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From Newsroom To Scholarship: Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, publish Amuchie’s Trinity of State Decay Theory

ABUJA, Nigeria — The Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU) is pleased to announce that the Trinity of State Decay, the theoretical framework formulated by its Lead Researcher, Dr Max Amuchie, has formally entered the global scholarly record. This follows the publication by Zenodo, open-access repository developed by CERN (the European Organization for Nuclear Research), and Harvard University’s Dataverse of Amuchie’s 16,315-word treatise entitled ‘The Trinity of State Decay (Part 1): Sovereign Decoupling and Rival Sovereignty — A Theoretical Statement’.

Zenodo published the landmark piece on Wednesday while Harvard Dataverse followed on Thursday.

The publication marks a significant milestone in the continuing development of original African contributions to state, security, and governance studies.

The Trinity of State Decay (TSD) advances a novel theoretical proposition that state decay in the Global South is fundamentally a sovereignty event characterised by the decoupling of formal statehood from effective authority, resulting in the emergence of rival sovereign orders. The framework introduces key concepts including Sovereign Decoupling, Rival Sovereignty, the Institutional Mirage, the Shadow Order, Architecture of Resurrection, Constitutional Erasure, Psychology of the Table, among others.
The publication of the theoretical formulation on both platforms provides multiple globally recognised scholarly records for the work.
Importantly, this development brings to two the number of original analytical frameworks developed by Amuchie under the auspices of the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU) that have been published on global scholarly platforms.
The first was The Insecurity Triad, an analytical framework for understanding insecurity through the interaction of state weakness, criminal entrepreneurship, and social fragmentation. The Trinity of State Decay now joins it as a second original framework to achieve publication and preservation within the global scholarly ecosystem.

Speaking on the development, Amuchie noted that the publication represents an opportunity for broader scholarly engagement with the framework.
“The publication of The Trinity of State Decay is not an end point but an invitation to debate, test, refine and challenge the theory. The ultimate measure of any theory is not publication but its ability to illuminate reality and contribute to understanding.”

The publication also strengthens SPIU’s growing profile as a producer of original research, theory-building, and analytical innovation in security, governance, and state studies.

Beyond scholarly repositories, The Trinity of State Decay article is also available through ResearchGate, the world’s largest academic networking and research-sharing platform; Academia.edu, the world’s largest global community of scholars and researchers; and Substack, a leading global platform for independent publishing and intellectual discourse. Together, these channels significantly enhance the framework’s visibility, accessibility, and engagement among researchers, analysts, policymakers, journalists, and interested readers worldwide.

The Trinity of State Decay forms part of a broader body of work that includes the development of the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI), a forthcoming measurement framework designed to assess sovereignty conditions at sub-national and territorial levels.
As discussions around state fragility, hybrid governance, and authority continue to evolve, SPIU believes the publication of TSD contributes a fresh analytical perspective to ongoing debates about statehood, governance, and sovereign authority in the Global South and beyond.

33rd Anniversary of June 12: NUPENG calls on politicians to uphold democratic values

As Nigeria marks the 33rd anniversary of June 12, the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) has urged political leaders to strengthen and uphold democratic principles.

The union emphasized that Democracy Day should serve as a reminder of the sacrifices made by Nigerians in the struggle for democratic governance, and called on politicians to demonstrate commitment to transparency, accountability, and respect for the rule of law.

The blue collar union also advised the political elites not to allow the struggles of past heroes to be in vain by overheating the polity.

Speaking on this year’s commemoration of the June 12 election, NUPENG President, Comrade (Dr) Salimon Akanni Oladiti (JP), commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for deepening recognition for the sacred date and giving it the right status in the nation’s history.

The Union leader added that the date has indeed vindicated the union and its leadership who fought for the democracy being enjoyed by all in Nigeria today.

Dr. Oladiti emphasized the urgent need for political leaders to confront and resolve issues that pose a threat to Nigeria’s democracy. He stressed that government must prioritize tackling insecurity while also advancing programs that enhance workers’ welfare and rights. This includes providing strong legal protections, improving working conditions, and safeguarding the health, safety, and dignity of the workforce.

The astute labour leader further charged politicians to eschew acts that can cause chaos and division in the polity.

Comrade Oladiti, however, said all those involved in the struggle should be consistently celebrated or possibly immortalized.

He said: “While it is appropriate to recognize June 12 as the democracy day in this country, it is also our wish and prayer that posterity will continue to be kind to all the heroes who dared the military jackboots in restoring democracy in Nigeria. Among them were President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR), late Comrade (Chief) Frank Ovie Kokori, the late politician and lawyer, Chief Bola Ige and human rights activist and lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN); Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Femi Falana (SAN), Comrade Joseph Akinlaja, as well as former External Affairs Minister, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi.

“We recalled the role NUPENG and PENGASSAN played and the price paid by both unions and their leadership at that time for the actualisation of the democracy that is now being enjoyed in the country.

“While the leadership of these unions were dissolved by the late military junta, Gen Sani Abacha and sole administrators appointed for them, they were also starved of funds.

“The two general secretaries, Comrade Gilchrist Dabibi and Comrade Frank Ovie Kokori, and Comrade Frank Addo of PENGASSAN as well as other leaders of the unions, including the then Port Harcourt Refinery Branch Secretary were casted in jail.

“Many activists of the Campaign for Democracy and union leaders, including the then PENGASSAN President, Comrade Ganiu Owoduni were hounded out of the country to seek asylum in foreign countries.

“There are many stories about the struggle against military rule that have not been told. Some may never be told or have only been relayed in half. The story of the over 3,400 sacked workers of the NSPMC and their contributions to the exit of military tyranny is one of such.

“Though many of the actors have died, including the former General Secretary of Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), late Chief Frank Ovie Kokori who spent 4 years in Bama prison in Maiduguri and was declared a prisoner of conscience by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Amnesty International (AI).

“Few of them who are still alive have hardly spoken about their heroic exploits in one of Nigeria’s most deadly battles against entrenched principalities and powers. The workers were sacked after the military tagged them as ‘agents of opposition.’ The workers sought revenge in an underground movement that shook the bedrock of the country.

“In those dark days in Nigeria, those who raised eyebrows were arrested and detained, traced to their homes, harassed and faced humiliation, victimization, incaseration and some even paid the supreme price during the struggle.

“Today, we are pleased to note that Nigeria’s democracy continues to mature with time. Although it is not without its imperfections, the system has firmly taken root. Encouragingly, President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has initiated reforms that hold the potential to positively transform the nation’s fortunes.

“What remains is our collective responsibility to refine the process, address lingering challenges, and strengthen the path we are on. Democracy is both a learning curve and a work in progress. Our leaders must consistently dedicate their time, energy, and resources to deepening democratic practices and safeguarding democratic ideals,” Oladiti said.

Twenty Tips From [US] Judges on Preparing for Your First Court Appearance

(Adapt them to the context of your jurisdiction.)

By Danielle Braff, Julianne Hill, Anna Stolley Persky, and Amanda Robert

American Bar Journal, 1 June 2025

As the calendar counts down to the day of a lawyer’s first court experience, fears of forgetting a key point, getting yelled at by the judge or just plain looking stupid—in a variety of ways—may dominate your thoughts. But judges interviewed by the ABA Journal say that for the most part, you will do well simply by being a reasonable person. Here are their suggestions on how to shine.

(1) There is absolutely nothing wrong with getting to court early to introduce yourself to the judge and the staff before court.

“Once, an attorney moved into the area, and he came around on a non-court day and introduced himself to every judge and their staff before he ever appeared in court. It was the only attorney that I have ever had do that, and it made an excellent first impression.” Judge Michelle Leigh Helhoski, Cherokee County State Court, Georgia.

(2) “One of my pet peeves is when lawyers are not fully prepared and attempt to shift blame onto others.” Justice Jesse Reyes, Illinois Appellate Court.

(3) “You can start your argument off by saying something to the effect of, ‘The motion to dismiss should be denied for three reasons,’ so that if you get interrupted while you’re still on your first point, the judge will know you have two more.” Senior Judge Amy Berman Jackson, U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

(4) “Try to be the most reasonable person in the room, not the loudest or most strident.” Chief Judge James Boasberg, U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

(5) “The most important statement a lawyer can make is to answer the judge’s question. The best answer is always, ‘yes,’ ‘no’—then an explanation. Not an explanation and then an answer. And if it’s really not a yes or no answer, say, ‘It depends,’ and explain why.” Daryl Moore, retired judge for the Texas 333rd District Court.

(6) “Don’t try to take control of the hearing. Respect the process in both word and deed. Remember that it is not about ‘me.’ It is about ‘we.’ Timothy Connors, retired judge for the Washtenaw County Peacemaking Court, Michigan.

(7) “Stand when the judge enters. If the judge is OK with more informal procedures, the judge will advise. Better to start out more formally.” Judge Elizabeth Volz, County Court in the 18th Judicial District of Colorado.

(8) “Listen to the questions asked. This goes for both nervous and non-nervous people. Lawyers are too focused on what they want to say and what they think judges want to hear. And so they don’t listen to what judges ask, or they don’t pay attention to the order in which things occur.” Judge Barbara Leach, Ninth Judicial Circuit Court of Florida

(9) “I believe that decorum matters a great deal in a civilized society. It may be my implicit bias, but if an attorney shows up in a suit that looks like it was just pulled out of the laundry hamper, it signals to me—and worse, to the client—that you are unprepared and not taking court seriously. If you come in wearing a pot T-shirt, it affects me.” Magistrate Arnie Beckman, Denver County Court.

(10) “For conferences, demonstrate that you are capable of moving from argument mode to problem-solving mode. Be practical, reasonable and nonargumentative.” Judge Jordan Yeager, Court of Common Pleas, Bucks County, Pennsylvania.

(11) “If you need to have proof of enrollment or progress on classes or drug treatment, print the documents out in advance, and have two copies to provide.” Judge Rupa Goswami, Los Angeles County Superior Court, California.

(12) “You are building a reputation with the court from your very first appearance, and if you make misstatements to the court—even if it is unintentional because you don’t know your case as well as you should—that is going to reflect poorly on you. It doesn’t matter if the court thinks you are being intentionally dishonest by misrepresenting something or just careless because you are saying things that you aren’t certain are accurate: Neither of those options is an impression you want to make.” Judge Jennifer A. Mabey, Utah Fourth District Court.

(13) “Collegiality is worth its weight in gold, both from a human relations standpoint and often even for your client’s own best interests.” U.S. Magistrate Judge Anthony Patti, U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan.

(14) “I have noticed several people not dressing appropriately for virtual conferences. Some lawyers have decided that because they are not in a physical courthouse, court is now business-attire optional. Court is court, regardless of whether it is virtual or not. It is inappropriate to show up to court in a polo shirt. If you wouldn’t wear it in front of a jury, then you shouldn’t wear it on a virtual platform.” Judge Cathy Bissoon, U.S. District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania.

(15) “Being prepared is very important to making a positive first impression. I think it is also extremely helpful for attorneys to have the confidence to advise a judge when the attorney believes the judge is mistaken or assumes a fact that is either incorrect or outside the record or in dispute. Making a clear and correct record is taken seriously by judges, and good attorneys do not hesitate to respectfully assist the court.” Judge Brian Hill, Santa Barbara County Superior Court, California.

(16) “You know when a new lawyer has reviewed your webpage and preferences or spoke to your bailiff or staff attorney about how the courtroom proceedings will be handled. This is impressive. And respected by me. A hint: My bailiff and staff attorney will update me on your communication with them, which is a plus.” Judge John Russo, Court of Common Pleas, Cuyahoga County, Ohio.

(17) “State and spell your name, and state your bar number for at least the initial appearance. If you or your client want specific pronouns used, tell the division clerks ahead of the appearance.” Judge Matthew R. Zehe, County Court in the Eighth Judicial District of Colorado.

(18) “The respect attorneys display reflects and reinforces public confidence in the judicial system. Their decorum in justice courts or municipal courts should mirror the professionalism expected in higher courts like a district or even the Supreme Court.” Judge Wayne Mack, Justice of the Peace, Precinct 1, Texas.

(19) “Don’t be afraid to let your personality show through. You will always be better at being you than at being someone else, whether that ‘someone else’ is the senior partner, the difficult adversary or some other image you may have of what a ‘tough’ lawyer should be.” Judge Elizabeth Snow Stong, U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Eastern District of New York.

(20) “Never assume it is OK for you to appear remotely unless the docket is a fully remote docket. Always ask permission. I almost always grant permission but appreciate being asked.” Chief District Court Judge J.H. Corpening II, 6th Judicial District of North Carolina.

June 12, Democracy Day and the unfinished journey of Nigerian democracy

By Richard Odusanya

June 12 occupies a unique and enduring place in Nigeria’s political history. It symbolizes not merely a date on the national calendar but a defining moment in the nation’s democratic evolution. The decision to designate June 12 as Nigeria’s Democracy Day reflects a national acknowledgement of the sacrifices made by countless Nigerians in the struggle for democratic governance, justice, and popular sovereignty

The significance of June 12 derives principally from the presidential election conducted on June 12, 1993, widely regarded by domestic and international observers as one of the freest, fairest, and most peaceful elections in Nigeria’s history. The election transcended ethnic, religious, and regional divisions, demonstrating the capacity of Nigerians to unite behind a common democratic vision. Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (M.K.O.) Abiola, the presumed winner of the election, became the enduring symbol of that vision.

The annulment of the election by the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida triggered widespread national outrage, civil resistance, political instability, and years of democratic agitation. The subsequent struggle involved pro-democracy activists, civil society organizations, labour unions, journalists, students, political leaders, and ordinary citizens who demanded the restoration of the people’s mandate.

The incarceration and eventual death of Chief Abiola in 1998 further transformed June 12 into a powerful symbol of democratic sacrifice.

Recognizing the historical importance of these events, President Muhammadu Buhari, in June 2018, formally declared June 12 as Nigeria’s Democracy Day, replacing May 29, which had previously marked the annual celebration of democratic governance. This declaration was subsequently given legislative backing through amendments to the relevant public holiday laws by the National Assembly in 2019, thereby institutionalizing June 12 as the nation’s official Democracy Day.

The journey toward the legal recognition of June 12 involved contributions from numerous individuals, organizations, lawmakers, civil society advocates, and public intellectuals who had long campaigned for the preservation of the memory and ideals associated with the 1993 election. Their collective efforts helped secure national consensus on the need to honour one of the most significant milestones in Nigeria’s democratic history.

Yet, Democracy Day remains both a celebration and a moment of reflection. While Nigeria has sustained civilian rule since 1999—the longest uninterrupted democratic period in its history—many citizens continue to express concerns regarding the pace of socio-economic development, governance outcomes, public accountability, insecurity, unemployment, poverty, and rising living costs.

Indeed, the true legacy of June 12 extends beyond the conduct of elections. It challenges successive governments and citizens alike to deepen democratic institutions, uphold the rule of law, protect civil liberties, strengthen public trust, and ensure that governance translates into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Nigerians.

Contemporary security challenges—including terrorism, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and other forms of organized criminality—have further tested the resilience of the Nigerian state. Analysts continue to identify a complex interaction of factors such as poverty, unemployment, social exclusion, weak institutions, governance deficits, and limited economic opportunities as drivers of insecurity and instability.

As Nigeria commemorates Democracy Day, the nation is reminded that democracy is not a destination but a continuous process of building institutions, strengthening accountability, and expanding opportunities for all citizens. June 12, therefore, stands as both a monument to past sacrifices and a call to action for present and future generations.
  

The heroes of June 12 did not merely struggle for electoral victories; they struggled for a Nigeria founded on justice, inclusion, equity, freedom, and national unity. The extent to which these aspirations are realized will ultimately determine whether the promise of June 12 has been fulfilled.

As we honour the memory of Chief M.K.O. Abiola and all those who paid the price for democratic freedom, we must recommit ourselves to the enduring ideals for which they stood—a democratic Nigeria that works for every citizen

In conclusion; commemorating June 12 provides an opportunity to re-anchor public discourse on the original vision of 1993: a polity defined by inclusivity, credible elections, and accountable governance. Moving forward, the day’s relevance will depend less on symbolism and more on measurable progress in delivering security, economic opportunity, and institutional integrity.

Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria

[email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

He Would Have Been 90 Today: Remembering Chief Justice M. L. Uwais and a life of quiet greatness

Lillian and Fmr. Chief Justice M.L Uwais at her Call to Bar

By Lillian Okenwa

To some, he is a major headline. To many, he is much more than news.

So, when word filtered through on Friday, June 6, 2025, that Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais had passed away, I froze. Then I found myself screaming and pacing around my bedroom in disbelief.

When my father died 20 years ago at the age of 63, I convinced myself that people whose parents or loved ones died in their 80s or 90s probably did not feel the loss as intensely. After all, I reasoned, the deceased had lived a full life. I have now come to realise how wrong I was.

Loss does not negotiate with age.

When someone you love dies, the pain arrives all the same.

I struggle to write tributes for people close to me. This is only the second time I have attempted one. Since his passing, I have wrestled with these words, starting and stopping repeatedly. Even now, I am not sure I have found the right ones.

Read Also: Valedictory speech by Hon. Justice M. L. Uwais, GCON, retired Chief Justice of Nigeria, delivered on Monday, 12th June 2006 at the Supreme Court…

Read Also: A Legacy for Posterity https://youtu.be/tPR5BGCf-fg?si=CPEpElmNXkn-8HM0

Since that Friday morning when Justice Uwais passed away, just six days before what would have been his 89th birthday, I have searched for a fitting way to honour him. I am still searching.

Although he had been ill for some time, the news hit hard. It reminded me that grief does not measure years lived. It simply measures love.

When I arrived at the house that morning, part of me hoped there had been some mistake. Perhaps someone had misunderstood. Perhaps the message was wrong.

But the faces at the gate told a different story.

When I eventually entered his room and saw him wrapped up on his bed, all I could say to Aunty Maryam was, “So it’s true.”

Later, when he was wheeled on a stretcher into the ambulance that would take him to the mosque for the final rites, and I heard that loud thud of the ambulance trunk closing with forceful finality, it became clear to me that it’s really over. As the ambulance pulled away from the compound for the last time, I simply stood and watched. I could not cry. My heart was too heavy.

Read Also: Uwais resisted using his office to favour family and cronies with key appointments in the judiciary during his tenure — Odinkalu

Then another thought struck me.

It was Friday.

For decades, Friday meant one thing: Baba would leave for prayers at the Abuja National Mosque and return home. But not this Friday.

This was also Eid al-Adha, the sacred day when Muslims across the world commemorate Prophet Ibrahim’s obedience and sacrifice. Yet on this day of faith and devotion, it was Baba himself making his final journey to the mosque.

And this time, there would be no return.

He would never again walk through the doors of his home.

His grandchildren, whom he adored and who adored him in return, would never again hear his voice, sit by his side, or on his thighs.

That reality was difficult to bear.

Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais lived an extraordinary life of service. He remains the longest-serving Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, spending 27 years on the nation’s apex bench and serving for 11 years as Chief Justice of Nigeria from 1995 to 2006.

Yet what set him apart was not merely the offices he held.

It was the simplicity with which he carried them.

In a country where public office is too often treated as a family inheritance, he remained committed to fairness and institutional integrity. Throughout his years as Chief Justice, he resisted pressures to use his position to advance relatives, friends, or associates. He believed judicial appointments should be earned through merit, not personal connections.

That commitment earned him respect across generations of judges, lawyers, and public servants.

Duty came first.

It was only after he retired that I realised he had never used a siren, despite holding one of the highest offices in Nigeria. That quiet restraint mirrored the way he exercised power generally: without ostentation and without entitlement.

There is another irony that has not escaped me.

Justice Uwais was born on June 12, a date that would later assume profound significance in Nigeria’s democratic journey. Long after his birth, June 12 became synonymous with the struggle for electoral justice following the annulment of the 1993 presidential election, widely regarded as the freest in Nigeria’s history.

Perhaps it was fitting that a man born on that date would, decades later, chair the Electoral Reform Committee whose recommendations remain the most ambitious blueprint for fixing Nigeria’s troubled electoral system.

Following the controversial 2007 general elections, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua turned to Justice Uwais to lead a national conversation on electoral reform. The committee’s recommendations were bold and far-reaching: insulating INEC from political control, guaranteeing its financial independence, creating an Electoral Offences Commission and ensuring that election disputes were resolved before winners assumed office.

Many of those recommendations remain unimplemented today. Yet as politicians position themselves for the 2027 elections and Nigerians once again debate the credibility of the electoral process, the Uwais Report endures as a reminder that some of the solutions to our democratic challenges have long been identified. We simply lacked the political will to embrace them.

In many ways, Justice Uwais spent a lifetime defending the integrity of institutions. His work on electoral reform was merely an extension of that enduring commitment.

Away from the courtroom, national and international limelight, he was simply himself. A man of utmost simplicity. No airs.

My visits to him were always heartening. He was a gifted conversationalist. We would sit and talk for hours, sharing stories and laughter. He had a remarkable memory and an endless supply of fascinating anecdotes from decades in public service.

Listening to him was an education.

Sometimes we sat in companionable silence, before drifting into conversation. Other times we read and exchanged newspapers; then talk about trending issues. I will always remember him asking, “Lillian have your read this?” while raising a newspaper for me to see.

I remember him introducing me to a classmate that came visiting from Kaduna, as ‘his friend’. My Lord Justice Uwais was a rare breed.

Despite all he achieved, there was no trace of arrogance.

Chief Justice Uwais belonged to a generation of public servants whose humility was as remarkable as their accomplishments.

Today, he would have been 90.

Though he is no longer physically present, he lives on in the lives he touched, the institutions he strengthened, and the countless people who were privileged to know him.

Mama Saratu, Aunty Maryam, and those closest to him will understand this loss far more deeply than words can capture.

Happy birthday, Your Lordship.

And goodnight.

£210m Palace, Empty Hearts: What Britain’s most expensive house says about wealth, greed and the things we leave behind

The entire contents of the house were put up for auction in 2015. Photograph: ProAuction/SWNS

By Elvis Pratton

In one of London’s most exclusive neighbourhoods sits a property so extravagant that calling it a house feels almost inadequate.

Number 2-8A Rutland Gate, overlooking Hyde Park in Knightsbridge, boasts 45 rooms, 24 marble bathrooms, four lifts, an indoor swimming pool and enough luxury to rival many royal residences. When it changed hands in 2020 for £210 million, it became Britain’s most expensive home.

Yet today, nobody lives there.

The mansion stands silent behind its imposing façade, its vast rooms empty, its chandeliers unlit, its famous views of Hyde Park enjoyed by no one.

The irony becomes impossible to ignore when one discovers that the only person who appears to call the property home is a homeless man sleeping on its doorstep.

For three years, Swedish-born Anders Fernstedt has lived beneath a makeshift shelter on the mansion’s porch. A few metres separate him from a property worth more than entire districts in some countries. Inside are dozens of unused rooms. Outside is a man who survives day-to-day with little more than a mattress, a duvet, a few bicycles and the kindness of strangers.

The contrast is striking, but perhaps not for the reasons many might think.

This is not simply a story about homelessness. Neither is it merely a story about wealth. It is, in many ways, a story about the curious things human beings devote their lives to acquiring.

The mansion’s history reads like a catalogue of extraordinary fortunes. It belonged to Lebanese billionaire and former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri before his assassination in 2005. It later passed through Saudi royalty and eventually became entangled in the collapse of China’s Evergrande empire, one of the biggest corporate failures in modern history.

Its owners commanded immense wealth, influence and power. Some built empires. Some advised kings. Some moved markets.

Yet today, none of them lives there.

The building remains. The people moved on.

There is something sobering about that reality.

Across the world, countless people spend their lives chasing larger houses, bigger bank accounts and greater status. There is nothing inherently wrong with success. Ambition has built cities, created jobs and transformed societies. But there comes a point where accumulation ceases to serve any practical purpose and becomes an end in itself.

A mansion with 45 rooms can only be occupied one room at a time.

A wardrobe filled with hundreds of suits still allows only one to be worn.

A fleet of luxury cars can only carry a person in one vehicle at any given moment.

Beyond a certain point, wealth stops being about use and begins to exist largely as a symbol.

That may be why some of history’s most admired figures are remembered not for what they owned but for what they gave away. Long after fortunes disappear, people remember schools that were built, scholarships that were funded, hospitals that were established and lives that were changed.

Property can outlive its owners. Investments can pass to strangers. Estates can become the subject of litigation. Entire fortunes can vanish within a generation.

But acts of generosity have a way of surviving their creators.

The story of Rutland Gate illustrates that truth in an almost theatrical way. One owner was assassinated. Another died. Another lost control of his vast business empire and now faces criminal consequences. The mansion itself has become trapped in a web of ownership disputes and legal complications.

Meanwhile, the man sleeping outside remains one of the few people with any meaningful relationship to the property. He waters flowers. He knows the neighbours. Children stop to talk to him. He notices the changing seasons. In a strange way, he appears to derive more daily value from the building than many of those who have owned it.

Perhaps that is the real lesson.

The measure of a life is not necessarily what we accumulate, but what purpose our accumulation serves. In the end, the houses remain behind. The titles pass on. The money changes hands.

What endures are the lives touched, the opportunities created and the good done while we were here.

By Elvis Pratton

In one of London’s most exclusive neighbourhoods sits a property so extravagant that calling it a house feels almost inadequate.

Number 2-8A Rutland Gate, overlooking Hyde Park in Knightsbridge, boasts 45 rooms, 24 marble bathrooms, four lifts, an indoor swimming pool and enough luxury to rival many royal residences. When it changed hands in 2020 for £210 million, it became Britain’s most expensive home.

Yet today, nobody lives there.

The mansion stands silent behind its imposing façade, its vast rooms empty, its chandeliers unlit, its famous views of Hyde Park enjoyed by no one.

The irony becomes impossible to ignore when one discovers that the only person who appears to call the property home is a homeless man sleeping on its doorstep.

For three years, Swedish-born Anders Fernstedt has lived beneath a makeshift shelter on the mansion’s porch. A few metres separate him from a property worth more than entire districts in some countries. Inside are dozens of unused rooms. Outside is a man who survives day-to-day with little more than a mattress, a duvet, a few bicycles and the kindness of strangers.

The contrast is striking, but perhaps not for the reasons many might think.

This is not simply a story about homelessness. Neither is it merely a story about wealth. It is, in many ways, a story about the curious things human beings devote their lives to acquiring.

The mansion’s history reads like a catalogue of extraordinary fortunes. It belonged to Lebanese billionaire and former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri before his assassination in 2005. It later passed through Saudi royalty and eventually became entangled in the collapse of China’s Evergrande empire, one of the biggest corporate failures in modern history.

Its owners commanded immense wealth, influence and power. Some built empires. Some advised kings. Some moved markets.

Yet today, none of them lives there.

The building remains. The people moved on.

There is something sobering about that reality.

Across the world, countless people spend their lives chasing larger houses, bigger bank accounts and greater status. There is nothing inherently wrong with success. Ambition has built cities, created jobs and transformed societies. But there comes a point where accumulation ceases to serve any practical purpose and becomes an end in itself.

A mansion with 45 rooms can only be occupied one room at a time.

A wardrobe filled with hundreds of suits still allows only one to be worn.

A fleet of luxury cars can only carry a person in one vehicle at any given moment.

Beyond a certain point, wealth stops being about use and begins to exist largely as a symbol.

That may be why some of history’s most admired figures are remembered not for what they owned but for what they gave away. Long after fortunes disappear, people remember schools that were built, scholarships that were funded, hospitals that were established and lives that were changed.

Property can outlive its owners. Investments can pass to strangers. Estates can become the subject of litigation. Entire fortunes can vanish within a generation.

But acts of generosity have a way of surviving their creators.

The story of Rutland Gate illustrates that truth in an almost theatrical way. One owner was assassinated. Another died. Another lost control of his vast business empire and now faces criminal consequences. The mansion itself has become trapped in a web of ownership disputes and legal complications.

Meanwhile, the man sleeping outside remains one of the few people with any meaningful relationship to the property. He waters flowers. He knows the neighbours. Children stop to talk to him. He notices the changing seasons. In a strange way, he appears to derive more daily value from the building than many of those who have owned it.

Perhaps that is the real lesson.

The measure of a life is not necessarily what we accumulate, but what purpose our accumulation serves. In the end, the houses remain behind. The titles pass on. The money changes hands.

What endures are the lives touched, the opportunities created and the good done while we were here.

If lawyers gang up, clients will hang up

By Chinua Asuzu

Law is complex enough. The legal issues that feature in legal writing are complex and difficult.

Don’t add an extra layer of difficulty for your readers to wrestle with by using unnecessarily convoluted language.

The mark of a true professional is the ability to convey complex ideas in simple language.

Making a simple thing difficult is a symptom of defective intelligence.

Keeping a simple thing simple is common sense.

Making a difficult thing simple is an emblem of intelligence.

Keeping a difficult thing difficult is mediocrity.

If you can’t explain it simply, you don’t understand it amply.

The audience for most legal writing extends well beyond the legal community. “Much of what lawyers write—contracts, statutes, judgments, decrees—has the laity as its ultimate audience. Lawyers, like journalists and teachers, have reason to break out of their closed circles and write … for everyone who can read.” James C. Raymond, ‘Writing to be Read’ (Presentation at the New Zealand Law Conference, Wellington, 1993), 3.

As things now stand, the profession faces an existential crisis. If we lawyers don’t move quickly to take care of lay-audience needs, nonlawyers may very well invade our temple and introduce the changes themselves, turning us into illegal aliens or guilty bystanders in our own sanctuary.

“Unless lawyers do the right thing and reform from within, outside forces may well cause a revolution that will marginalize the legal profession.” Garner on Language and Writing (ABA, 2009), 295.

The fulfillment of this dire prophecy already looms, with artificial intelligence and legal-document automation invading our cherished temple.

Hugging legalese or verbosity is a losing strategy and a suicide mission. It’s an unviable conspiracy against laypeople.

In George Bernard Shaw’s play, The Doctor’s Dilemma, a character, Sir Patrick, characterizes all professions as “conspiracies against the laity.” George Bernard Shaw, The Doctor’s Dilemma (1906, Project Gutenberg Ebook 2015), 20.

Let’s reject this characterization, if not for all professions, then at least for the noble profession of law. Professionals shouldn’t gang up against their clientele.

If attorneys gang up, clients will hang up.

Indeed, “the very idea of professionalism demands that we not conspire against nonlawyers by adopting a style that feels impenetrable.” Garner on Language and Writing, 295.

Rather than conspire, let’s communicate. Indeed, let’s go beyond communication. Let’s engage. “All writing is communication. But most writing hopes to go further. It hopes to make the reader react in certain ways—with pleased smiles, nods of assent, stabs of pathos, or whatever.” John R. Trimble, Writing with Style: Conversations on the Art of Writing, 3rd ed. (Prentice Hall, 2011), 5.

Chinua Asuzu, Uncommon Law of Learned Writing 2.0 (Partridge, 2023), 10–12.

Tales My Patients Told Me: The ghosts of dead patients

By Emmanuel Fashakin, MD, Esq.

Sir Robert Hutchinson, who was President of the Royal College of Physicians alluded, over half a century ago, to the ghosts of dead patients chasing Doctors about in the midnight hour. We will talk about “ghosts” today.

My “ghost” walked into the surgical out-patient of the Obafemi Awolowo university Teaching Hospitals Complex one wet day in June 1988, a few months after I was appointed Lecturer/Consultant Surgeon in the University. He was emaciated and malnourished. According to his wife, he had been unable to eat properly for several months, and vomited quite often. There was suggestion of a palpable mass in the upper abdomen as I examined him.

The initial clinical impression was that of upper Gastrointestinal malignancy, possibly cancer of the stomach. However, barium studies soon showed that he had chronic duodenal ulcer with severe obstruction in the gastroduodenal area. He was salvageable, and with surgery, he should have survived.

He was prepared for surgery, which I approached with a lot of enthusiasm, being my first case for gastrectomy and gastrojejunostomy since I was appointed Consultant Surgeon. To the layman reading this, this man had obstruction in the junction of his stomach into the intestine, and the corrective operation was to cut off  the lower half of the stomach and join the upper half to the small intestine. The patient was prepared for surgery.

The surgery went very well, and there were virtually no technical challenges. After I was reassured two different times that all instruments, swabs and towels were complete and all accounted for, I closed up the patient. Because the patient was from far away place in Ekiti, he was kept in hospital until the sutures were removed. By the end of the week, the patient was able to eat pounded yam for the first time in months. The wife and patient were very grateful as they left for their town about ten days after surgery.

Five months after surgery, I was in the outpatient when our patient walked in with his wife. His abdomen was protuberant and he appeared ill. What happened? He said that he had discomfort in the abdomen and had not been feeling well. I examined his abdomen: it felt doughy and tender. X-rays soon confirmed every surgeon’s nightmare: there was a large piece of towel in the lower abdomen!

Then it all came to me. As I was joining the stomach to the jejunum, the coils of small intestines kept sliding into my view, and I asked for an extra piece of green towel to wrap them. In the rowdiness of the operating theater, the circulating nurse forgot to record the extra piece of fabric supplied to me. Somehow, the towel slid between the coils of bowel and ended up in the abdomen. When I asked for the first and second counts of swabs and towels, I was reassured that all was correct because the extra towel was never recorded on the board.

As soon as I opened up the patient, I knew that he was doomed, because the bowels were perforated in not less than twenty places after the towel was removed. I resected the more damaged portions of intestines, and repaired the rest of the holes. But the bowels were so edematous and shredded, that I knew that the chance of survival was minimal, especially because we had no intravenous nutrition to keep the patient alive while the bowels heal. We returned him to the surgical ward, with prayers that he would somehow pull through. But his condition worsened in the days after surgery.

As his left ebbed away, his wife kept vigil at his side. She did not leave the bedside to clean up, and had nothing to eat for two days. As I arrived at work on the patient’s last day, I told the wife to go and eat. The patient opened his eyes briefly and joined me in urging the wife to go and eat: “l’a jeun!” (Go and eat!), he commanded. They proved to be his last words as he soon slid into the final coma. I have heard those words “l’a jeun” echo in my head all these years. I look back on the case. The atmosphere in the operating room that day was unprofessional, and if I was a more senior surgeon, I would have been able to correct the nurses who were just chatting away. And if the patient had been seen in the days or weeks after discharge, we could have avoided a total catastrophe. “L’a jeun”! 

The ghost of dead patients!

Emmanuel O. Fashakin, M.D.,FRCS(Ed), FAAFP, Esq.
Attorney at Law & Medical Director,
Abbydek Family Medical Practice, P.C.
web address: http://www.abbydek.com
Cell phone: +1-347-217-6175

Woman cheats death as boyfriend attacks her with hammer for refusing cash demand

The Gombe State Police Command has arrested a 35-year-old man, Musa Adamu, for allegedly attacking his girlfriend with a hammer, attempting to strangle her, and robbing her of N100,000.

The spokesperson for the command, DSP Buhari Abdullahi, who disclosed this in a statement on Wednesday, June 10, 2026 said preliminary investigations revealed that the suspect had requested money from the victim, who is a businesswoman, but she declined.

According to the PPRO, the incident occurred in the early hours of June 9, when the suspect allegedly gained unlawful access to the victim’s residence at Riyal Quarters by scaling the fence and forcefully breaking into her room.

“The Gombe State Police Command has arrested the above-mentioned suspect in connection with a case of attempted culpable homicide, armed robbery, and causing grievous hurt,” the statement read.

“On 09/06/2026 at about 0800hrs, a lady (name withheld) of Riyal Quarters reported a complaint at Pantami Divisional Headquarters, Gombe, alleging that at about 0200hrs on the same date, her boyfriend, Musa Adamu, unlawfully gained access to her residence by scaling the fence and forcefully breaking into her room.

“The suspect allegedly attacked her with an iron hammer and attempted to strangle her using a USB cable before robbing her of the sum of One Hundred Thousand Naira (N100,000.00).

“Upon raising an alarm, the suspect fled the scene. As a result of the attack, the victim sustained serious injuries.

“Upon receipt of the complaint, police operatives promptly visited the scene, while the victim was evacuated to a hospital for medical attention, where she was treated and later discharged.

“Following a swift investigation, the suspect was traced and arrested at about 0945hrs on the same date.

“The following exhibits were recovered: 1. One iron hammer with suspected blood stains.2. One USB cable.

“Preliminary investigation further revealed that, prior to the incident, the suspect, being the victim’s boyfriend, had requested money from her on the same day, knowing that she is a businesswoman, but she declined.

“The suspect is in police custody while investigation is ongoing. He will be charged to court upon conclusion of the investigation.

“The Commissioner of Police, CP Umar Ahmed Chuso, mnips, fwc, psc(+), reiterates the Command’s commitment to the protection of lives and property and urges members of the public to promptly report suspicious persons and criminal activities to the nearest police station.”

The Sovereign Pitch: Why football must sever the chain of FIFA’s geopolitical exploitation

By Kachi Okezie, Esq.

Let’s start here: Iraqi player Ayman Hussein detained at the airport for 7 hours. The Iraqi national team photographer denied entry without any reason and returned to his country. The Iranian national team will play all its matches in the United States but will have to leave the country immediately after each match. The Japanese national team complain about the poor condition of their training pitch. Gunfire and injuries near the English national team’s training ground, prompting the coach requesting bullet-proof vests for his players during matches. All of these before the start of the 2026 FIFA World Cup!

The global game is no longer merely being played; it is being strip-mined. As the expanded, hyper-commercialised 2026 FIFA World Cup gets underway across North America, the beautiful game has collided head-on with an ugly, modern reality. What was promised by FIFA President Gianni Infantino to be the “most inclusive World Cup ever” has instead degenerated into a stark, transactional exercise in geopolitical sycophancy and local alienation.

The defining narrative of this tournament is no longer the democratic poetry of a forty-eight-team pitch, but a series of administrative and political lockouts that demand a radical, structural response. It is time, therefore, to face the uncomfortable truth: FIFA can no longer be trusted with the stewardship of global football. The governing body must either be forcibly stripped of its unchecked monopolies or bypassed entirely in favour of a democratic, fan-and-labour-driven alternative.

The architecture of this “cash grab” was built on a foundation of manufactured scarcity. When FIFA defended its exorbitant ticket prices by citing an astronomical 500 million ticket requests, the data immediately began to tell a different, more cynical story. In local host communities across the United States, Canada, and Mexico, everyday fans have been priced out entirely, squeezed by local host city deficits and corporate hospitality tiering. Yet, on the eve of the tournament, hundreds of regular group-stage tickets remained unsold in cities like Toronto and Vancouver. This disconnect reveals an extractive business model that views the local supporter not as the heartbeat of the sport, but as a secondary asset to be monetised.

But the economic exclusion of the fan is merely a symptom of a deeper, systemic rot: the utter politicisation of the tournament’s administrative architecture. In the years leading up to this event, FIFA’s leadership engaged in a polarising, calculated alignment with the United States political executive. The presentation of an inaugural “FIFA Peace Prize” to President Donald Trump and the subversion of standard tournament oversight to a federal task force were marketed as guarantees that all qualified participants would feel “safe and welcome.”

Instead, that political appeasement has yielded a border crisis that tears at the very fabric of sporting merit and dampened the spirit of the beautiful game. The most egregious casualty of this geopolitical subversion is the exclusion of Somali referee Omar Artan. Named Africa’s Best Male Referee in 2025 by the Confederation of African Football (CAF), Artan had earned the historic merit of becoming the first-ever Somali official to grace a World Cup. Yet, upon landing at Miami International Airport with valid travel credentials, he was subjected to an eleven-hour interrogation by U.S. Customs and Border Protection and summarily deported, retroactively branded a security threat under broad regional restrictions and arbitrary vetting concerns.

The response from Zurich was a masterclass in moral cowardice. FIFA washed its hands of the diplomatic fallout, releasing a sterile, defensive statement asserting that “a host government ultimately determines who receives a visa.” By deferring entirely to local border enforcement, FIFA violated the core covenant of international sport: that the pitch remains a sovereign, neutral space where access is dictated strictly by athletic excellence, not the arbitrary whims of an administrative regime.

Artan’s exclusion is not an isolated incident; it is part of a sweeping, discriminatory pattern. More than fifteen essential staff and officials from the Iranian national team were denied visas, forcing the squad to establish their training base in Tijuana, Mexico, and endure the logistical absurdity of daily cross-border commutes just to play their scheduled group matches in California and Washington.

From the detention of Iraqi players to the profiling of African delegations at domestic airports, this tournament has exposed a bitter reality: FIFA will gladly sacrifice the dignity and integrity of its own stakeholders to protect its multi-billion-dollar corporate partnerships.

The question is no longer whether FIFA has failed, but how long the football world will consent to its misrule. Should the refereeing corps, the player unions, and the global fan base not stand united with one of their own against this assault on the global game? If a federation cannot protect its highest-performing minority officials from administrative overreach, it forfeits its right to govern.

True reform cannot happen within the current, tightly insulated walls of Zurich. Because FIFA operates as a non-profit association under Article 60 of the Swiss Civil Code, it enjoys staggering tax immunities and shields itself from the corporate transparency laws that govern standard multinationals. To break this cycle of corruption and exploitation, we must look toward two distinct, structural models of governance going forward:

First is the Multi-Stakeholder Democratic Cooperative model. We must transition global football away from an autocratic presidency and toward a decentralised, tripartite model scaled from Germany’s domestic “50+1” ownership philosophy. Voting power for international tournaments and policy must be divided equally between three independent chambers: a Supporters Chamber composed of regional fan trusts; a Labour Chamber run directly by player unions (FIFPRO) and referee associations; and an Administrative Chamber hired strictly for event and operational logistics. This structure ensures that no state-backed entity, billionaire sponsor, or political strongman can outvote the collective conscience of the sport’s actual producers and consumers.

Second is the Sovereign Oversight Trust model. If the tournament is to remain globally centralised, host selection must be stripped entirely from the political horse-trading of the FIFA Council. It should be managed by an independent judicial trust comprised of international jurists, human rights experts and forensic auditors. Under this model, host nations must sign a legally binding, irrevocable treaty granting sovereign athletic immunity: any nation that cannot guarantee unrestricted, dignified visa access for every qualified player, official, and fan, regardless of geopolitical tension, automatically forfeits its hosting rights. If a host government blocks an official like Omar Artan, the tournament moves.

A Call to Collective Action

It is worth noting that, contrary to the common impression, the ultimate weapon against FIFA’s predatory model does not reside in Swiss courtrooms; it sits in the turnstiles and on the pitch. FIFA’s immense power is an illusion sustained entirely by television broadcast rights and corporate sponsorships. If the global football community truly wishes to honour the principles of fair play and solidarity, it must mobilise its collective leverage.

The referees’ unions must consider coordinated walkouts, demanding absolute contractual protections and financial compensation for colleagues discarded by geopolitical gatekeeping. Concurrently, fans must leverage the power of the consumer boycott: shunning official merchandise, challenging corporate sponsors, and leaving empty seats in hospitality sectors. When the stakeholders who create the magic of the World Cup refuse to participate in its exploitation, FIFA’s financial house of cards will ultimately collapse.

Omar Artan returned to Mogadishu to a hero’s welcome, displaying a dignity and grace entirely absent from the executive suites in Zurich. His exclusion must mark the line in the sand. Football belongs to the people who play it, officiate it, and love it; not to the politicians who exploit it or the bureaucrats who sell it to the highest bidder. It is time to reclaim the global game for the global community. “Cup Mundial” it is, after all.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

TIPS