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FRN V Jokolo: Deploying law to curb terrorism (1)

INTRODUCTION

Nigeria is facing multi-dimensional attacks from various terror groups across the Sahel region, ranging from banditry, armed robbery, cattle rustling, land grabbing, kidnapping to brute terrorism. There are different versions of the philosophy underpinning this global menace, from supposed economic imbalances to political alliances, mines and minerals, territorial conquests and even religion. The important thing is for the government and the people to rise up to the occasion to provide adequate safety and protection for all. It bears repeating, even for a trillion times now and always, that the ultimate purpose of government is the security and welfare of the people.

In all cases, the resort to law by the government and all state and non-state actors as one of the major sources of combating and addressing this malaise must be supported and commended by all. In many ways, we are all affected by the multiplication of these terror groups across different parts of the nation, necessitating urgent and effective action plans and modalities for prompt containment, mass resistance and ultimate dismantling. This is why the case of FRN v Jokolo has featured in this space, given the ingenious manner in which the head of one of the avenues of combating terrorism, deployed his administrative and judicial power to aid effective prosecution. The investigating and prosecuting agencies involved are equally commended for their commitment and diligence.

THE FACTS OF THE CASE

The facts of this case, as reported in FRN v Jokolo (2026) 12 NWLR (Pt.2054) 351 are that the respondent was the 3rd defendant with seven other defendants who were initially charged and arraigned before the Federal High Court, Kano Judicial Division, on 28-count charge of money laundering and conspiracy contrary to sections 14(1)(a), 15(1), (3) and 17(a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2004. Upon application by the prosecuting agency, the case was subsequently transferred to the Abuja Division of the Federal High Court by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court for security reasons. At the trial, the prosecution in proof of the charge preferred against the respondent called 17 witnesses and tendered a bundle of documents which were admitted as exhibits, and closed its case. The respondent and other defendants elected to make a no-case submission.

THE DECISION OF THE COURTS

The trial court in its ruling overruled the respondent’s no-case submission. Dissatisfied with the ruling of the trial court, the respondent appealed to the Court of Appeal, which unanimously allowed the appeal on the grounds that the Federal High Court, Abuja Judicial Division, lacked the territorial jurisdiction to entertain the case. The appellant was dissatisfied with the ruling of the Court of Appeal and appealed to the Supreme Court, which dismissed the said appeal. In determining the appeal, the Supreme Court considered the provisions sections 93(2), 98(1) and 387 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015; Section 19 of the Federal High Court Act, and Order 17, Rules 1-5 of the Court of Appeal Rules, 2021.

JUDGMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT

The Power of Chief Judge of a High Court to Transfer a Criminal Case from One Court to Another and When Exercisable:

By virtue of section 98(1) of the Administration of Criminal Act, 2015, the Chief Judge of a High Court may, where it appears to him that the transfer of a case will promote the ends of justice or will be in the interest of the public peace, transfer any case from one court to another. This power is a crucial tool to foster efficient administration of justice, especially in sensitive cases where security concerns, potential bias, or public unrest might compromise a fair trial or public order in the original jurisdiction. To underscore the importance of security in a criminal trial, section 93(2) of the Act also provides that a criminal charge shall be filed and tried in the division where the alleged offence was committed unless it can be shown that it is convenient to do otherwise for security reasons. The phrase “interests of the public peace” is particularly relevant to situations involving insecurity.

In circumstances where the prevailing security situation in a particular territorial jurisdiction might compromise the safety of parties, witnesses, judicial officers, or the general public or might otherwise impede the fair and impartial conduct of a trial, the Chief Judge can invoke the power. The “ends of justice” also encompass the need to ensure that trials are conducted in an environment free from intimidation and undue influence, which insecurity can engender. The limitation under section 98(2) of the Act, that the power shall not be exercised where the prosecution has called witness, only implies that such transfers are generally intended for earlier stages of proceedings as it was in the instant case.

The Power of Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to Transfer Criminal Case from One Court to Another:

The power conferred on the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to transfer a case from one territorial jurisdiction to another, particularly by reason of insecurity, is a critical aspect of judicial administration aimed at ensuring justice, public peace, and the integrity of judicial proceedings. The power is primarily derived from statutory provisions and is supported by judicial pronouncements.

Read Also: The Scandal Within the Scandal: The Arday affair and the abandonment of due process

The Duty on Chief Judge Before Transferring a Case Based on Petition Under Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015:

By virtue of section 98(3) and of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, before a Chief Judge can exercise his powers to transfer a case to another judicial division, the application or petition to transfer shall be investigated within one week by not more than 3 reputable legal practitioners, who shall submit their report within 2 weeks of their appointment. In this case, the respondent’s argument that the Chief Judge could not have complied with the formal requirement within 3 days was speculative. The respondent failed to prove that the Chief Judge did not comply with the procedure as prescribed by the statute before the matter was transferred to Abuja.

The Territorial Jurisdiction of Federal High Court vis-à-vis High Courts of a State and Federal Capital Territory:

By virtue of Section 19 of the Federal High Court Act the court shall have and exercise jurisdiction throughout the Federation, and for that purpose the whole area of the Federation shall be divided by the Chief Judge into such number of Judicial Divisions (not less than four) as he may, from time to time, specify and he may designate any such Judicial Division or part thereof by such name as he may think fit. Thus, the Federal High Court enjoys nationwide jurisdiction, while a State High Court is confined to the territory of the State and the High Court of Federal Capital Territory is confined to Federal Capital Territory.

The Limit to Application of Principle of Territorial Jurisdiction:

The principle of territorial jurisdiction dictates that an offence shall be tried by a court exercising jurisdiction in the area or place where the offence was committed. This is enshrined in section 45(a) of the Federal High Court Act, which states that an offence shall be tried by a court exercising jurisdiction in the area or place where the offence was committed. This principle ensures that the court has the geographical competence to hear and determine the matter. However, this general rule is subject to the power of transfer statutorily conferred on the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court. In the instant case, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court acted under section 98 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 and transferred the case from Kano to Abuja. In that situation, raising an issue of territorial jurisdiction is sterile and futile.

The Power of Chief Judge of Federal High Court to Assign or Transfer Cases Within the Jurisdiction of the Court:

The Chief Judge of the Federal High Court is bestowed with the administrative powers to assign cases to a court, withdraw a case from a particular court, and transfer cases anywhere within the jurisdiction, that is, within the entire Federation to promote the ends of justice. This power is exclusive and cannot be shared with the Chief Judge.

The Effect of Transfer of Case from One Jurisdiction to Another:

When a Chief Judge exercises the power to transfer a criminal case from one jurisdiction to another for security reasons under section 98(1) of Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, it is generally not a requirement that the element of the offence charged must have been committed in the new jurisdiction to which the case is transferred. The power of transfer under section 98(1) of the Act is an administrative and judicial prerogative designed to ensure the ends of justice and public peace which takes precedence over the territorial jurisdiction rule for the specific purpose of the transfer.

The Effect of Transfer of Criminal Cases from One Court to Another on Jurisdiction of Receiving Court:

Once a case is validly transferred by the Chief Judge, the receiving court by virtue of section 387 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 acquires the necessary jurisdiction to hear and determine the matter, irrespective of whether the locus criminis falls within its geographical area. The jurisdiction of the new court is derived from the order of the Chief Judge, not from the original territory where the offence was allegedly committed. In the instant case, the question of whether any part of the offences charged was committed in Abuja was redundant and inessential.

The Principle Guiding Criminal Appeals:

The fundamental principle guiding criminal appeals is that an appeal is a challenge by an aggrieved party against a decision of a lower court that directly affects him. The notice of appeal serves to formally notify the appellate court and the respondent, typically the State or, as in the instant case at the lower court, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, of the appellant’s intention to appeal and the specific grounds upon which the appeal is based, pertaining to his own conviction or sentence.

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The Scandal Within the Scandal: The Arday affair and the abandonment of due process

When due process is abandoned in the pursuit of a man, the process itself becomes the scandal.

By Eyimofe Atake, SAN

I am asked, as a Cambridge alumnus, for my view of the Arday saga. My view is this: whatever the truth of the allegations against him, and no tribunal ever established it, the manner of his pursuit abandoned due process, and that abandonment is the scandal within the scandal.

I was in Cambridge from 1984 to 1987. In my time I knew of no Black professor in the University; I cannot recall even a Black lecturer. There was a brilliant Sierra Leonean, an MA and PhD of Cambridge, who applied for virtually everything, including the headship of a college, and was denied everything. When I arrived, the Dean of my College asked how long I intended to spend on my doctorate. Three years, I said, the minimum allowed. He replied that most Africans spent six to eight years, and we wagered one pound on it. I finished in exactly three years and won the wager. On my graduation day he pressed the pound into my hand and told my father that his son had done extremely well. I record it with affection, but mark what it reveals: the expectation set for men like me was delay and failure, and excellence was the anomaly requiring explanation.

Now the record, and it is record, not speculation. Arday became the University’s youngest Black professor at 37. When the plagiarism allegations came, the institution that awarded and examined his doctorate, Liverpool John Moores University, investigated them and did not uphold them, finding honest error rather than misconduct. Cambridge itself said in June that he was the object of a “vile campaign” to undermine his credibility. Those are Cambridge’s words, not mine. Then the ground shifted: the questions moved from the thesis to his qualifications and honorary appointments, dozens of academics demanded an inquiry into how he was ever appointed, and Cambridge reversed itself and opened a fresh investigation.

He resigned on 5 August. Nine days later he was dead at 41. Among the principal accusers was Nathan Cofnas, a philosopher who styles his views “race realism” and who had published that in a meritocracy Black people would largely vanish from prominent positions outside sport and entertainment. Emmanuel College severed his research affiliation in 2024 amid the uproar over those writings; in fairness I record that the University’s own inquiry later dismissed the complaints against him, and that he is suing the college. His published views, not his employment history, tell us from what quarter the campaign came.

Due process is not a lawyer’s ornament. It means that no man is condemned unheard; that the accuser does not sit as judge; that accusation is tested on evidence before an impartial tribunal, with the accused heard, before any consequence follows. Publicity is not process. A newspaper is not a court. A petition of colleagues is not a verdict. A resignation extracted under siege is not a finding. The presumption of innocence is not a courtesy extended to the probably guilty; it is the only discipline by which the innocent can ever be distinguished from the merely accused. When accusation, publicity and judgment run ahead of process, what results is not justice but sentiment wearing its robes. Arday denied the allegations to the end. The one competent body that examined the central charge did not uphold it. No tribunal ever pronounced against him, and death has now placed him beyond both vindication and censure forever. Plagiarism is an academic sin, and I do not condone it for a moment. But the gravity of a sin is precisely why its proof must be disciplined: grave charges call for more process, not less.

So I am entitled to ask whether a white professor, cleared by the awarding institution, would thereafter have been pursued with this appetite? I submit that he would not be. The coroner will tell us how he died. No coroner is required to tell us what he was living under when he died. Johnnie Cochran, marshalling the Simpson defence, told his team that all you are left with during a crisis is your conduct during it. By that measure, the accusers and the institutions now fall to be judged by theirs.

May his soul rest in peace.

Eyimofe Atake, SAN, Phd., Cantab.

On the Arday case, By Prof. Mojúbàolú Olufúnké Okome

Jason Arday’s family speaks out after British professor’s death

(https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/16/world/video/jason-arday-larry-madowo-intldsk)

What we are seeing are the secret practices of academia revealed to people who believe that these are virtuous institutions. Many would focus on the pawn — in this case, Arday — and not the kingpins moving the pawns around, ever ready to sacrifice them when necessary. This tragic situation is not about plagiarism but bullying. The academic bullies were gleefully joined by media for whom the case was used as a pretext to question the legitimacy of DEI and valorize a meritocracy that firmly supports white dominance.

Beyond this, it’s dismaying that the academy is not a welcoming and friendly, respectful space for Black people. One is expected to constantly validate being deserving of status, advantages and opportunities that white colleagues are assumed to deserve. There are also ways in which those who have power within the system can act with impunity without suffering adverse consequences.

From what the media tells us, Arday has serious problems. The matter should be seriously investigated and he should face the consequences. But in my over 30 years in academia, I know that he’s not alone. People who do what he’s doing are from all races and classes. The institutions towards which they direct their wàyó (duplicitous) love to reward shady folks with fantabulous tales over and above hardworking people.

A Pattern Beyond One Case

The west also has a way of choosing one person from marginalized communities that they give extraordinary attention and praise as well as material resources that are denied more deserving people from the same community. When it blows up in their faces, they throw that person under the bus without accepting that their patron-client system produces such suboptimal outcomes.

It’s sad because we still live in a world where there’re disparately stark differences in response to the same problem, determined by race, class, etc. Frankly, the world we live in leaves the kingpins of criminality to thrive while small-time villains are persecuted, hounded & relentlessly attacked. Also, the academy can be a brutal space for marginalized minorities. There is objective evidence that the powerful get away with grave abuses, infractions, and rule-breaking but, like other instances of structural violence, it’s almost impossible to punish them or correct the problems in any meaningful way.

Race Within the System

Let’s also not be naive and think that this racist, white dominant academic system treats everyone equally. In my experience only Asians tend to get treated better than Black people because of the ideal minority category that’s applied to them, leading to the assumption that they are ab initio smarter than Black and Brown people. This also has its own contradictions and problems, but I do not have the bandwidth to address them now.

This is not to say that the assaults on progressives and leftists in higher education is not vicious, or that the brutality isn’t more destructive towards Black and nonwhite scholars.

The Fight Ahead

Given the cataclysmic effects of the attacks, silence is not an option. However, the response must be well-conceived, coordinated by coalitions that tend to fight destructive battles against one another, and tenacious. There’s also need to remember that there are historical antecedents and contemporary structures that produced and validate these attacks. They’re the real targets that must be delegitimized, dismantled and replaced with genuinely democratic solutions. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/aug/06/jason-arday-dei-race-issues-university-of-cambridge

The fight that needs to happen is twofold:

1. Fight the racist, white dominant system that produces these results.

2. Support hardworking, honest faculty of color who are still facing harsh discrimination.

Frankly, there’s a culture of hazing in academia. I experienced it from scholars who were supposed to be mentors. Arday was bullied both at Cambridge and by racists in the British media. It’s also been pointed out that Arday’s white colleagues charged with plagiarizing were treated differently, and many are still in their positions at the university.

As for me, I empathize. I find this case troubling because it is systemic. My own trials, tribulations, and travails in academia (which are not exactly the same as Arday’s, but are racist nonetheless), began with my graduate studies at Columbia University and continue to date. The academy was neither created for us nonwhite people, nor is it ready to include us as equals. I’ve never accepted the limitations and am of the opinion that people need not love me. However, they must respect me. I’m not interested in validation from institutions and persons who have power within them, but I do my work with excellence and support others to give them the benefit of my experience, even though I never got such support.

Black scholars being traumatized in academic spaces, unfortunately, is par for the course. If you speak with Black scholars, you find that the majority have been subjected to what amounts to a hazing ritual.

Arday was a Black man who rose faster and higher than white people expect or accept as appropriate for a Black person. White people tend to look for every opportunity to prove that such a rise is not deserved, and when they find any problem, they viciously go after the person, intent on disgracing them, delegitimizing them, vilifying them and taking them down.

I’m glad that Dr. Kehinde Andrews (https://www.youtube.com/shorts/vVNwaDplF7w) and Bell Ribeiro-Addy, the British Labour Party politician Member of Parliament (MP) for Clapham and Brixton Hill, (https://www.linkedin.com/posts/bell-ribeiro-addy-87341a42_jasonarday-ugcPost-7494521319066292224-YGCc/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop&rcm=ACoAAAEuvNIBKTauMIUBHo9RDLAUp06QgKS8oR0) stood by him even after death. I’m also wondering about Dr. Kehinde Andrews, who said that he had been fired. Why? I’ll let the news reports below tell that story.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cwy2d6eg050o

https://www.theguardian.com/education/2026/may/12/birmingham-city-university-urged-not-to-axe-black-studies-ma

Finally,

Racism is abominable. This tragic case should be used as an opportunity for deep reflection within the academy, with an intent to at the very least reform, and at best transform it into radically inclusive and respectful communities of learning.

Mojúbàolú Olufúnké Okome
Professor of Political Science, African & Women’s Studies
Leonard & Claire Tow Professor, 2015/2016
Brooklyn College, CUNY

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

‘Tell Your Story’: AFBA urges Nigerian military to showcase security gains to the world

The African Bar Association (AFBA) has urged the Nigerian Armed Forces to take its security story to the world, saying Nigeria must do more to showcase the gains being made in the fight against terrorism, insurgency, banditry and other security threats.

The call was made during a courtesy visit by the AFBA leadership to the Ministry of Defence in Abuja as the association prepares for its 2026 Annual Conference in Sal, Cape Verde.

The conference, scheduled for September 20–24 at the Hilton Cabo Verde Sal Resort, is themed “Resilient Africa’s Roadmap for Sustainable Development: Addressing and Strengthening Issues of Military, Security and Economic Stability.” It is expected to bring together lawyers, policymakers and other stakeholders from across Africa and beyond. Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, former UN Under-Secretary-General and former Nigerian Ambassador to the United Nations, is the keynote speaker.

The Minister of Defence, General Christopher Gwabin Musa (rtd.), OFR, was away on official duties and was represented by the Director of Projects in the Ministry, Dr. J. C. Alozie, alongside other senior officials and members of the Armed Forces.

AFBA President and Dr. Alozie, Director of Projects, Federal Ministry of Defence

Speaking during the visit, AFBA President, High Chief Ibrahim Eddy Mark, said the association wanted the Nigerian military to use the international platform to explain its security efforts and communicate the progress being made in the country’s fight against terrorism and insurgency.

“We want the Nigerian military to tell its story,” Mark said.

He said the Armed Forces should explain, at an appropriate strategic level, what it was doing to confront terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping and banditry, the progress being made, the challenges confronting troops and the sacrifices of military personnel.

Mark stressed that AFBA was not asking the military to disclose classified information or compromise operational security.

Rather, he said, the objective was to give the Armed Forces an opportunity to communicate its work directly to Nigerians, the African legal community and the international community.

“There is a story that needs to be told. There are sacrifices that need to be understood. There are successes that need to be acknowledged. There are challenges that need to be appreciated,” he said.

Ministry: Opportunity to ‘Market Nigeria’

The Ministry of Defence appeared receptive to the idea, with its representative, Dr. Alozie, underscoring the potential value of having members of the Armed Forces participate in the Cape Verde conference.

Alozie said such participation would provide an opportunity to market Nigeria to the outside world, showcase the country’s positive sides and highlight the gains being made in the fight against terrorism and insurgency.

He said there was a need to communicate the positive developments taking place in the country, noting that “a lot of good is happening here.”

His remarks effectively aligned with AFBA’s call for the military to tell its own story, particularly at a continental gathering where Nigeria’s security experience can be presented directly to lawyers, policymakers and other influential stakeholders from across Africa and beyond.

For AFBA, the proposed engagement is not simply about public relations. It is about ensuring that Nigeria’s security experience, challenges, sacrifices and progress form part of the wider African conversation on resilience, development and stability.

‘Don’t Allow Others to Define Nigeria’s Story’

Mark said Nigeria had an opportunity to use the Cape Verde conference to present a fuller and more balanced picture of the country’s security situation.

He said the participation of senior military officers would provide an opportunity to reach the African continent and the wider international community while presenting Nigeria’s experience from the perspective of those directly involved in the country’s security operations.

He said Nigeria’s challenges should not be allowed to overshadow the progress being made by its institutions and security forces.

“The Armed Forces should have the opportunity to explain, in its own voice, the nature of the threats it faces, the strategies being employed, the progress being made and the contribution of military operations to national stability,” he said.

Security Is More Than a Military Issue

AFBA also drew a direct connection between security and economic development, arguing that the impact of military operations should be viewed beyond the battlefield.

Mark said insecurity affects farmers, businesses, investors, transportation, communities and the wider economy.

“When a terrorist network is disrupted, a community becomes safer. When a kidnapping network is dismantled, people can travel with greater confidence. When a highway is secured, commercial transportation becomes easier,” he said.

He added that farmers were more likely to return to their farms when communities were secure, while businesses could reopen and investors could operate with greater confidence when their people, assets and supply chains were protected.

According to him, security should therefore be regarded as an enabler of development, rather than an issue separate from economic growth.

AFBA Salutes Fallen Troops

The association also commended Nigerian troops for the sacrifices they continue to make in confronting terrorism, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping and other threats.

Mark paid tribute to military personnel who had lost their lives in the line of duty, noting that behind every deployment were families who had sent their loved ones to defend the nation.

“Behind every military casualty is a human being who has made the ultimate sacrifice in service to the nation,” he said.

He called for the sacrifices of fallen troops to be remembered and acknowledged the difficult conditions under which members of the Armed Forces continue to operate.

Lawyers Seek Stronger Military-Legal Engagement

The AFBA delegation also called for stronger cooperation between the military, legal profession, academia, civil society and the private sector.

The association maintained that national security and the rule of law should not be treated as competing objectives.

It argued that a professional military operating within the Constitution and the law strengthens public confidence, while a legal system that understands the realities of national security contributes to national resilience.

Mark noted that Nigeria’s security challenges also have wider African implications, given the transnational nature of terrorism, trafficking, organised crime, kidnapping and other threats.

He pointed to Nigeria’s participation in regional security initiatives, including the Multinational Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin, as an example of the importance of cross-border cooperation.

He said Nigeria’s experience could provide valuable lessons for other African countries confronting similar threats.

Military Invited to Take Centre Stage

AFBA formally invited the Ministry of Defence and the Nigerian Armed Forces to participate prominently in its 2026 Annual Conference.

The association proposed a strategic presentation titled:

“Securing Nigeria: The Role of the Nigerian Armed Forces in Combating Insurgency, Terrorism, Kidnapping and Other Security Threats, and the Impact on National Development.”

The presentation would examine the connection between military intervention, peace and security, protection of civilians, protection of businesses and infrastructure, investor confidence, economic activity and sustainable development.

AFBA said the military’s participation would provide an opportunity to communicate Nigeria’s security experience to African lawyers, policymakers, diplomats, business leaders, civil society organisations and other stakeholders attending the conference.

Mark said AFBA was approaching the Ministry not merely to applaud the Armed Forces, but to listen, understand and build a partnership around Africa’s security and development challenges.

“A resilient Africa is not an Africa without challenges. It is an Africa capable of confronting its challenges, learning from them and emerging stronger,” he said.

He added that the story of Nigeria’s security was also part of the story of its development, while Nigeria’s resilience formed part of the wider story of an African continent seeking peace, justice, economic opportunity and sustainable growth.

The AFBA delegation included Prof. Agbo Madaki, Maj. General Shalingwa, Afam Okeke, Dr. Friday Agbo, Mimi Ayua, Lillian Okenwa and Teyojesam Eko.

Elohor Aiboni becomes Shell’s Executive Vice President and Country Chair, Nigeria

Last week marked the beginning of a new chapter for Shell in Nigeria as Elohor Aiboni assumed the role of Executive Vice President and Country Chair,  Shell Nigeria, with a clear ambition: to lead Shell’s businesses in powering more progress in a country that has been at the heart of Shell’s history for nearly nine decades. From the company’s first search for oil in 1938 to the first commercial discovery in 1958, Shell’s journey in Nigeria has been defined by partnership, innovation and growth.

As she steps into this landmark position, Elohor is both mindful of the legacy she inherits and optimistic about the opportunities ahead.

“I am conscious of the legacy I am stepping into, but I am also encouraged by the strength of our people, the depth of our partnerships and the opportunities ahead.”

Elohor’s appointment is significant on several fronts. She is the first woman to serve as Country Chair in Nigeria and the first Nigerian to combine the roles of Executive Vice President and Country Chair. Breaking new ground is not unfamiliar territory for the chemical engineer who joined Shell in 2002. In 2021, she became the first woman to be appointed Managing Director of Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo), Nigeria’s leading deepwater operator.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: When hope refuses to leave

This latest appointment, however, carries an even broader mandate and strategic significance. As Executive Vice President and Country Chair, Elohor provides leadership oversight across a diverse portfolio of businesses that are central to Nigeria’s energy future. These include deepwater oil and gas production through SNEPCo, industrial gas distribution through Shell Nigeria Gas (SNG), distributed power solutions through Daystar Power, and renewable energy access through All On.

In her first message to staff, she reaffirmed her commitment to building on the company’s achievements while positioning the business for future success.

“As I begin this new chapter, I do so with deep appreciation for the strong foundation already in place and great excitement about the opportunities ahead. We have made significant progress across our business in performance, growth and project delivery, positioning Shell Nigeria strongly for the future. These achievements reflect the talent, resilience and commitment of our people, and I want to thank each of you for the role you have played in making them possible. My commitment is to build on that strong foundation and work alongside all of you to shape the next chapter of success and a future we can all be proud of.”

The outlook for Shell’s deepwater business in Nigeria is particularly promising. Following the Final Investment Decision (FID) on the Bonga North development in December 2024, and the FID on the HI gas project, supplying up to 350 million standard cubic feet of gas per day at peak production to Nigeria LNG, both projects are advancing in project execution, with first oil and first gas respectively anticipated before the end of the decade.

These investments reinforce Shell’s long-term commitment to Nigeria while strengthening the company’s contribution to the country’s energy security and economic development.Related News

Across its businesses, Shell continues to create value for customers, communities and the broader economy. Shell Nigeria Gas supplies nearly 20 billion cubic feet of gas annually to more than 150 industrial customers, enabling industries to transition from heavier fuels to cleaner-burning natural gas. This has helped offset more than 350 million litres of heavy fuel oil each year, reducing emissions and supporting progress toward Shell’s net-zero emissions ambition.

Daystar Power is enabling commercial and industrial customers across West Africa to decarbonise their operations through reliable and affordable hybrid energy solutions. The business currently operates in Nigeria, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, Togo, and Ghana, helping customers reduce fuel consumption, improve energy reliability and strengthen operational resilience.

Meanwhile, All On, Shell’s impact investment company, continues to accelerate energy access by supporting innovative renewable energy businesses. Its portfolio of 53 energy companies has delivered more than 300,000 energy connections across Nigeria, expanding access to cleaner and more reliable energy solutions.

Shell’s contribution extends beyond its operated businesses. At Nigeria LNG (NLNG), where Shell holds a 25.6% equity stake and serves as technical adviser, construction of Train 7 is progressing. Upon completion, the expansion will add 8 million tonnes per annum (mtpa) to the facility’s production capacity, increasing total capacity from 22 mtpa to 30 mtpa and strengthening Nigeria’s position in the global LNG market.

Together, these businesses position Shell to play a significant role in Nigeria’s evolving energy landscape. From deepwater oil and gas production and LNG development to industrial gas supply, distributed power solutions and renewable energy investments, the portfolio under Elohor’s leadership reflects Shell’s integrated approach to delivering secure, reliable and lower-carbon energy while creating long-term value for customers, partners and the wider economy.

With responsibility for this dynamic portfolio of businesses, the role of Executive Vice President and Country Chair presents both immense opportunities and significant responsibilities. Under Elohor’s leadership, Shell Nigeria is well positioned to build on its strong legacy while shaping a new era of growth, innovation, and value creation.

Shortly after formally receiving the mantle of office from her predecessor, Marno de Jong, during a handover ceremony in Lagos on July 28, Elohor offered a glimpse of the leadership mindset she brings to the role:  “The hard work starts now, and I look forward to the exciting years ahead.”

As Shell continues to invest across its businesses and expand its contribution to Nigeria’s energy future, the years ahead present a unique opportunity to unlock growth, strengthen partnerships and power more progress for generations to come.

Credits: PUNCH

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Infantino’s inner circle fractures as top FIFA executive exits after challenging World Cup commercialisation plan

The departure of one of Gianni Infantino’s closest allies is the latest sign that dissent inside FIFA’s corridors of power may be becoming increasingly costly.

The sudden departure of FIFA Chief Operating Officer Kevin Lamour has sharpened concerns about governance, internal dissent and the concentration of power within football’s world governing body, coming just weeks after he publicly criticised President Gianni Infantino’s controversial attempt to transfer some of the organisation’s most valuable commercial assets into a private investment vehicle.

FIFA confirmed on Monday that Lamour’s employment ended on August 17, bringing to an abrupt close the tenure of one of the most influential figures inside its executive structure and a longtime confidant of Infantino.

“FIFA can confirm that the working relationship between FIFA and Kevin Lamour as FIFA’s Chief Operating Officer has ended on 17 August 2026,” a spokesperson for the governing body said.

“FIFA thanks Kevin for his two years of service and wishes him the best of luck for the future. No further comment will be made on the matter.”

The brevity of the statement contrasted sharply with Lamour’s standing within the organisation. He was not an outsider or an inherited executive. Before joining FIFA’s senior leadership team in November 2024, Lamour had been part of Infantino’s successful campaign for the FIFA presidency in 2016 and was widely regarded as one of the president’s trusted lieutenants.

His exit therefore carries significance beyond an ordinary management reshuffle. It follows an unusually public disagreement over the future direction of FIFA and, more fundamentally, over who controls one of the world’s richest sporting institutions.

At the centre of the dispute was Infantino’s proposal to create a new commercial subsidiary that would hold some of FIFA’s most lucrative assets, including commercial rights associated with the FIFA World Cup and other flagship competitions.

The governing body reportedly valued the proposed entity at about $20 billion and planned to sell as much as a 20 per cent stake to private equity investors, a transaction expected to generate approximately $4.2 billion.

Supporters argued that the structure would unlock fresh capital and accelerate investment in football development. Critics, however, questioned whether placing core commercial assets into a partially privately owned vehicle would fundamentally alter FIFA’s character, shifting it further from its role as the custodian of global football towards that of a commercially driven enterprise.

Lamour emerged as the most senior internal voice challenging the proposal.

In remarks that reverberated across the organisation, he accused FIFA employees of being misled and suggested that the initiative reflected the ambitions of a single individual rather than the collective interests of world football.

“Our mission … is to serve football, not to serve the personal interests of a person who, unfortunately, believes he embodies FIFA when he is supposed to be at its service,” Lamour said.

The criticism represented a rare public challenge to Infantino from within his own leadership circle, where internal disagreements have seldom reached the public domain.

His intervention came shortly after the resignation of Carlos Cordeiro, one of Infantino’s senior advisers, who also opposed the proposal, describing it as “a bad deal for football.”

Facing mounting resistance, Infantino ultimately withdrew the plan.

Lamour’s departure nevertheless raises fresh questions about the space for internal disagreement within FIFA at a time when the organisation continues to consolidate unprecedented commercial influence over the global game.

Since assuming office in 2016 on promises of transparency, institutional reform and a break from the governance scandals that engulfed FIFA under previous administrations, Infantino has overseen dramatic growth in the federation’s revenues and expanded its commercial footprint through new competitions and broadcasting agreements.

Those achievements, however, have increasingly been accompanied by criticism from governance experts and former officials who argue that decision-making within FIFA has become progressively more centralised around the office of the president.

Lamour’s exit is unlikely to end that debate. Instead, it is expected to fuel broader questions about institutional governance within international sport: whether senior executives remain free to challenge proposals they believe are contrary to an organisation’s mission, or whether loyalty to leadership has become the defining currency of advancement.

The episode also rekindles a wider conversation about the commercial future of football itself.

As sovereign wealth funds, private equity firms and multinational investors deepen their involvement in the sport, governing bodies face growing pressure to monetise assets that were once regarded as part of football’s collective heritage. For critics of Infantino’s abandoned proposal, the concern was never simply about attracting investment. It was about preserving FIFA’s independence and ensuring that the commercial value generated by the World Cup remains subordinate to the interests of the game rather than those of financial markets.

Whether Lamour’s departure was directly connected to his opposition has not been stated by FIFA. Yet the timing is likely to invite scrutiny far beyond Zurich.

For observers of global sport, the episode underscores a recurring tension that extends well beyond football: institutions often proclaim openness to debate, but the true measure of governance lies in what happens when influential insiders publicly disagree with those at the top.

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Adeleke: Victory after victory, By Suyi Ayodele

A long time ago, when wisdom was not yet upside down, two young men went out in search of knowledge. They both wanted the favour of the world, the type the wise men of my place call àánú ayé (favour of the world). They needed àánú ayé to be able to get the most important thing in their town.

The two were differently positioned for what they both coveted. One was greatly favoured. He had the support of the king of their town. All the chiefs, prominent members (òtòkùlú ìlú) and all that mattered in the town were his friends. The chief custodian of the much-sought after object happened to be his ally. What more! Wherever the king is, is exactly where the town is (ibi tí oba wà làá pè ní ìlú).

So, for the favoured, the search for wisdom was a mere formality for him; let it not be that he did not seek wisdom when his mate did. Getting what he wanted was a done deal by virtue of the backing he had.

The second boy was the underdog. He had only the hoi polloi in his camp. His only strength against the formidable forces was his goodwill. That made him go the extra mile in search of wisdom. He decided to go to the wise of the land.

The two boys went to an old wise man for divination. The man of knowledge, the story says, had different ways of treating his clients. To some, he would engage in outright divination. And to some others, the old man would allow the clients to choose the nature of their divinations and sacrificial objects. The man knew, from experience, that there is no divination better than the Opele one casts by himself (kò sí Ifá tó dára ju àfúnra eni dá).

When the boys arrived at his home, the wise old man asked the duo to choose the items they would offer to Ifá. The first boy stepped forward, confidently, and chose two items. First, he chose orí Àjànàkú (the head of an elephant). The second item was awo ekùn (the skin of a tiger). Why? The diviner asked him.

The boy responded in proverbs. He told the old man that ‘every stump on the path of the elephant follows the elephant on its journey’. Hence, he chose the head of the elephant. He added: ‘whichever game the tiger kills dies completely’ (eran tí ekùn bá pa, àpafon ni).’ Every great hunter knows that the tiger is the neatest and the most meticulous hunter in the jungle.

The diviner looked at the boy, shook his head and wondered where the arrogance came from. He had never, before then, come across a child, who would speak to an elder in proverbs. In my place, a child who must speak in proverbs must first seek and obtain the permission of the elders. But, the world changes, and we follow it (ayé ńyí, a úntòó). When a child has the backing of the king, he becomes wiser even than his forebears.

Nevertheless, the diviner collected the items – the head of an elephant and the skin of a tiger – and made the necessary charm for the boy according to his personal wishes. The boy left without the courtesy of appreciation to the diviner. He was ready for the battle ahead. He thought he already had victory in his pouch. Don’t blame him. When a child is given a new amulet to wear, his only desire will be war, so say the elders of yore.

Next was the second boy. He stepped forward and requested the heads of two birds. The first was àwòko, the small singing bird the Western World calls nightingale. Thereafter, he asked for the head of àparò (partridge or bush fowl).

Like he did earlier with the first boy, the old man asked why the second boy chose the two birds. Responding, the second boy told the wise old man that if he knew the answers, he would not have come for consultation. Àìgbón, àìdá mi ló mú mi lo oko aláwo – my lack of wisdom, my lack of knowledge is the reason I seek divination – he told the old man.

The old man collected the items, mixed them in their proportion and handed the potion back to the boy. Then in line with the dictates of Ifá, the diviner, using Ìyèrè Ifá (Ifá chant), made some pronouncements that have become axiomatic among the Yoruba people to date.

First, he pronounced unto the boy thus: ‘Igbó kan kò ní p’ohùn mó àwòko l’énu (no forest, no matter how thick, will be able to shut the mouth of awoko). The spiritual implication is that no matter the obstacles, the boy will continue to sing the song of victory.

Second, the old man decreed that irrespective of the tribulations, and no matter how covert they were, the boy would see them ahead, plan and overcome because the partridge sees with both its eyes and its feathers (àti ojú, àti ìyé ni àparò fi ńrí‘ran).

And lastly, to those, who, out of greed, might want to shortchange the young man in his journey of life, the diviner pronounced that they would suffer the same calamity that befell Ìgbàyílolá. Ìgbàyílolá, history says, was the great hunter of the ancient town of Ìsánlú, who killed an entrapped antelope, and packed the eggs of partridge with his bare hands.

When calamities began to happen in Ìsánlú, the elders made enquiries and found out what the hunter did. His punishment was instant banishment from the town, and he died a wanderer in the forest. Ìgbàyílolá’s story gave birth to the saying: A’fàgò k’ éyin àparò, ohun ojú ńwá l’ojúú rí. Nobody packs the eggs of partridge with bare hands and lives to dance the dance of victory. Such an act comes with grave repercussions.

I first heard this story long ago when an elderly man lectured my generation about the futility of the Yoruba metaphysics called Àwúre (fortune-pulling charm). His admonition was the Yoruba saying: Ìwà ni oba àwúre (character is the charm for fortune).

What happened last Saturday in the governorship election of Osun State can be likened to the story of the two boys above. Governor Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke of Osun State faced the greatest political battle of his life in that election. August 15, 2026, is a day Adeleke will never forget. The same goes to the people of Osun State. Nigeria as a whole, will also mark the day as an indelible watershed in its political history.

One cannot pin Adeleke to a specific Faith. His name, Nurudeen, suggests he is a Muslim. His other name, Jackson, though neutral, points to the religion of the Western world, Christianity.

His presence at both Christian crusades and the Muslim prayer ground during Sallah is also confusing. Again, nobody can take a bet on where the governor goes when it is dark and he is left alone with his destiny.

But one thing is sure: Governor Adeleke must have sought the wisdom of the wise of the land. Those who are knowledgeable must have prepared him like the boy who chose the heads of àwòko and àparò to offer to Elérî Ìpín so that he could get the most important position in the state. 

Although grace plays a significant role in the trajectory of those so divinely endowed, I beg to adjure that grace alone did not win the battle for Adeleke. How on earth did he survive the presence of Godswill Akpabio, the Senate President; leading Bamidele Opeyemi, the Senate Leader and other senators; 30 governors from the All Progressives Congress (APC), with Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State and his nauseating hype men leading the charge; countless House of Representatives members; ministers and presidential aides?

What about the hostile members of Nigeria’s security architecture? The APC men, especially James Abiodun Faleke, the House of Representatives member representing Ikeja Federal Constituency, and Chairman of the House Committee on Finance, have said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu should be praised for his ‘commitment to upholding democratic values and respecting the will of the people.’

Read Also: As over 200 die, go missing or are abducted in four days, Nigeria’s Security crisis revives questions over the right to life

And to demonstrate his ‘neutrality’ and love for democracy, President Tinubu, as confirmed by Adeleke, put a congratulatory call across to the governor even before the final result was officially declared.

And like the old fox that he is, the President, immediately Adeleke was announced winner of the election, issued a statement endorsed by Bayo Onanuga, his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, saying Adeleke’s victory “is a fitting assurance that democracy will continue to flourish in our land.”

So, to Faleke and his ilk, flowing from the above, Tinubu must take the glory for providing ‘a level playing field’ during the election.

Yes, the APC wants the credit for Adeleke’s victory after intimidating the governor with 32 Commissioners of Police, 35,000 policemen, 10,000 civil defence corps and hundreds of armed soldiers in full military gear, including tanks.

The APC-led federal government did not stop at that. Many members of Adeleke’s Accord Party, including the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Teslim Igbalaye, were arrested. Homes of state commissioners were invaded and statutory allocations to the 30 local government areas of the state withheld for months. That is the APC’s definition of ‘level playing field.’ If it were not so, maybe, the governor himself would have been arrested and locked up! Shame, big shame!

This is where the people of Osun State come in. They gave a good account of what Yorubaland should be. I watched them as they voted and jealously guarded their votes. I saw the videos of how they collected various amount of money from the APC agents but went ahead to vote for Accord Party and Governor Adeleke.

I listened to the owó wo gbó (wasted money) lyrics as the people collected as much as N50,000 from the APC and voted against the party. I read comments about Osun people who said that after cooking and eating the rice the APC gave to them, they then had enough strength to walk to their various polling centres to vote for Governor Adeleke. Then, I wept, bitterly.

I wept not for victory, but for the good people of Ekiti State, who, on Saturday, June 20, 2026, collected loaves of bread, packets of spaghetti and as low as N3,000 to vote for the APC. I wept because it had never crossed my mind that a day would come when indigenes of Ekiti State would chase after trucks carrying loaves of bread as prices for their ballots, until the APC performed the magic!

But my hope in Nigeria was rekindled when I saw Osun people as they collected rice and other items from the APC and went ahead to vote their conscience. I became happier as I saw the common men and women troop out in their thousands to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to monitor and defend the collation of their election results.

I watched videos of how some of them mounted okada in twos and followed vehicles conveying the results from the polling units to the collation centres.  I became pensive as I watched the people singing while their votes were being counted. I gave a thumbs-up as many of them resisted the armed men deployed to intimidate them at their polling centres.

I followed keenly how Governor Adeleke’s nephew, David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, engaged all the hawks and sharks, who attempted to subvert the process. I saw the power of social media in its raw form and the positive energy it can bring in a dire situation like the Osun election. I remarked loudly: Davido is a child every family should have!

Then, I became alarmed, when, after the victory, Governor Adeleke reaffirmed his loyalty to President Tinubu and pledged his support for the President’s 2027 re-election bid.

As Governor Adeleke, in his victory address, uttered the following words: “At this point, I must deeply appreciate Mr. President, His Excellency, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for his strong support for a free and fair election. Mr. President is a son of Osun State, and I hereby reaffirm my earlier endorsement of him for second term in the 2027 presidential election,” the spirit ministered to me to give a baptismal name to the governor.

The name that readily came to mind is an Ekiti descriptive and interpretative cognomen, to wit: Amonihiseshuba (A-mo-ni-hi-se-shu-ba), which simply means: he who adopts his tormentor as his father! But I dare not give a name to the governor for certain reasons: custom, his age and his position.

Nevertheless, it is pertinent to review the governor’s stance on Tinubu’s re-election.  For a start, we should just take the governor’s comment on Tinubu’s “strong support for a free and fair election”, to what the British novelist, Thomas Hardy, says in Far From the Madding Crowd, of Sergeant Troy, as someone for whom enthusiasm is a superfluity!

I say this because I don’t know how Governor Adeleke is going to achieve the feat. The 2027 presidential election will take place alongside the National Assembly elections. While President Tinubu will be on the ballot for the APC, Governor Adeleke’s Accord party will feature senatorial and House of Representatives candidates on the same day.

So, is Adeleke saying that the Osun electorate are that literate and politically enlightened to vote for APC on one ballot and for the Accord party on the two ballots for the National Assembly? Or is he going to ask all Accord candidates for the National Assembly elections to step down because, like he said, ‘Mr. President is a son of Osun State?’

The second dilemma for the governor is the State House of Assembly election that will take place two weeks after the general election. Did Governor Adeleke consider the bandwagon effects of Tinubu’s APC winning the presidential and National Assembly elections in Osun State before the House of Assembly election?

Has the governor struck an agreement with Tinubu to the extent that the President will ask all APC candidates for the Osun State House of Assembly to step down for Accord’s candidates so that Governor Adeleke can have peace of mind in his second term? Or does it not occur to Adeleke that he cannot afford to have the opposition APC as members of the Osun State House of Assembly; that his peace of mind for good governance depends on him having his party members in the assembly?

While pondering on the above, permit me to impose on the victorious Governor Adeleke a small exercise in victory management.

Governor Adeleke must not transfer Osun State people’s victory to the man they defeated on Saturday, August 15, 2026. The governor must realise that the votes for Adeleke last Saturday were votes against Tinubu and the entire thing the President represents. He cannot afford to repay the people by taking them back to Tinubu’s slave sugarcane plantation they escaped from when they voted against the APC at the governorship poll.

If I were Governor Adeleke, I would first go to the streets of Osun to hear what the people are saying after listening to his victory speech. I have friends and relations in Osun State. I heard them clearly. They were unanimous in their position to wit: Governor Adeleke will not be the one to determine who they will vote for come 2027. They are saying a resounding ‘NO’ to his promise to sell them to the Villa. He should not destroy his goodwill with the people!

Governor Adeleke should know that in the fight to give him a second term, many people died. Many will not recover from the injuries they suffered for a long time to come. Many will go down to their graves with the injuries of the ‘revolution’. And many also lost their freedom and dignity. They should not also lose their victory after the victory!

That said, I congratulate the ‘dancing governor’ on his victory. But more, I congratulate the people of Osun State for giving Nigerians the authentic RENEWED HOPE! 

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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As over 200 die, go missing or are abducted in four days, Nigeria’s Security crisis revives questions over the right to life

By Law & Society Magazine Editorial Board

Four days. More than 120 people dead, abducted or missing. From highways in Kogi and Ondo to villages in Adamawa and Plateau, another wave of bloodshed has renewed an uncomfortable question: if the State’s first constitutional duty is to protect life, who answers when it repeatedly fails?

A succession of kidnappings, terrorist attacks and mass killings across Kogi, Ondo, Adamawa and Plateau states has left more than 200 people dead, abducted or missing within four days, reinforcing fears that large stretches of Nigeria’s highways and rural communities are slipping beyond effective state protection.

The incidents, which occurred between August 9 and August 18, have also reopened an increasingly urgent constitutional debate. While Section 14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution declares that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government,” victims of recurring security failures have found little success in seeking judicial accountability from public authorities charged with protecting lives and property.

Those concerns came into sharper focus after the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (InterSociety) alleged that no fewer than 92 travellers, most of them from Nigeria’s South-East and South-South, were abducted in a series of attacks along highways in Kogi, Ondo and Benue states between August 9 and August 13.

According to the organisation, about 30 victims either escaped or were rescued, while at least 62 others remained missing or were feared dead.

InterSociety said the attacks occurred in seven separate incidents around Ore in Ondo State, Okene and Ofu in Kogi State, and parts of Benue State, affecting travellers heading towards Abuja and Lagos.

Among the incidents highlighted was an attack on the Auchi-Okene Expressway involving a Sharon bus travelling from Delta State to Abuja and a Toyota Sienna conveying passengers from Abuja to Delta State. The organisation said armed men intercepted the vehicles and abducted 13 passengers.

It also reported another large-scale attack along the Itobe-Achigili-Anyigba corridor in Kogi State, where about 40 passengers travelling in three commercial vehicles, including a Peace Mass Transit bus, were reportedly taken into nearby forests by gunmen.

InterSociety further claimed that 32 travellers were abducted during another attack near Ore in Ondo State involving two commercial buses travelling to Lagos and Abuja, although several passengers were later said to have escaped or been rescued.

The figures released by InterSociety had not been independently verified at the time of filing this report. Its description of the attackers as “Jihadist Fulani” reflects the organisation’s own characterisation and has not been independently established.

Irrespective of those disputed details, the incidents reflect a pattern that has become increasingly difficult to ignore. Kidnappings on major highways have become so frequent that many motorists now regard long-distance road travel as an increasingly dangerous gamble, with forests bordering strategic roads serving as staging grounds for armed attacks.

Before those concerns had subsided, fresh violence erupted in Adamawa State.

Suspected Boko Haram insurgents reportedly stormed Dhang community in Gaya District of Hong Local Government Area on Monday afternoon, killing at least five people, including a police inspector attached to the Gaya Divisional Police Headquarters.

Residents said the attackers looted shops, carting away medicines, foodstuffs and agricultural chemicals before forcing villagers to flee into surrounding bushes.

The Adamawa State Police Command confirmed the attack. Its spokesperson, SP Suleiman Nguroje, said security personnel had been deployed alongside the military to secure the community and assess the extent of the damage.

Residents, however, warned that the worsening insecurity could prevent farmers from accessing their farmlands at the height of the rainy season, threatening livelihoods in communities already living under the shadow of insurgent violence.

Within hours, another community came under attack hundreds of kilometres away in Plateau State.

Residents of Binper community in Mangu Local Government Area said heavily armed attackers moved from house to house shortly after midnight on Tuesday, killing at least 23 people, injuring several others and leaving others unaccounted for.

Eyewitnesses described a coordinated assault in which families were attacked inside their homes while asleep.

One resident said the attackers forced open doors before killing occupants, while another described the aftermath as devastating and called for a more decisive security response to halt the recurring attacks.

Security personnel were later deployed to the community, while the injured were evacuated to nearby hospitals for treatment.

The killings are the latest in a succession of violent attacks that have continued to plague parts of Plateau State despite repeated security operations and official assurances.

Taken together, the attacks reveal more than a deteriorating security situation. They also expose a recurring weakness in Nigeria’s constitutional order. Although the Constitution identifies the security and welfare of the people as the primary purpose of government, citizens have found it exceedingly difficult to hold public authorities legally accountable when that obligation is repeatedly breached.

For years, lawyers and civil society organisations have argued that persistent failures to protect lives should attract constitutional scrutiny through public interest litigation. Instead, many such efforts have struggled against restrictive rules on standing, narrow interpretations of enforceable rights and judicial reluctance to entertain suits seeking to compel governments to discharge what critics describe as their most fundamental constitutional responsibility.

The result, legal analysts say, is an accountability vacuum. While security agencies routinely investigate individual attacks, broader questions about systemic failures—why communities repeatedly come under assault, why highways remain vulnerable despite years of military deployments, and whether governments can be compelled to adopt more effective preventive measures—rarely receive sustained judicial examination.

The consequence is a cycle that has become painfully familiar: another attack, another deployment of security personnel, another round of official assurances, followed by yet another list of victims.

For families searching for missing relatives, constitutional theory offers little immediate comfort. Their concern is whether loved ones will return alive. Yet the deeper legal question remains unavoidable. If the Constitution places the protection of life at the centre of governance, can that promise remain meaningful when citizens have no effective legal pathway to challenge persistent failures of the State?

Until that question receives a more definitive judicial answer, Nigeria’s recurring tragedies may continue to be treated as isolated security incidents rather than symptoms of a constitutional obligation that remains honoured more in principle than in practice.

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Terrorists loot clinic, injure sleep-deprived villagers in Kwara

The people of Kale Titi, the village next to Woro Village in the Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, came under machetes and dangerous objects wielded by terrorists who looted their clinic, shops and houses on Thursday, FIJ can report.

Three sources from Woro who have friends and relatives in Kale Titi, along Niger Road, separately confirmed the development to FIJ on Sunday.

The terrorists wounded some villagers, stole phones, forcefully collected money and food items.

Click here to continue reading.

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Oyo police bust suspected human parts syndicate, arrest 10

A police operation that began with months of surveillance ended with 10 arrests, grisly exhibits and renewed concern over an underground trade many believed had faded into history.

A month-long intelligence operation by the Oyo State Police Command has led to the arrest of 10 suspects believed to be part of an alleged human parts trafficking network operating across parts of the state, in what investigators describe as one of the Command’s most significant breakthroughs against ritual-related crime in recent times.

The suspects were apprehended during coordinated raids on hideouts in Iseyin and Saki, following what police said was an extensive period of surveillance and intelligence gathering by operatives of the Command Monitoring Unit.

Police identified those arrested as Adam Ibrahim (42), Nasiru Kabiru (22), Tijani Wasiu (54), Abiola Nasiru (45), Amusa Gbadamosi (57), Raheem Taofeek (46), Jimoh Muritala (35), Suleiman Busari (47), Ganiyu Nurudeen (36) and Usman Abdullahi (52).

Searches conducted at the locations allegedly uncovered suspected human remains, including what investigators described as a human heart, pieces of a human skull, human flesh and assorted charms. The recovered exhibits have been secured for forensic examination to determine their origin and possible connection to other criminal investigations.

According to the Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Ayanlade Olayinka, some of the suspects have made statements to investigators regarding their alleged roles in the illicit trade and are assisting detectives in tracing the source of the recovered body parts, identifying other members of the network and establishing the intended purpose of the exhibits.

Police said efforts were continuing to dismantle the suspected syndicate and arrest additional persons who may have played roles in the procurement, movement or sale of human remains.

The arrests have once again drawn attention to a form of criminality that has repeatedly resurfaced in different parts of Nigeria despite years of police operations, prosecutions and public awareness campaigns.

For decades, investigators and journalists have documented allegations of clandestine networks that procure human body parts for ritual purposes. One of the earliest and most haunting accounts emerged from an investigative prison interview originally published by the Nigerian Tribune and later revisited by veteran journalist Lasisi Olagunju. In that account, a convicted grave robber narrated how, as a homeless teenager in Ibadan, he was recruited by a herbalist to exhume newly buried corpses and retrieve specific body parts for payment. His testimony suggested the existence of an organised chain involving informants who monitored fresh burials, suppliers who carried out the exhumations and buyers who commissioned particular body parts for ritual purposes.

Although that account dates back several decades, recent police operations indicate that the alleged trade has not disappeared.

In recent years, law enforcement agencies have announced arrests linked to suspected ritual killings, grave desecration and trafficking in human remains in states including Ogun, Kwara, Ondo, Osun, Ekiti, Anambra, Enugu and Oyo, reinforcing concerns among criminologists that demand for human body parts continues to sustain organised criminal networks.

Commissioner of Police CP Abimbola Ayodeji Olugbenga commended the officers who carried out the operation, describing it as the product of painstaking intelligence work.

He reaffirmed the Command’s commitment to dismantling criminal syndicates and urged members of the public to continue providing credible information that could assist security agencies in preventing violent crime.

For investigators, however, the significance of the latest arrests extends beyond the 10 suspects already in custody. The forensic examination of the recovered exhibits and the ongoing investigation are expected to determine not only where the human remains came from, but whether the operation has exposed a wider criminal network operating beyond Oyo State.

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