims are the only people remaining in the community, with no security personnel, no protection whatsoever. Most of the security personnel who tried rescue mission were all wasted.”

The man lamented the absence of security presence in the community, saying residents have been abandoned to their fate after the attack.

“I will gladly give myself to them for the sake of my wife and my child. Let them free my wife and my child and just take me instead,” he said.

Read Also: ‘I Wish I Never Sent Them To School’: Oyo farmer laments abduction of four children, daughter-in-law, infant grandchild

“I am in the exact community where my family was taken. Let them come for me instead. They have taken everything; they have ruined my life.”

SaharaReporters had earlier reported that gunmen who abducted teachers and pupils from schools in Oyo State released disturbing videos from captivity, in which one of the victims, identified as Mary, appeared with her baby strapped to her back, pleading for urgent government intervention and negotiations after the kidnappers reportedly became trapped inside a reserve forest surrounded by security operatives.

In the circulating video, the visibly distressed Mary identified herself as a staff member of First Baptist Church in Ogbomoso and appealed to the Federal Government, the Oyo State Government, the church, and members of the public to help secure their release.

She said the attackers invaded the school and abducted both teachers and children, adding that the victims were being held under harsh conditions deep inside the forest.

“I’m from Ibadan. I’m working at First Baptist Church in Ogbomoso, Yawota area. Yesterday, the people came to our school and kidnapped both the teachers and the children,” she said in tears.

“We are here, we need help from the government and the state government, both the church, First Baptist Church in Yawota and the community. We need your help so that these people will release us.”

The victim repeatedly appealed for urgent intervention, stating that the children were in distress, crying, and feared for their lives.

“Please help us. We need help from our president. We need help from our state government. Please help us. The children are here, they are crying so that we will not waste our lives,” she added.

The footage emerged shortly after the Principal of Community High School, Esiele in Oyo State, Mrs. Rachael Alamu, also appeared in a video from captivity appealing to the Federal Government, Oyo State Government, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and Nigerians to intervene and secure the release of abducted teachers and students.

Last Friday, armed men attacked LA Primary School and Community Grammar School in Ahoro-Esiele Community, Oriire Local Government Area, abducting pupils, students and members of staff.

The attack reportedly led to the killing of a teacher, while the school principal, two vice principals and three teachers were abducted.

In the earlier video obtained by SaharaReporters on Sunday, Mrs. Alamu, who appeared visibly shaken, said the attackers invaded the school around 9:30 a.m. and took several staff members and students into the forest.

This Remand Craze in Imo Courts: Another incident raises troubling questions about judicial temperament on the bench

By Chinedu Agu

This troubling pattern emerging from the Imo State Judiciary is no longer enough to call this an isolated judicial overreach. It is rather beginning to look like a remand craze. And unless the heads of the Judiciary act urgently, the courtroom may gradually lose its character as a sanctuary of justice and begin to wear the frightening face of a prison reception room.

Two days ago, I wrote on the disturbing incident where two court clerks were allegedly sent to prison over an administrative query. I warned that when a query becomes a prison warrant, judicial authority has crossed from discipline into danger. I had hoped that the incident would be treated as an embarrassing exception. Sadly, another report has emerged yesterday from a Customary Court sitting at Nkwo Ihitte, Ihitte Uboma, Imo State, and the facts, if correct, are even more frightening.

In a matter before the Customary Court sometime in February 2026, one Emeka Agu, a legal practitioner, appeared for alleged contemnors in a contempt proceeding. While he was conducting the matter, counsel on the other side reportedly interjected. Emeka Agu, apparently displeased by the interruption, turned to the opposing counsel and said something that the court did not find comfortable with.

The court considered the statement reprehensible and asked counsel to apologise. Counsel reportedly hesitated and asked, “Apologise to who?” The Chairman of the Customary Court took this as an affront to the dignity of the court, abruptly rose in anger, and directed counsel in all other matters to take dates.

If the Chairman felt offended, there were lawful, measured and dignified ways to address the incident. But what followed suggests something more troubling.

After that sitting, the counsel reportedly wrote a petition against the Chairman of the Customary Court to the President of the Customary Court of Appeal, asking that the matter be transferred. That petition, in my view, appears to be the real wound that refused to heal.

On resumption of court yesterday, Thursday, 14 May 2026, the Chairman reportedly commenced contempt proceedings against Emeka Agu of counsel. The court then pronounced a punishment of fourteen days’ imprisonment or, in the alternative, payment of fifty thousand naira.

Even if one were to assume, for the sake of argument, that the court had jurisdiction to punish for contempt, the next question is, if the punishment gave an option of fine, why was the lawyer not allowed to pay the fine?

According to the report, counsel rose to approach the registry to make the payment of the fifty thousand naira. But he was allegedly restrained by the registrar of the court with the help of the opposing counsel. He was then bundled and thrown into the toilet of the court. In the process, his clothes were torn, his temple was bruised and bloodied, and his lawyer’s shirt became stained with blood.

This is neither justice, discipline, contempt procedure, nor preservation of the dignity of the court. It is rather disgraceful.

The opposing counsel reportedly dashed out and invited policemen from Isinweke Police Station. The policemen came to the court and carried counsel in the vehicle of the opposing counsel. On getting to the police station, the registrar and the opposing counsel allegedly informed the police that counsel had been sentenced to fourteen days in prison.

The police handcuffed him and took him to Owerri Prison. While the prison admission protocols were ongoing, the President of the Customary Court of Appeal reportedly got information about the incident and intervened. That timely intervention saved counsel from being fully admitted into prison custody.

The intervention of the President of the Customary Court of Appeal deserves commendation. But it does not erase the deeper question. How did a lawyer who had an option of fine find himself handcuffed, bloodied, and almost admitted into prison?

A prison is not a dumping ground for judicial irritation. A remand warrant is not a weapon for bruised ego.
A courtroom is not a private palace where the presiding officer converts displeasure into incarceration.

Was this really about contempt, or was it retaliation dressed in judicial robes?

Contempt powers exist to protect the administration of justice. They do not exist to settle scores. They do not exist to punish counsel for writing petitions. They do not exist to frighten lawyers who complain about judicial conduct. They do not exist to turn a court registrar and opposing counsel into enforcers of humiliation.

Where a lawyer is given an option of fine and he rises to pay that fine, restraining him, manhandling him, and presenting him to the police as a prisoner is a dangerous descent into lawlessness.

The irony is painful. The court that is supposed to protect citizens from unlawful force became, by this account, the theatre of force. The lawyer who came to argue law left with torn clothes, a bruised temple, bloodied face, handcuffs, police escort and prison admission forms.

If lawyers can be treated this way inside or around the court, what hope does the ordinary litigant have?

The Judiciary must understand that the dignity of the court is not preserved by terror. It is preserved by fairness. It is not preserved by shouting down counsel. It is not preserved by threatening prison at every slight irritation. It is not preserved by converting disagreement into contempt and contempt into imprisonment.

A judicial officer who cannot distinguish between an insult, an error of advocacy, a genuine contempt, and a personal slight is dangerous to liberty.

No one is saying lawyers are above the law. A lawyer who misbehaves in court may be corrected. A lawyer who truly commits contempt may be dealt with according to law. But the process must be lawful, dignified and proportionate. The court must not become complainant, prosecutor, judge, jailer and executioner in its own cause. This is precisely why the current trend must be condemned.

First, a court clerk was reportedly pushed toward prison over a query. Now, a lawyer is reportedly nearly admitted into prison after a courtroom disagreement, a petition for transfer, and a contempt proceeding that ended with a fine option he was allegedly prevented from paying.

If this is not checked, tomorrow a litigant may be remanded for frowning. A witness may be remanded for speaking slowly. A journalist may be remanded for reporting proceedings. A court staff may be remanded for administrative disagreement. The remand power will become a whip in the hands of anger. That is judicial rascality.

The Chief Judge of Imo State, the President of the Customary Court of Appeal, the Judicial Service Commission, the Nigerian Bar Association, and all relevant authorities must urgently investigate this incident.

The registrar’s alleged role must be examined. The opposing counsel’s alleged role must be examined. The Chairman’s exercise of contempt power must be examined. The movement of a bloodied lawyer from court to police station and then to prison must be explained.

This is an institutional alarm.

If a lawyer can be bloodied and almost pushed into prison custody while trying to pay a fine imposed by a court, then the Bar must rise beyond press statements and demand accountability. The President of the Customary Court of Appeal has already shown that swift intervention is possible. But intervention after the prison gate has opened is not enough. There must be prevention. There must be correction. There must be consequences.

Judicial authority is powerful, but it is not absolute. The robe does not confer ownership of citizens’ liberty. The gavel is not a hammer for personal vengeance. The power to punish for contempt is not a licence to humiliate counsel. The prison is not an annex of the courtroom.

Imo State can not afford a Judiciary where liberty depends on the mood of a presiding officer. Imo State can not afford a justice system where lawyers enter court with files and leave with bloodstained shirts.
Imo State can not afford a Bench where petitions are answered with prison threats.

This remand craze in Imo Judiciary must stop.

Chinedu Agu is a Solicitor | Notary Public | Past Secretary of NBA Owerri | Activist | FPD
[email protected]
+2348032568512
15 May 2026

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Let the Ballot Decide’: Jonathan slams Nigerian courts over election verdicts

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has issued one of his starkest warnings yet about the state of Nigeria’s democracy, cautioning that the country risks sliding into a full-blown legitimacy crisis if judges — rather than voters — continue to determine the outcome of elections.

Speaking at the opening of the Nigerian Bar Association Abuja Law Week 2026 in Abuja on Wednesday, Jonathan delivered a sweeping critique of Nigeria’s electoral culture ahead of the high-stakes 2027 general elections, arguing that public faith in democracy is collapsing under the weight of judicial interference, political violence, vote-buying and institutional decay.

The former president said post-election litigation has become so entrenched in Nigeria that politicians now approach elections with the expectation that courts, not ballots, will ultimately decide power.

“In Nigeria today, not going to court after an election is what appears strange,” Jonathan said, drawing murmurs from the packed audience of senior lawyers, judges and political figures gathered at the NBA House.

Recounting a conversation with a former South African deputy president, Jonathan said the official expressed disbelief that Nigerian politicians routinely challenge election results in court.

“She asked me: ‘Why would somebody go to court after losing an election?’” he recalled. “In South Africa, that is strange. But in Nigeria, not going to court is strange.”

Jonathan warned that the trend was eroding democratic legitimacy and creating dangerous public perceptions that electoral outcomes could be overturned through judicial influence rather than popular mandate.

Read Also: The Selectorate: When the people vote but the judges choose

Read Also: The Selectorate: Now on sale, Grab your copy

In perhaps the most pointed moment of his address, the former president argued that courts should never declare winners in disputed elections, insisting that fresh polls — not judicial pronouncements — should be the constitutional remedy where substantial irregularities are established.

“The judiciary should do its work, yes,” he said. “But courts should not be declaring candidates winners. If the process is flawed, then let Nigerians go back to the field and vote again. Let the ballot decide.”

The remarks strike at the centre of one of Nigeria’s most contentious democratic debates: whether the judiciary has become an unelected extension of electoral politics.

Jonathan also questioned the logic of Nigeria’s electoral appeals structure, describing it as inconsistent and constitutionally awkward.

“Governorship elections go through three layers — tribunal, Appeal Court and Supreme Court,” he said. “Presidential elections go through two. Are we saying electing a governor is more important than electing a president?”

The former president painted a bleak portrait of a political system increasingly detached from ordinary citizens, lamenting that Africa’s most populous country now records some of the continent’s weakest voter participation rates.

Nigeria’s electoral commission, he argued, must look beyond the simplistic explanation of “voter apathy” and confront the deeper causes of public disengagement, including distrust in the integrity of elections.

Jonathan linked that growing distrust to the normalization of political violence and the rise of what he described as a lucrative ecosystem of political thuggery.

“Nigeria is probably the only country where thuggery has become a profession,” he declared.

“Some political thugs fly first class when travelling abroad while university professors struggle to buy economy tickets. When that happens, the country is upside down.”

The imagery captured a broader frustration with a political culture critics say increasingly rewards coercion over competence and patronage over public service.

Jonathan called on the Nigerian Bar Association to work with the National Assembly on urgent reforms to both electoral and judicial laws, including the possible creation of a specialised Constitutional Court dedicated exclusively to election disputes.

The proposal comes amid growing concern over the judiciary’s expanding role in political contests and mounting accusations — often fiercely disputed — that courts are being weaponised in post-election power struggles.

Former Attorney General of the Federation Mohammed Bello Adoke echoed many of those concerns in a keynote address that painted an equally troubling picture of Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.

Adoke warned that after more than two decades of uninterrupted civilian rule, Nigeria’s democracy still suffers from a profound crisis of credibility.

“The question is no longer whether elections are being conducted,” he said. “The real question is whether Nigerians still trust the outcomes.”

Citing the 2023 general elections, Adoke noted that voter turnout plunged to just 27 percent — the lowest since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 — while election-related violence claimed at least 89 lives.

According to him, vote-buying, weak internal party democracy, poor enforcement of electoral laws and entrenched political violence have hollowed out the democratic process.

“Vote-buying has transformed elections into economic transactions rather than democratic choices,” he warned.

Adoke also criticised political parties for allegedly imposing candidates in defiance of democratic primary procedures outlined in the Electoral Act 2022, arguing that excessive dependence on courts to settle political disputes was steadily disenfranchising ordinary voters.

“The phrase ‘go to court’ has now become a silent reminder that the electorate’s role in choosing leaders is gradually being diminished,” he said.

Despite the grim assessment, Adoke reserved special praise for Jonathan’s conduct during the tense 2015 presidential transition, describing the former president as “a democratic legend” for conceding defeat peacefully in a period many feared could trigger national unrest.

NBA President Afam Osigwe said it was deeply troubling that nearly three decades after Nigeria’s return to civilian rule, the country was still grappling with fundamental questions about how to protect democracy itself.

Osigwe warned that electoral manipulation and violence now pose threats comparable to military intervention.

“Without tanks on the streets or soldiers announcing coups,” he said, “people still come to power through violence, thuggery and manipulation.”

He urged political actors to embrace the democratic spirit Jonathan displayed in 2015, when the former president famously declared that his personal ambition was not worth the blood of any Nigerian.

“That,” Osigwe said, “should be the guiding principle of every democratic process as we approach 2027.”

The event was attended by senior members of the legal community and political establishment, including representatives of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, the African Bar Association and senior advocates of Nigeria.

Tales My Patients Told Me: Genital herpes harps a happy tune!

By Emmanuel Fashakin M.D, Esq.

I have known Afis (NRN) since he was six years old, a bright eyed Afghani boy brought to my medical practice when we first opened our doorsfor business in Flushing in 1996. I have watched Afis grow up over the years, usually brought to the office by the mom, and later, as he became our adult, he remained our patient and came himself.

About 12 years ago, Afis’ mom came to my office with a pretty young woman, whom she introduced as Afis’ wife, also of Afghanistan origin but formerly residing with her parents in Pakistan. Her father is an Attorney and they are very well off in Pakistan. I welcomed Mrs. Afis to our medical practice. Very soon thereafter, Afis and wife were blessed with the birth of their baby son. They were a happy family but then things began to fall apart.

About 10 years ago, Mrs. Afis came to the office tearfully and informed me that Afis has neglected her. That Afis does not talk to her anymore, would not give her money, and would not have relations with her. She informed me that they live with her mother-in-law, who is still kind to her. She said that she has taken Afis to the Family Court to enforce her rights. I was really shocked, because divorces are rare among the Afghanis, but I am seeing it more and more, especially among the younger folks.

I knew that taking him to Family Court would further aggravate the situation. I was wondering how the Family Court could provide reliefs for her when they were all still living together, and Afis and mom are providing everything. She told me that she was not asking for money, but that the Court should compel Afis to have relations with her. I informed her that the court could not issue an “affection order” and I jokingly asked her how she thought the court could enforce or supervise that?

Mrs Afis refused my offer to speak with her husband, who still remained our patient, and soon returned to Pakistan. She came back about nine months later but informed me that the situation at home had not improved. She decided to enroll in College. All the time, Afis, who is my very good buddy, probably sensing that I was going to discuss the situation in his home with him disappeared from my radar. Unlike before, when he used to come in frequently and discuss his anxiety problems as he developed into an adult, he did not come in for over two years and then shows up suddenly.

Afis appeared quite worried. Yes, his wife is still around but he shunned her. He forced her to return to the US from Afghanistan with her son because she was threatened with kidnap and abduction charges in court. He works as a limo driver and makes good money. Yes, there was problem in the family, because, wait for it: Mrs Afis’ uncle was married to his mom and he cheated on his mom. And Mrs Afis was supporting, instead of condemning, her uncle, so he decided to turn against her. (Such consanguinity is very common among the Afghanis. One of my female patients married her cousin, her father’s brother’s son, who had grown up with her, in the same house, since they were four years old!)

I chided Afis: why would you abandon your wife because her uncle cheated on your mom? He was unperturbed: “Doctor, forget about her; I have a different problem.” “I have this sores on my private part.” “Why what happened?”, I asked him. “Didn’t you use a condom?” “I did, but she did an oral on me first”, came the reply. No, she was not the usual girlfriend, but someone he met casually. As soon as he described the lesions, and I examined it, I knew what he had, but in this type of situations, I have learned to let the lab results do the talking. I will simply interpret their lab results to them; they will not hear bad things from my mouth.

Afis was back in the office three days later, called by my staff because of abnormal preliminary lab results. Yes, herpes is strongly positive. Full results on typing and duration of infection was pending. I told him that based on the lab results, it was advisable that I treat him with large doses of acyclovir immediately. There is a chance that he would be able to clear the virus and not suffer recurrences. Afis was distraught; his greatest worry was that he had infected his girlfriend, whom he respects and wants to marry. I told him not to worry about herpes, because almost half of all Americans have it. What the heck?

Afis was back in the office one evening, a week after all the saga began. We now have all the final results, yes, the virus on his genital is herpes type 1, usually associated with the mouth, and it is a very recent infection, because the IgM is strongly positive. “I knew it was that Bxxxx!”, he muttered under his breath. “Oh my God, I think that I have infected that poor girl”; he was very despondent, referring to his girlfriend.

As he exited my room, Afis said the words which made my day. “Doc, if it turns out that I have not infected my girlfriend yet with this herpes, I will leave her and go back to my wife. But if I have infected her already, I will marry her. I will not like to leave her as damaged goods.” I told him that I think that he should leave his girlfriend anyway, and return to his wife, who by the way, is still living with him and his mom, neglected for over two years, punished for her uncle’s misdeeds.

Ironically, Afis is also doing what he accused his stepdad of. I am sure Mrs. Afis would be happy to have him back, herpes and all. For once, it appears that something good may come out of genital herpes: Herpes harps a happy tune!

Emmanuel O. Fashakin, M.D.,FRCS(Ed), FAAFP, Esq.
Attorney at Law & Medical Director,
Abbydek Family Medical Practice, P.C.
web address: http://www.abbydek.com
Cell phone: +1-347-217-6175

Nigeria: Time to discard this certificate fetishism

By Kachi Okezie, Esq.

It’s fairly settled, though sadly so, that overvaluing paper qualifications has distorted public judgment, weakened democratic accountability, and distracted citizens from governance outcomes on Nigeria.

Nigeria is one of the few countries where a politician can preside over economic collapse, mass unemployment, institutional decay, industrial-scale corruption, worsening insecurity and democratic backsliding — yet the fiercest national argument will revolve around whether another politician graduated with a first class or a third class degree.

That contradiction captures the tragedy of Nigerian political culture more clearly than any statistic ever could.

The recent obsession with Peter Obi’s third-class degree is not truly about education. It is about selective morality, political convenience and a deeply distorted national understanding of leadership. It reflects a society that has dangerously confused certificates with competence, credentials with character, and academic symbolism with actual governance capacity.

Nigeria’s over-emphasis on paper qualifications has become one of the most misleading features of its public life.

For decades, Nigerians have been conditioned to treat certificates almost as sacred objects; magical indicators of wisdom, integrity and leadership ability. Political campaigns proudly advertise degrees, titles and foreign universities as though governance were an academic competition rather than a test of judgment, discipline and statecraft. Public discourse routinely elevates résumés above results.

Yet Nigeria’s post-independence history exposes the emptiness of this obsession.

The country has never lacked educated leaders. Nigeria’s ruling class is overflowing with lawyers, professors, economists, technocrats, MBAs, SANs and foreign-trained elites with polished credentials and impressive biographies. It was once claimed during the Jonathan years (2011-2015) that Nigeria probably had more PhDs than England and Wales combined.

Still, the nation remains trapped in underdevelopment, corruption, institutional weakness and chronic governance failure. The vast academic laurels didn’t appear to translate to felt development or visible transformation. That reality alone should have forced a national rethink long ago.

Instead, Nigerians continue to cling to credential fetishism as though certificates themselves build economies, secure communities or create functional institutions. They do not. A framed degree on a wall has never repaired a broken healthcare system. Academic titles do not automatically produce fiscal discipline, moral courage or administrative competence. Some of the worst governments in history were managed by highly educated men.

The irony is glaring. For years, millions defended Muhammadu Buhari against criticism surrounding his academic records by insisting that leadership was about “integrity,” “discipline,” and “patriotism,” not certificates. Nigerians were repeatedly told that a man did not need polished academic credentials to govern effectively. The same society then watched the emergence of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a politician whose biography has remained surrounded by unusual opacity for decades; disputed records, conflicting narratives, unanswered questions and unresolved controversies that would trigger relentless scrutiny in many mature democracies. Yet much of the political establishment have closed ranks around him.

Then suddenly, a third-class degree became a national emergency. The hypocrisy is breathtaking.

Nobody genuinely believes that the classification of a university degree obtained decades ago is the decisive measure of leadership capacity. If academic credentials alone guaranteed national success, Nigeria should already resemble one of the world’s most efficiently governed countries because its elite class is among the most credentialed in Africa.

But governance is not an examination hall. The British example exposes this contradiction with uncomfortable clarity. John Major left school at sixteen and never attended university, yet rose to become Prime Minister and presided over economic growth while helping lay the foundations for the Northern Ireland peace process. Winston Churchill never obtained a university degree either, yet became one of the defining wartime leaders of the twentieth century. Britain has repeatedly produced leaders without elite academic pedigrees because British political culture, at its best, historically understood something Nigeria still struggles to grasp: leadership is ultimately tested through judgment, courage, coalition-building, communication, institutional stewardship and measurable outcomes; not through framed certificates.

This does not mean education is unimportant. Far from it. Serious societies should value intellectual preparation and informed leadership. But mature democracies understand the difference between valuing education and worshipping credentials. They understand that a degree is a tool, not a sacrament.

Nigeria has blurred that distinction disastrously. The country’s unhealthy fixation on certificates has created a political culture where appearances often matter more than performance. Citizens are encouraged to debate transcripts instead of tax policy, degree classifications instead of institutional reform, and academic prestige instead of governance outcomes. Political propaganda thrives in this environment because symbolism becomes easier to market than competence.

Meanwhile, the deeper issues destroying national life receive insufficient attention: collapsing productivity, weak institutions, judicial compromise, failing infrastructure, unemployment, insecurity, inflation and the erosion of public trust.

What Britain possesses that Nigeria still struggles to build is not simply better leaders. It possesses stronger institutions and a more mature political culture. Churchill and Major operated within systems capable of constraining excess, preserving continuity and protecting state functionality beyond individual personalities. Parliament mattered. Institutions retained memory. The civil service endured. Loyalty was to the state, not an individual. Governance was not reduced to the mythology of individual men.

Nigeria, by contrast, has evolved into a republic of personalities and credentials. Politics is increasingly tribalised, emotionalised and reduced to propaganda warfare where public perception matters more than administrative substance. Citizens are pushed into shallow binaries: our saviour versus their enemy (hailers versus wailers). In that atmosphere, standards become elastic and facts become partisan weapons.

That is why one politician’s missing records are dismissed as irrelevant while another politician’s decades-old academic classification becomes grounds for ridicule. It is not really about education. It is about power, selective outrage and political convenience. It’s also about rank hypocrisy.

And this is where the Nigerian elite has been especially dishonest. The same class that lectures citizens about meritocracy routinely thrives on patronage, godfatherism, ethnic bargaining and elite protection networks. The same establishment that suddenly invokes academic excellence to attack opponents has repeatedly normalised opacity, mediocrity and impunity whenever politically expedient.

Ordinary Nigerians often understand this contradiction better than the elite itself. A trader who successfully runs a business for twenty years understands management, risk and accountability in practical ways many overcredentialed bureaucrats never will. A governor who improves schools, infrastructure, security and fiscal discipline demonstrates more leadership than a polished intellectual who governs through slogans and media optics. That is because competence reveals itself through outcomes.

The tragedy is that Nigeria rarely sustains political conversations at that level. Instead of asking difficult questions about economic philosophy, productivity, institutional reform, public-sector efficiency or constitutional restructuring, public debate repeatedly collapses into shallow symbolism and personality worship. Meanwhile, the country burns.

Nigeria urgently needs to outgrow its dangerous obsession with certificates and paper qualifications. Education should matter, but it should never become a substitute for accountability, competence or measurable performance. A serious society judges leaders not merely by what they studied decades ago, but by what they have built, how they think, the institutions they strengthen and the lives they improve.

The relevant question is not whether a leader graduated with a first class, second class or third class degree. The relevant question is whether that leader possesses the discipline, vision, competence and moral seriousness required to govern a deeply fractured nation responsibly.

Until Nigerians learn to apply those standards consistently, regardless of tribe, party or political loyalty, the country will remain trapped in cycles of selective outrage, elite manipulation and perpetual disappointment.

And the republic of certificates will continue producing governments that look impressive on paper while failing catastrophically in reality.

AfBA throws weight behind NBA Abuja Law Week as legal heavyweights set for high-stakes electoral justice session

The African Bar Association (AfBA) has intensified its support for the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Abuja Branch Law Week 2026, as senior lawyers, electoral reform advocates and governance experts prepare for what is expected to be one of the event’s most consequential conversations on democracy, constitutionalism and the future of Nigeria’s elections.

With concerns over electoral credibility, institutional independence and democratic accountability already dominating national discourse ahead of the 2027 general elections, Day 2 of the conference is set to place the spotlight squarely on the legal and constitutional foundations of Nigeria’s democracy.

Themed “Upholding Constitutionalism: Electoral Justice and the Rule of Law in the 2027 Elections,” the session will hold on Thursday, May 21, 2026, by 1:00 PM at the NBA Headquarters, Central Business District, Abuja.

The high-level engagement forms part of the broader NBA Abuja Law Week 2026 conversations centered on safeguarding Nigeria’s democratic process amid rising tensions over governance, electoral integrity and public trust in state institutions.

The session will be chaired by respected Senior Advocate of Nigeria, J.S. Okutepa, SAN, whose interventions on constitutional democracy and judicial accountability have continued to shape national legal discourse.

Leading the discussion as keynote speaker is prominent democracy and governance advocate, Mr. Clement Nwankwo, alongside a distinguished panel featuring former Attorney-General and Minister, H.E. Mohammed A. Abubakar, SAN; Hon. Obo O. Effanga; former INEC Director, Oluwole Osaze-Uzzi; and civil society and governance expert, Kemi Okenyodo.

The panel is expected to examine the increasingly contentious intersection between electoral justice, constitutional safeguards, institutional independence and the role of the judiciary in preserving democratic legitimacy ahead of the 2027 polls.

Observers say the session comes at a defining moment for Nigeria’s democracy, with mounting debates over election adjudication, judicial consistency, political accountability and the growing pressure on democratic institutions across Africa.

Earlier, the African Bar Association, led by its President, High Chief Ibrahim Eddy Mark, had praised the NBA Abuja Branch, popularly known as the Unity Bar, for choosing “Safeguarding Nigeria’s Democratic Process” as the central theme for its 2026 Law Week.

AfBA described the theme as timely and urgent, warning that lawyers and democratic institutions must remain vigilant in defending constitutional order, electoral integrity and the rule of law.

“The theme reflects the urgent need for all stakeholders, particularly members of the legal profession, to remain steadfast in the defense of democracy, constitutionalism, the rule of law and the protection of democratic institutions in Nigeria,” the association stated.

The continental body also commended the NBA Abuja Branch for creating a platform capable of driving serious national conversations on governance, accountability and democratic resilience at a period many analysts describe as politically delicate for Nigeria.

Legal observers believe the upcoming session on electoral justice could emerge as one of the defining moments of the Law Week, especially as questions continue to grow over the integrity of electoral processes, constitutional interpretation and public confidence in democratic institutions.

As Nigeria inches closer to another election cycle, the discussions in Abuja are expected to test not only legal theories and constitutional principles, but also the country’s broader commitment to democratic survival itself.

Registration for the event remains open, with organisers urging participants to secure attendance and dinner tickets through the official conference portal.

🔗 Register here: NBA Abuja Law Week 2026 Registration

#NBAAbujaLawWeek2026 #ElectoralJustice #RuleOfLaw #Constitutionalism #SafeguardingDemocracy #NBAUnityBar

‘I Wish I Never Sent Them To School’: Oyo farmer laments abduction of four children, daughter-in-law, infant grandchild

A distraught farmer, Mr. Micheal Ojo, whose four children, daughter-in-law and grandchild were abducted during the recent attacks on schools in Oyo State, has narrated to SaharaReporters how heavily armed terrorists invaded two communities, opened fire on residents and marched dozens of pupils into the forest reserve.

Ojo spoke exclusively to SaharaReporters on Tuesday during a visit to the affected community, where fear and tension still hang heavily over residents following the coordinated abductions.

The elderly man, visibly shaken by the incident, said he regretted allowing the children to attend school on the day of the attack after they initially pleaded with him to stay home.

“On Friday morning, my children said they did not want to go to school, but I told them they should go since they would close by 1pm. I wish I never told them to go,” he said sorrowfully.

According to him, six members of his family are currently being held by the kidnappers.

“I have four children in that school. My son’s wife is also among them, and she was carrying a baby on her back when they were kidnapped,” he said.

The woman was seen in a viral video released after the attack, desperately pleading while carrying the infant.

Ojo explained that all four children, his daughter-in-law and the baby were taken away by the gunmen into the forest.

“At exactly 9am, I was inside my house trying to sleep because I’m a farmer and there is not much work on the farm presently,” he recounted.

“There is a nursery school in our community, Yawota, where people from neighbouring communities like Alahusa and Onyaa also attend.

“When I could not sleep again, I opened my window and saw strange men moving around. I did not know they had already attacked Esiele community before coming here.”

He explained that the attackers had first stormed Esiele community, located about four kilometres away, where they targeted both primary and secondary schools before moving into Yawota.

“There is a primary and secondary school in Esiele. The kidnappers divided themselves into two groups and already planned where they would meet after the operation because after Esiele there is no other community except the forest reserve,” he said.

Ojo said security operatives had reportedly traced the kidnappers’ location but were proceeding cautiously to avoid putting the abducted children in danger.

“The soldiers have already located where they are keeping them, but they do not want to harm the children, which is why they are being careful,” he said.

The farmer added that fear has forced many residents to abandon the communities entirely.

“As you can see, almost everybody has fled for their lives. Most houses are locked because people have run away,” he said.

“But where can I run to? I have nowhere else to go. My children were here before they were kidnapped, and after this incident, I am still hoping they will return to me very soon.”

1...567...1,408Page 6 of 1,408

TIPS

Load more