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Smart V Idiokita and illegality of arrest by proxy (1)

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

INTRODUCTION

From time immemorial, criminal liability has always been personal. You cannot transfer the responsibility of a crime from one person to another, no matter their relationship, and in the absence of any joint agreement to commit a crime, one person cannot be held liable for the criminal action of another. The law enforcement agencies in Nigeria are well aware of this basic principle of our criminal law jurisprudence but they still proceed to arrest citizen A for the alleged offence of citizen B. In some cases, a father is arrested for the alleged criminal conduct of his son or vice-versa, or one business partner is held liable for the conduct of his co-partner.

Although the courts have pronounced upon this principle of law in many cases, it became imperative to insert a specific clause in the Administration of Criminal Justice Act in 2015, in order to arrest the ugly trend. This notwithstanding, police officers in particular have refused to respect the rights of citizens in this regard. The decision whether or not a person commits an offence is from the inner mind of the offender and since only God knows the heart of a person, no human being is to suffer for the conduct of another. One way to end this malady is to hold the particular police officer who violates this principle personally liable for his misconduct. If for instance the case ends up in court, any award of damages should be paid by the offending officer, in addition to possible demotion in rank or outright dismissal.

Read Also: Protect Your Digital Footprint: The double-edged nature of social media — By Emmanuel Ajibulu

THE FACTS OF THE CASE

The facts of this case are as reported in Smart v Idiokita, (2026) 20 NWLR (Pt.2044) 63. The 1st respondent by an application for enforcement offundamental rights sued the 2nd to 6th respondents and the appellant as the 1st to 6th respondents respectively seeking a declaration that his arrest and detention by the 6th respondent from 10th to 13thAugust 2021 on the appellant’s instigation was unconstitutional, illegal and unlawful and an infringement on his fundamental rights as guaranteed under sections 34, 35 and 41 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended); and a declaration that the threat of his father arrest by the 3rd to 5th respondents on the appellant’s instigation wasunconstitutional, illegal and unlawful and posed a likelihood of infringement on his fundamental rights as guaranteed under sections 34, 35 and 41 of the Constitution.

The 1st respondent also sought inter alia the sum of N20,000,000.00 as damages against the 2nd to 5th respondents for the infringement of his fundamental rights; and the sum ofN10,000,000.00 as damages against the appellant for instigating his arrest and detention for four days without trial and continuous threats to life, harassments and trauma he suffered in violation ofhis fundamental rights. The 1st respondent’s case was that he was allegedly approached by the appellant to prevail on his son to pay the appellant money arising from a business transaction. The 1st respondent claimed that he was not part of the alleged business transaction between the appellant and his son; that as a result of his inability to get his son to pay the appellant’s money, he was allegedly arrested and detained unlawfully at the Delta State Police Headquarters under the command of the 6th respondent between the 8th to 13th August 2021; and that the 1st respondent claimed that the arrest and detention were at the appellant’s instigation.

The 1st respondent also claimed that after his detention at the Delta State Police Headquarters, he was again invited to Zone 5 Headquarters of the Nigeria Police Force, Benin-City, Edo State, where he was allegedly subjected to persistent harassment and the 2nd and 5th respondents threatened to arrest and detain him if he failed to produce his son. Consequently, he filed the application for the enforcement of his fundamental rights. When the application came up for hearing at the trial court,the appellant’s counsel informed the court that, in opposing the application, he filed the appellant’s counter-affidavit and a motion on notice for extension of time to regularise the counter-affidavit.

However, the trial court delivered a bench ruling to the effect that because the counter-affidavit and the motion were not found in the court’s file, the appellant and the 2nd to 6th respondents had nocounter-affidavit and other processes in response to the application. It directed the 1st respondent’s counsel to move the application. After hearing the application, the trial court delivered its judgment wherein it dismissed the 1st respondent’s case.Dissatisfied, the 1st respondent appealed to the Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal allowed the appeal and granted the reliefs sought but made a downward review of the financial reliefs.Aggrieved, the appellant appealed to the Supreme Court, which dismissed the appeal.

JUDGMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT

1. The Prohibition of Arrest in Lieu:

By virtue of section 7 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, a person shall not be arrested in place of a suspect. The provision is to the effect that a person cannot be arrested for a crime suspected to have been committed by another person. Criminal responsibility is personal and not transferable. And nobody should be arrested in lieu of a suspect. There is no vicarious culpability in criminal offence and a person cannot be held responsible for the offence of a family member. In the instant case, since the appellant and the 2nd – 6th respondents failed to rebut the affidavit of the 1st respondent, the Court of Appeal was right to hold that section 7 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 was applicable to the facts and circumstances of the case. The finding of fact by the Court of Appeal could not be faulted having regard to the unchallenged evidence to the effect that the appellant was arrested and detained at the Delta State Police Headquarters on the instigation of the appellant because of an offence allegedly committed by his son. Furthermore, there was unchallenged affidavit evidence that the 2nd to 6th respondents harassed and threatened to arrest the appellant if he failed to produce his son and his photographs.

Per OGBUINYA, J.S.C. at pages 96-97, paras. E-C:

“It is gleanable from the record, the bedrock of the appeal, that on the instigation of the appellant, the first respondent was arrested and detained by the second – six respondents in lieu of his son, John Samuel Ita, who had a stillborn business transaction with the appellant. The concrete and classic evidence on record, the spinal cord of appeal, amply demonstrate that the first respondent was a stranger to that business transaction that was mired in the quicksand of fiasco. The doctrine of subrogation which flourishes in the sanctuary of civil law has no atom of shelter in sphere of criminal jurisprudence. Indisputably, the second – sixth respondents, on the prompting of the appellant, wrongly employed the doctrine against the first respondent. In the firmament of criminal law, criminal responsibility is personal to a particeps criminis.

There is no transfer of criminal responsibility even in the presence of proven consanguinity between a culprit and an innocent. Indeed, vicarious liability has no legitimate residence in the expansive hemisphere of criminology. The provision of section 7 of the ACJA, an ambitious provision with a commendable mission to shield innocent citizens against unlawful arrest and incarceration by officers of law enforcement agencies, who act on the false information on commission of crimes fed on them by overzealous and pretentious complainants, concretises this hallowed principle of criminal law. Indubitably, the lower court’s decision, sought to be impugned, did not, in the least, disclose any ounce of hostility to the letters and spirit of the law as to magnet the reprobation of this court. Per contra, the lower court acted ex debito justitae when it nullified the decision of the trial court which was per incuriam par excellence. I accord it an unfiltered endorsement.”

2. The Duty of Court in Respect of Separation of Powers and Protection of Rights of Citizen:

The courts must never interfere in the exercise of executive powers, particularly in the mandate of the police to investigate crimes. However, the courts must endeavour always to balance the principles of separation of powers and the protection of the rights of the citizen against oppressive executive actions.

Per OGUNWUMIJU, J.S.C. at pages 92-93, paras. F-D:

“In the circumstances, I have to agree with the opinion of the court below as stated on pages 326 – 327 of the record of appeal that:

‘Now to the manner of complaints of these breaches, the appellant in paragraphs 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19 & 24 of the affidavit at page 21 – 23 of the records are chronological narration of events and acts of harassment, intimidation, threats, embarrassed, harassment in church and actual arrest detention beyond 24 hours (4 days) without reason at Asaba and Benin City, twice with pressure to produce bank statements and BVN between 15th June and November 2021. It is important to note that there were no charges pressed against him except for him to produce his son or pay up the debt on the transaction, the matter was taken from Warri to Asaba and then to AIG, Benin, Zone 5. He denied consistently that he was not part of the transaction nor aware of the deposit made to his son…

From the above, there were threats, actual detention beyond 24 or 48 hours even though both had a court within 5km radius, the 1st to 5th respondents refused to do the needful legally, they instead employed the tactics of intimidation, blackmail, breaches and directive to produce his son or pay the debts. Clearly, the allegation was that his son who did the transaction absconded and the father/applicant was responsible. The applicant’s freedom was unjustly withheld, his fundamental rights infringed upon.”’

Protect Your Digital Footprint: The double-edged nature of social media — By Emmanuel Ajibulu

Oversharing personal information on social media, such as real-time locations, daily routines, or images of valuables, creates a digital footprint that criminals can exploit to track, stalk, or target individuals offline.

The risks extend well beyond identity theft and fraud. Criminal networks increasingly rely on social media surveillance to identify potential victims.

By piecing together online posts, they can determine when a home is unoccupied, where children attend school, or even map out daily schedules.This underscores the importance of exercising caution online and being deliberate about the information shared publicly.

To safeguard against criminal elements, individuals should adopt measures that minimize risks associated with social media use. A key step is to manage privacy settings effectively by reviewing and adjusting them to control who can access your posts and personal information. Ensuring that accounts are set to private rather than public further strengthens protection against unwanted or harmful exposure.

Also ensure your accounts are set to private rather than public.

Another crucial measure is to avoid sharing trackable details such as live locations or real-time travel updates. It is far safer to post about an event, vacation, or destination only after you have left. In the fight against insecurity, individuals should also refrain from disclosing sensitive information online.

This includes identification numbers (such as BVN, passport, or driver’s license), financial details, home addresses, and workplace locations, which should never be posted on public profiles.It is equally important to “scrub the past” by deleting unused messaging or social media accounts that may be vulnerable to hacking.

The internet leaves a permanent trail, and minimizing exposure is vital. Parents are advised to monitor their children’s online activities, as unrestricted access to social media or the internet can have adverse effects, particularly during formative years. Malicious actors often exploit the vulnerabilities of young users.

However, addressing insecurity is not the sole responsibility of government and security agencies. Citizens play a vital role through vigilance, timely reporting of suspicious activities, community cooperation, and adherence to lawful practices. By fostering unity and supporting peace initiatives, individuals contribute meaningfully to building safer communities and a more secure nation.

Carelessness on social media can compromise safety, damage reputations, and erode privacy. A single post can be screenshotted, misused, or permanently embedded online. Being circumspect and proactive is essential to protecting both personal and national security.

Emmanuel Ajibulu is an infoprenuer, publisher of Veracity Desk (www.veracitydesk.com), writer, communication consultant and social media influencer.

It’s complicated! By Olufunke Baruwa

Every day, we are told repeatedly that our security agencies are working tirelessly. We hear of sophisticated intelligence gathering, advanced surveillance capabilities, successful covert operations and growing technological capacity. Yet many Nigerians find themselves asking a simple question: if these capabilities exist, why do they seem to work so selectively?

Why is it that individuals who post insulting comments about those in authority can be identified, tracked and arrested with remarkable speed, while kidnappers, bandits and terrorists who openly display their activities and loot online often remain beyond reach? The contradiction is difficult to ignore.

The Efficiency We Know Exists

From time to time, Nigerians witness impressive demonstrations of the state’s capacity.

A social media user posts a controversial video. Within days, sometimes within hours, security agencies identify the individual, locate them and bring them into custody. Another person circulates misinformation about a prominent political figure. Before long, authorities announce an investigation, complete with details of digital footprints, phone records and online activity.

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Similarly, when a child of a wealthy businessperson, senior politician or influential public figure is kidnapped, security agencies often mobilise extraordinary resources. Intelligence units are activated. Multiple agencies coordinate efforts. Helicopters may be deployed. Roadblocks appear. Special units become involved. In many cases, the victim is rescued relatively quickly.

This demonstrates something important. It shows that Nigeria’s security institutions are not entirely powerless. They possess trained personnel, investigative capabilities, intelligence networks and operational expertise. The state can act decisively when it chooses to do so.

That is precisely why many citizens are frustrated. The issue is not necessarily the absence of capacity. The issue is the uneven application of that capacity.

The Criminals Hiding in Plain Sight

The modern criminal is often surprisingly visible. Across various social media platforms, videos regularly emerge showing armed groups displaying weapons, cash, motorcycles, vehicles and other spoils of criminal activity. Some record themselves celebrating successful operations. Others issue threats. Some livestream their activities. There have even been reports of criminal gangs distributing money to followers and admirers online, mimicking the behaviour of social media influencers.

In previous generations, criminals attempted to remain invisible. Today’s criminals sometimes seek attention.  This raises obvious questions. If ordinary citizens can view these videos, surely intelligence agencies can view them too. If algorithms can identify copyright violations within minutes, surely modern investigative tools can identify geolocations, communication patterns, networks of associates and digital footprints.

If a critic posting from a remote village can be located after making offensive comments about a public official, why does tracking organised criminal groups often appear so much more difficult?

To be fair, counterterrorism and anti-banditry operations are genuinely complex. Criminal networks operate across vast territories. They exploit difficult terrain, weak governance structures, porous borders and local informants. Security operations require planning, resources and coordination.

No serious observer should underestimate these challenges. Yet complexity alone does not fully explain the perception gap between what security agencies appear capable of doing and what they are seen to prioritise. For many citizens, the concern is not merely effectiveness. It is priorities.

Whose Security Matters Most?

Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the conversation is what it reveals about perceptions of value. When the child of a powerful individual or their relative is abducted, the machinery of the state often swings into action. This is understandable. Every kidnapped child deserves rescue. The problem arises when ordinary citizens do not appear to receive the same urgency.

Across Nigeria, countless families sell land, drain savings, borrow money and plunge into debt to pay ransom demands. Many receive little media attention. Their names never trend online. No special task forces are established on their behalf. No emergency meetings are convened. For them, the experience often feels lonely.

The implication, whether intended or not, is dangerous. It creates the impression that some lives are more important than others and that access to state protection depends partly on status, wealth or political influence. A democracy cannot afford such a perception.

The social contract rests on a simple principle: the state exists to protect all citizens equally. The farmer travelling to market deserves security no less than the governor travelling in a convoy. The school child in a rural community deserves protection no less than the child of a billionaire. The trader, teacher, nurse, mechanic and student all pay a price when insecurity becomes normalised.

When citizens begin to believe that security is a privilege rather than a right, trust in institutions erodes. And without trust, even the most sophisticated security strategy will struggle to succeed.

June 12 and the Promise of Democracy

As Nigeria marks Democracy Day on June 12, these questions become even more relevant. June 12 is more than a public holiday. It symbolises sacrifice, struggle and the demand for a society founded on justice, equality, accountability and the rule of law. It honours those who resisted military rule and insisted that power belongs to the people.

Yet democracy cannot be measured only by elections or civilian governments. Its true test lies in the everyday experiences of citizens. Can they live without fear? Can they earn a living safely? Can they trust that public institutions will protect them regardless of status, connections or wealth?

This Democracy Day, perhaps the most important question is: Is this the democracy Nigerians fought for? Are we all enjoying its gains equally, or has democracy become an ideal reserved for a privileged few?

For many Nigerians living under the threat of kidnapping, banditry and terrorism, democracy can feel distant. Freedom means little if one cannot travel safely. Citizenship feels hollow if protection appears reserved for the influential. Equality before the law rings hollow when some citizens command the full attention of the state while others struggle to be heard.

The strength of a democracy is not measured by how well it serves the powerful, but by how effectively it protects ordinary citizens. Democracy Day should compel us to ask whether the benefits of democratic governance are reaching all Nigerians or whether too many remain excluded from its promise.

The Question We Must Ask

This is not an argument against pursuing those who spread dangerous misinformation. False information can cause harm, inflame tensions and undermine public trust. Nor is it an argument against deploying significant resources to rescue kidnapped children from influential families. Every child matters, and every rescue should be celebrated.

The real question is whether the same urgency and determination are being applied to the threats affecting millions of ordinary Nigerians.

Citizens are entitled to ask why kidnappers continue to operate along major highways, why communities remain vulnerable to attacks and why criminals sometimes appear more visible online than law enforcement seems able to acknowledge.

These are not anti-government questions; they are questions of accountability. The strongest security institutions welcome scrutiny and continually improve. Nigeria’s security challenges are undoubtedly complex. But complexity should not become a permanent explanation for outcomes citizens experience daily.

Nigerians have repeatedly seen evidence that the state can act swiftly and effectively when sufficiently motivated. The challenge, therefore, is not simply building capacity but ensuring that capacity serves the public interest rather than appearing reserved for special circumstances, special people or special priorities.

Until then, many Nigerians will continue to look at these contradictions and conclude, with frustration and resignation, that our security story remains exactly what social media would call it:

It’s complicated!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Echoes of Trauma: A nation in survival mode

When endurance becomes a way of life

By Lillian Okenwa

There is something remarkable about Nigerians. We endure. We adapt. We improvise. We survive.

Perhaps no people have perfected the art of making something out of almost nothing with such stubborn determination. Parents still wake before dawn. Traders still open their shops. Farmers still venture out despite fear. Workers still report for duty. Young people still dream, even if those dreams increasingly come with exit plans.

But there is a dangerous mistake we make as a nation. We often confuse survival with healing.

They are not the same.

Over the years, Nigerians have become experts at enduring hardship. We have learnt to manage almost everything. We manage transport costs. Manage rent. Manage school fees. Manage electricity. Manage healthcare. Manage insecurity. Manage hope itself.

Everything has become management.

Yet human beings were not created merely to survive. They were created to live, to flourish, to dream and to rest. Survival is what people do in emergencies. The tragedy is that many Nigerians have now lived so long in emergency mode that it has begun to feel normal.

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But abnormality does not become healthy simply because it has lasted.

Behind every inflation statistic are exhausted people. A teacher skips meals so her children can eat. A retiree cuts his medication in half because his pension no longer stretches. Young graduates sit under their parents’ roofs wondering when life will finally begin. Families postpone treatment because hospitals have become too expensive.

Economic debates may occupy conference halls and policy papers. Citizens experience policies differently. Through empty refrigerators. Through anxious conversations around dinner tables. Through postponed dreams.

And while economists celebrate macroeconomic indicators and investors discuss future possibilities, millions of Nigerians are dealing with something far less abstract.

Emotional exhaustion.

The hunger has become democratic.

Nobody needs complicated grammar anymore to explain the situation. The market woman understands it. The commercial driver understands it. The fresh graduate understands it. Even the middle class now understands it with frightening intimacy.

When families that once discussed investment opportunities are now debating how many eggs should appear on the breakfast table, something deeper than economics is taking place.

It is psychological.

Mental health specialists are increasingly warning that young Nigerians are experiencing burnout, anxiety and depression under the weight of economic pressures, unemployment, academic competition and social expectations. Success has become a race without rest. Productivity is celebrated. Recovery is ignored.

Healthy ambition is gradually giving way to unhealthy pressure. Social media compounds the problem, presenting carefully edited lives that make ordinary struggles appear like personal failures. Comparison breeds despair. Fear of failure becomes chronic anxiety.

But the problem goes beyond young people.

The entire nation appears trapped in survival mode.

People no longer react to bad news with the same outrage. Repeated killings, kidnappings and violence have created what psychologists call compassion fatigue. Horror no longer horrifies us as it once did.

The consequences of insecurity go far beyond the headlines. They include abandoned farms, disrupted education, shrinking businesses and chronic anxiety across communities. Parents now investigate school security before they investigate academic standards. Travellers rehearse emergency phone calls before interstate journeys. Entire communities live under permanent tension.

And perhaps the greatest danger is emotional hardening.

People become numb.

Outrage fades. Compassion weakens. Citizens adjust to conditions that should provoke national outrage. Stable electricity becomes cause for celebration. Bread prices rise so frequently that consumers no longer complain. They simply sigh.

Nigeria moves on because Nigeria always moves on.

But moving on is not the same thing as healing.

Unfortunately, healing itself has become a luxury.

Trauma-informed care remains largely absent from our public conversations. Mental healthcare is poorly funded and often inaccessible. Counselling remains beyond the reach of many ordinary citizens. In workplaces, burnout is seen as dedication. In homes, emotional distress is dismissed as weakness. In churches and mosques, spiritual support, though important, is sometimes expected to substitute for psychological care.

Talk about mental health is growing, but conversation alone cannot heal people who are struggling to feed themselves.

No amount of motivational speeches can substitute for security, dignity and economic stability.

Still, despair must not have the final word.

The way out begins with recognising that mental health is not a luxury reserved for the wealthy. It is a public necessity.

Government must treat trauma and emotional wellbeing as public health priorities. Primary healthcare centres should incorporate basic mental health services. Schools and universities should provide counselling support. Employers must recognise that rest is not laziness. Faith communities and civil society groups can help dismantle the stigma around seeking help. Communities should rebuild the culture of checking on one another rather than suffering in silence.

Above all, leadership must rediscover empathy.

Economic reforms are not merely numbers. They affect human beings. Policy must be measured not only by graphs and statistics but by whether families can sleep without fear, afford food without humiliation and hope without anxiety.

Nations do not survive on GDP figures alone.

They survive on hope.

And hope is becoming dangerously scarce.

Yet despite everything, Nigerians continue to rise each morning. Mothers still sacrifice. Fathers still struggle. Young people still dream. Small businesses still open their doors. Communities still support one another.

There is resilience everywhere.

Resilience is a beautiful virtue, but when leaders begin to rely on it too comfortably, resilience becomes exploitation.

Yet there comes a time when a people must stop congratulating themselves merely for surviving. A nation cannot remain permanently in emergency mode. Nigerians deserve more than endless management. They deserve security, dignity and the freedom to dream again.

A people can endure much. History proves that.

But endurance is not governance.

Suffering is not patriotism.

And survival, however admirable, is not recovery.

After years of simply surviving, perhaps the question confronting us now is no longer how Nigerians are coping, but when we shall finally begin to heal.

A lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]

Elder brother of AFBA President, Chief Maxwell Mark, buried in Rivers

Chief Maxwell Mark, the elder brother of the President of the African Bar Association (AFBA), High Chief Ibrahim Eddie Mark, who passed away on Easter Sunday, April 5, 2026, has been laid to rest in his hometown of Omuchetu, Omagwa, Rivers State.

The burial followed a funeral service held on Saturday, June 6, 2026, at Ihunda Castle, Omuchetu, after which he was interred at the Reynolds Mezue Mark Compound.

Chief Maxwell Mark was widely regarded as the patriarch of the Mark family and the eldest son of the late Mark A. Kanu. As the family’s first-born scion, he occupied a position of immense respect and responsibility, serving as a rallying figure whose guidance helped preserve the unity and values of the extended family.

Though born to a different mother from some of his siblings, Chief Maxwell remained a unifying force within the family structure, bridging generations and strengthening bonds across branches of the Mark lineage. His leadership, wisdom and commitment to family cohesion earned him admiration among relatives, friends and members of the wider community.

Family members described him as a man of dignity, compassion and unwavering devotion to the welfare of others, whose life reflected the enduring values upon which the Mark family was built.

His passing marks the end of an era for the family, leaving behind a legacy of service, leadership and unity that will be remembered by generations to come.

Insecurity: Sending Orunmila and Ogun to the president

By Suyi Ayodele

I don’t know who divines for the President. I also don’t know who his prophets and marabouts are. But I wish to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to what Orunmila did when Death (Ikú), Sickness (Àrùn) Contention (Ìjà) and Loss (Òfò) waged a war of attrition against Otù-Ifè, where the Father of Divination lived at his Òkè Ìgètì home.

To overcome the problem, Ifá, through Ogbè Òtúrá, asked Orunmila to let go of his favourites such as: Eku méjì olúwéré (two smart rats), Eja méjì abìwègbàdà (Two big fish), Òbídìe méjì abèdò lùkélùké (two ovulating hens), Ewúré méjì abùmu rederédé (two heavily pregnant goats) and Elílá méjì tó f’ìwo s’òsùká (two big cows with big pad-like horns).  

In the place of those fanciful items, Orunmila was asked to accept only obì mérin (four kolanuts), orógbó mérin (four bitter kola), and ataare mérin (four alligator pepper) as sacrificial items from his clients. Àgbonìrègún (another name for Orunmila) did as he was told and he overcame his enemies. Leaders must sacrifice personal fantasies for their societies to thrive.

Unless President Tinubu is ready to make allowance for governance instead of politics, kidnappers will enter homes in Ibadan, Abuja and Port Harcourt to take citizens as hostages. Until the political class places a premium on the security and wellbeing of the common man above their political ambitions, our children will not be secure in their schools, our highways will be a haven for bandits and terrorists will occupy our farmlands and ruin our harvest!

The Nigerian singer and songwriter, Simisola Bolatito Kosoko, popularly known as Simi, in what I term here as a dirge for the living, released a short song for the kidnapped Oyo school children. In the dirge, she says: Adìe kìí ta omo rè fún oúnje (the hen does not sell her chicks for food). Unfortunately, this is what the President and his brothers and sisters in politics are doing to Nigerians: feeding the people’s safety to the gods of their political ambitions!

In the pantheon of Yoruba gods, Ògún, is in charge of war and iron. Originally from a now-extinct town known as Àpá, Ògún was the town’s lead warrior. He was endowed with all natural abilities to defend the town and he fought so many battles on behalf of Àpá and won. 

At the beginning of his reign as the generalissimo of Àpá, the wise men who divined for Ògún warned him against nursing an inordinate ambition. They told him that the consequences of disobedience would be too grave for him. If he allowed ambition to take him out of Àpá, he would come back to meet a ruined town. And that is if he would ever come back. Ifá does not lie; Òpèlè does not engage in falsehood (Ifá kìí paró; Òpèlè kìí sè’ké), is the saying of our sages. 

Ògún obeyed the diviners for a while. He did all he could to limit his influence to the army he led successfully. But one day, something told him that he could conquer other lands. His orí inú (inner mind) told him to leave Àpá to become lord of other towns and villages. The spirit said he could even rule over the entire world. Ògún chose to believe his orí inú.

Ògún forgot the warning of Ifá. He left Àpá without informing Alápa, the king of the town. A few of his soldiers followed him on the journey to nowhere. Along the line, he conquered towns and villages. He established kingdoms and vassal states. He made rulers and dethroned a few. His expedition was a huge success.

A man’s hubris follows him wherever he goes, is the saying of the elders. Ògún was no exception. His greatest flaw is raw, undiluted anger. When seized by fury, nothing was too precious for him not to destroy. 

One day, Ògún returned from another of his numerous unprovoked wars to discover that soldiers left behind in the camp failed to prepare his meal. Enraged, he slaughtered them all. The soldiers who had accompanied him to the battlefield were appalled by the senseless brutality and voiced their indignation. In a fresh outburst of fury, Ògún turned on them as well and killed every one of them. 

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By the time he came to his senses, he discovered that he had no one to rule over. Then he wandered off and eventually arrived at an àbétè (a local drinking joint) in what is now present day Ìre Èkìtì. The revellers noticed his presence but paid him no attention, carrying on with their jokes, laughter and merriment. Ògún observed what he considered their ‘impudence’ but chose to overlook it. He also noticed that the seemingly ‘rude’ drinking party had not offered him palm wine. That, too, he let pass. 

Just within earshot, someone cracked a joke. His friends laughed out loud. Ògún heard the laughter. He became enraged. Blinded by anger, he returned to the drinking party. He slaughtered all of them. Only one sober drinker escaped because the rest were already intoxicated. 

Done, Ògún made for the gourd of palm wine. He lifted it to pour himself the content. To his shock, the gourd was empty! It was then he realised that he had committed multiple murder for an empty gourd of palm wine! His senses came back. He decided never to wander again. He struck his sword to the ground and fell on it. The one who escaped came back with the men of Ìrè to behold the gory scene! The place Ògún died turned to a shrine to date. This is why many believe that Ògún was an indigene of Ìrè and hence, the saying: Ògún Onírè (Ògún the king or owner of Ìrè). 

What became of Àpá? Shortly after Ògún left with his soldiers, the towns he had earlier conquered seized the opportunity and rebelled. They waged several wars of attrition against the town and brought Àpá to its knees. 

Àpá was in that ruinous position when an old Babalawo, named Ológbòjígòlò, came on an itinerary divination mission to the town. The old wise man was appalled at the state of things in Àpá. He located the king, Alápa, and offered to help. 

For a while, Ológbòjígòlò did all he could and Àpá became great once more. But, he too, forgot what Ifá told him when he ventured out. He was warned not to eat over-ripe kola and not to marry two wives no matter how rich he became. When Àpá became prosperous again, Ológbòjígòlò became too comfortable and went against the injunctions of Ifá. In the process, he leaked the secret of Àpá’s victories on the battlefield to his new wife, who actually was a spy for the enemy. 

The last battle Ológbòjígòlò fought on behalf of Àpá was the last that was heard about the town. The town was razed to its foundation and all the survivors taken into slavery, never to return! Àpá went into extinction. Its story is only told in Odù Ifá (Ifá Corpus) known as Ìròsùn Mejì, as narrated above. Ifá’s prophecy to Ògún came to pass. When a generalissimo becomes too ambitious, his homestead will come to ruin. When leaders have the mentality of self-first, the people perish under their watch!

The last one week has been tough for the entire South-West. From the videos of ‘suspected bandits’ and ‘arrested bandits and kidnapper’ making the rounds on social media, it is clear that the entire Yorubaland is under siege! No part of the region is spared; nowhere in Káàróò oòjíire land is safe anymore.

I saw the video from Ikorodu. Another one from Lagos Island was uploaded. In Oka Akoko, Ondo State, the narrator said some bandits were mesmerised by a local hunter. Somewhere in Ekiti, a suspected ‘bandit informant’ was apprehended by the people. Osogbo and Ikirun had their own share, just as Ogun State was not spared. From Ile Oluji to Okitipupa in Ondo State, nobody sleeps peacefully again. Fear pervades the land.

What we thought would not afflict us is now our common malady. The North appears relatively ‘peaceful’ now as kidnappers have shifted attention to the South, such that in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo state, a mother and her two children were kidnapped and housed among neighbours. It took almost five days before the police got the ‘intelligence’ that led to their recorded ‘rescue!’

In all this, our Ògún, the one they said is the father of all strategists, is the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Yes, President Tinubu was not elected to protect only Yorubaland. He is not the President of the South-West, but of the entire nation. I called him the Yoruba Ògún here because his members of the Alajobi gang said that after the popular Agege bread, the next best thing that has ever happened to the entire Yoruba race is Tinubu!

But like Ògún, who abandoned his hometown, Àpá, the current generalissimo in the Aso Rock Villa has abandoned everyone for politics. Ifá warned Ògún about the consequences of over ambition. Òpèlè too cautioned Ológbòjígòlò on the danger of marrying two wives and eating over-ripe kolanut when life becomes too comfortable for him.

The two legends, like the Babalawos of old are wont to say: wón p’awo lékèé, wón p’Èsù lólè; wón wo òrun yànyàn bí eni tí kò níí kú, wón ko’tí ògboìn s’ébo (they call the diviner falsehood, they call esu- the trickster- thief; they look at the heaven contemptuously as if they will never die, they turn deaf ears to the prescribed sacrifice by Ifá). Their ends were not palatable.

Ògún died in a foreign land, his identity is still unknown to date, while his homestead is extinct. Though Ológbòjígòlò, through metaphysics, escaped death, the town he once defended was razed, the king beheaded and the people taken into permanent slavery! This is what over-ambition does; this is what happens when the leader’s personal interest overrides the health of the State.

President Tinubu is entitled to a second term in office. Nobody denies that. Nobody interrogates his constitutional right to seek the mandate of the people for a second term. But that should not be at the expense of governance. The president’s ambition should not override the good of the common people. What we are experiencing in terms of acute insecurity in the nation today is because the President has abdicated governance for politics!

The idea that Tinubu does not have the capacity to tackle insecurity will not fly. The notion that Nigeria lacks the capacity (men and material) to get out of the woods remains eternally false. What is lacking is the political willpower. The priority of the President is the main issue. If today, the President says the people’s welfare and wellbeing come first, insecurity will be a thing of the past! If he does that, his lieutenants, the governors, will take a cue; they will follow suit.

It has been 25 days since the children and teachers in the Oriire area of Oyo State were taken into captivity. The Ekiti church worshippers are more than a month old in the captivity of those who snatched them from the Sanctuary of the Lord. From Zamfara to Kebbi; from Katsina to Niger, Nigerians, in their thousands, are being held by bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The focus of the President and the entire political class is the 2027 general elections. This is where the problem lies.

I watched the video of the retired Army spokesman, Major General Rabe Abubakar and his wife, as released by those felons who ‘captured’ them in Katsina, the penultimate week. I could imagine what was going on in the mind of the man who rose to that enviable rank in the military as he was being humiliated! The shame of the helpless condition he found himself in was written all over him. Here is a man, who, at his wedding, was given the sword to defend his wife but he is being humiliated to beg for his life in the presence of the woman he was commissioned to defend!

General Abubakar (Rtd) is not alone. Many victims are suffering the same fate in the various forests where they are held hostage! If a General, whether retired or in service becomes so vulnerable that a rag-tag army can hold him captive, the rest of us, ‘bloody civilians’, have become easily dispensable! Many women who were once victims of kidnapping don’t live to tell their ordeals while in captivity. Many passed on because they could not imagine the molestation they suffered at the hands of the ruffians that kidnapped them! This is the problem the Commander-in-Chief was elected to tackle. How the President and his fellow politicians still sleep and dream politics while the citizenry waste away beats my imagination.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Child’s Right To Education: Legal Framework, Challenges and Solutions

By Georginia C. Ude 

Introduction

The alarming rate of out-of-school children in Nigeria remains a call for concern. According to UNICEF’s report as published in Vanguard Newspaper of May 9, 2024, over 18.3 million children are out of school in Nigeria, thereby making Nigeria alarmingly the country with the highest number of out-of-school children globally. Furthermore, UNICEF had stated, that only 63% of primary school age children in Nigeria are in Primary School and only about 84% of them are able to proceed to Junior Secondary School.[1]

This heart wrenching statistics call for urgent attention to the nation’s education system  and begs for a critical analysis of the policies and systems that govern child education. There is also dire need to analyze the challenges to child education, as well as proffer swift and practical solutions that would foster the  commencement, transitioning and completion of  basic education by the Nigerian child.

Legal Framework for Child’s Right To Education in Nigeria.

In Nigeria there are laws and policies that provides for and promote child’s right to quality education. These laws and policies includes but are not limited to;

The Constitution as Amended.

The 1999 Constitution of Nigeria as amended, makes a foundational provision on Child’s right to education.  Section 18 charges the Government  with directing its policies towards ensuring there are equal and adequate educational opportunities at all state levels. Furthermore, this section mandates government to eradicate illiteracy, by providing;

  1. Free, compulsory and universal primary education
  2. Free secondary education
  3. Free university education, etc

 As strong as this provision sounds, it is worthy of note that this section falls under Chapter II of the constitution, that is the, Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of the State Policy,  making it non-justiciable. This means that the government cannot be sued in court for it’s enforcement.

Child’s Right Act, 2003

The Primary Law that protects and promotes the rights of children to Education in Nigeria is the Child Rights Act 2003. This Act not only provide for the right of a child to Basic Education, it also encapsulates punitive measures against stakeholders for violation of this right.

The Child Right Act, particularly section 15 (1) provides for the right of a child to free, compulsory Universal Basic Education and expressly mandates both the State and Federal Government to be responsible for promoting this right.

To understand further on the standard of education protected under the Child Rights Act, Section 15(2) a & b of the Act clarifies that Universal Basic Education means,

  1. Primary School Education
  2. Junior Secondary School Education.

Stakeholders of Children’s Right to Education Under the Child’s Right Act

The Child Right Act mandates the following persons to ensure that children in Nigeria have access to and are able  complete their basic education in Nigeria;[2]

  1. Parents
  2. Guardians
  3. Anybody who has the lawful custody of a child whether on temporary of on permanent basis,  such as schools, Orphanages,
  4. The Government[3], ie the Local Government Areas, States Government and Federal Government

By virtue of the Child Rights Act, 2003, parents,guardians, or any individual or institution that have a lawful custody of a  child must ensure that such a child has access and is enrolled in school to attain basic education.

By virtue of Section 15(3) of the Child Rights Act, a parent, guardian, or  anybody who has the custody of a child who has completed his or her Primary School Education and their Junior Secondary school education shall endeavor to enroll the child into senior secondary school, or alternatively, encourage the child to learn an appropriate trade, of which the employer of such trade, is mandated to provide the necessary tools for learning the trade.  Moreover, the Law further promotes the right of a female child who discontinued her education as a result of becoming pregnant to continue basic and senior secondary school education, provided that she is able to carry on with her academic activities.[4]

Consequences for Violation of Child’s Rights to Education

As expressly highlighted in Section 15 of the Child Right Act, the right of the   Nigerian Child to basic education is a mandatory right. Hence the Act prescribes punishment for erring parents or guardians as follows;[5]

  1. Upon first conviction to be reprimanded and ordered to carry out a  community service.
  2. Upon second conviction, such parent or guardian under whose custody the child is shall be convicted to pay a fine of ₦2,000- or four-months imprisonment or both
  3. Upon subsequent conviction be convicted to ₦5000.00 fine or Two months imprisonment or both.

It is interesting to note that section 2(4) of the Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act, 2004, prescribes similar punishments for the contravention of the Act or violation of the mandatory responsibilities imposed on these stakeholders by  the Act. Section 3 (1) of the Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act, 2004 states that services received in primary and junior secondary schools are free of charges and further prescribes punishment  for any person who collects fees for such services to be liable upon conviction to pay a fine not exceeding N10,000 or be imprisoned for a period of 3 months or both. The Act also gives the the Magistrate Court the jurisdiction to try such offenses.[6]

The Compulsory, Free Universal Education Act 2004

Just as the Child Right Act, section 2 of the  Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act, 2004, provides for free and compulsory education for children in Primary school and through Junior Secondary school and the government is charged with the primary obligation of promoting and implementing this right. The Act also charges parents and guardians with the responsibility of ensuring that their children and wards within the Primary school age and junior secondary school age are enrolled in school[7]

Factors Militating Against Child Education In Nigeria

  1. Poor Implementation of Government  Polices on Compulsory Basic Child Education

One of the greatest challenges of access to basic education by children in Nigeria, is poor implementation of government policies that promote un-interrupted access to quality education by the Nigerian child, irrespective of their social status, background, gender etc. Government Policies are pivotal to shaping the Education Sector in Nigeria. Nigeria in recent times have had plethora of policies on Education, such as the Universal Basic Education, UBE adopted in 1999 and passed into law to ensure free and compulsory education for children for a period of nine years, commencing from primary to Junior Secondary School. Another important policy is the National Policy on Education, adopted in the year 2004, which sets out the goals, objectives and strategies for attaining development of the education system at all levels in Nigeria. Furthermore, the Safe School Initiative, is another crucial policy aimed at prioritizing the safety of children, teachers, school facilities and equipment in Nigeria.

These policies are curated to meet crucial needs such as, resources allocation,    curriculum, number and quality of teachers, infrastructure development and equitable access to quality education. However, the effectiveness of these policies is dependent on their implementation, allocation of resources and engagement of Stakeholders of Child Education, which till today remain a challenge and impedes children’s access to education in Nigeria.

2. Limited Budgetary Allocation for the Education Sector

One of the crucial factors that affects access to quality education by the Nigerian Child remains poor budgetary allocation to the sector by both the Federal government and the State governments. Limited funding has done more harm than good on the education sector, as it affects other factors on education such as access to quality education, infrastructure development, the school’s ability to meet the needs of children, quality of teachers and number of teachers available to teach the children in schools. The Government both state and federal, being the foremost stakeholder of the education sector, are enjoined to scale up funding to the sector so as to achieve  a developed educational system for the Nigerian children.

3. Poor Infrastructure in Schools

This Challenge is closely impacted by the challenge of poor funding as highlighted above. A lot of schools in Nigeria have dilapidated structures, unsafe environment. Some lack basic  infrastructures such as a standard library, classrooms, poor or no convenience or toilets, lack of laboratories and equipment etc. these and many more hamper the ability of these schools to meet the needs of the children and consequently discourages parents from enrolling their wards in school, especially in rural communities.

4. Limiting Culture and Practices

Culture and norms remain one of the factors militating against child’s access to basic education in Nigerian. The belief system and practices in some local communities in Nigeria, is that education is not for the girl child, as such they groom the girl child in readiness for early marriage. Moreover, Early marriage, gender inequality are key practices that have hamper access to basic education by the Nigerian Child. Despite the constitutional provision on the right to education, and some vital policies that promote free and compulsory education, some un-enlightened parents and guardians are adamant on not educating their girl children due to these cultural practices and norms in certain rural areas in Nigeria

5. Shortage of Quality Teachers and Academic Staff

The inability of some schools to employ quality teachers and well-trained administrative staff is one of the factors that have adversely impacted on the Nigerian education system, hence hampering access to quality education by the Nigerian child. Some schools in local communities are unable to enroll their staff for periodic training that develop basic skills and ability to impact knowledge. Some teachers in local communities, lack requisite ICT skills, good communication skills, administrative skills and many more, required to effectively carry out their roles as teachers.

6. Corruption and Mismanagement of Resources

Corruption in the education sector as well as poor management of resources are also factors that hamper access to quality education by the Nigerian Child.  Cases of poor management of allocated funds and corruption are the reasons some schools in the local communities have remained dilapidated and lacking in basic standard facilities necessary for providing quality education for children.

7. Insecurity and Insurgency

The rate of out of school children in Nigeria continues to surge as a result of insecurity in certain parts of the country. Incidences like the Chibok girls kidnap, the recent kidnap of school children at Orire Local Government Area of Oyo State, continue to discourage parents and guardians living in highly volatile areas from enrolling their wards in school. The Government inability to reduce crime rate, and provide adequate security for school children and that of the teachers has plague child education in Nigeria, hampering the much-needed developmental needs of the affected children.

Solutions to Challenges of  Child Education In Nigeria

  1.  Strong Implementation of Policies and Laws that Promote Child Education

As highlighted earlier in this work, there exist currently a good number of Statutes and policies that promote free, compulsory and quality basic education for the Nigerian Child such as the Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act 2004, National Policy on Education etc. As much as these policies have provided in them the structure, financial needs accessibility, allocation and even security for children’s education, they are hardly effective due to the lack of implementation.

To resolve this, there is dire need  to  create a watch dog to oversea the implementation of the existing policies on Child Education. This is crucial because education remains an undoubtedly, the means to achieving development in a nation as such should be taken seriously by any society. An education watchdogs is necessary to ensure that needed allocations, access, resources, facilities, security etc are provided in good time by the stakeholders of child education and to curb corruption and laissez faire attitude within the education sector.

2. Subsidized Senior Secondary Education

In as much as the Child Right Act, 2003 makes secondary school education, optional as stakeholders have the option of taking the child to alternative vocational training, it is pertinent to state that a a good number of students who have completed their junior secondary education are unable to enroll in senior secondary due to financial constraint, however, having a subsidized senior secondary schools would result in increased number of enrollees for senior secondary schools. This is achievable by the government both in federal and state level rolling our more scholarship programs, grants for senior secondary education. More so, school fees for children from rural and poor communities can be subsidized by the government to make it easier for their parents and guardians to enroll their wards in senior secondary schools.

3. Improved and Diverse Training Programs For Teachers and Non-Academic Staff

Both academic and non – academic staff in schools need to undergo periodic training on the requisite skills needed for teaching and for administering schools. In this day and age where digital / ICT skills come in handy for an improved life, teachers and school staff need to harness these opportunities to better equip the children on these life surviving skills. The schools’ authorities and the government should look into driving such training for both academic and non-academic staff of schools under their control.

4. Increased Funding and Allocation For Child Education

The biggest reason for substandard educational system and increased cases out-of-school-children is lack of adequate funding for the education sector. A lot of schools in local communities are standing on dilapidated structures, with little or no facilities such as library, conveniences, chalk board, computers, security cameras, standby generators, tables and chair for the learners and the teachers etc. it is shocking to see children in some rural areas learning on the bare floor or under trees as a result of lack of basic equipment and facilities for learning.  This instances points to the level of monetary allocations made available by the state and federal government for education. As long as funding remains limited and inadequate, there will continue to be increased out- of -school-children in Nigeria.

5. Amplified Awareness on the Rights and Opportunities For Child Education

It is one thing to have the Constitution, Child Right Act and other policies promoting child education, it is another thing for the relevant stakeholders to know these rights, opportunities and even their roles in the implementation of this right. A lot of children are out of school because their parents/ guardian especially the uneducated are unaware of their children’s right to free and compulsory basic education. Until we drive programs that massively create the needed awareness, especially in the local communities, using the vehicles like the churches, mosques, village heads and traditional rulers, a lot of children in rural areas will continue to lack access to basic education.

6. Provision of Adequate Security for Schools

Insurgency has dealt a heavy blow on the education sector in Nigeria. No child should be subjected to fear whilst getting an education. A lot of children are at home especially in some security porous areas duty insecurity.

There is dire need for the state government to set up police stations close to schools within local communities and every school needs to be assigned at  least minimum of two security personnel, depending on the number of the  pupils/students, so as to provide adequate security.

Conclusion

Child education is child right. There are laws and policies that promote children’s right to quality education in Nigeria but in the absence of impartial and active implementation, these statutes and policies on child education remain mere symbolic paper trail. The alarming rate of out-of-school-children in Nigeria would reduce to the barest minimum, when the relevant stakeholders of child education take necessary steps towards  ushering in the needed change in the education sector.

AUTHORED BY;

GEORGINIA C. UDE  LL.B(Hons), LL.M, B.L, Notary Public.


[1]  Unicef Report ,published on Vanguard Newspaper May, 9 2024.

[2] Section 15 (3) Child Rights Act, 2003

[3] Section 15(1) Child Rights Act, 2003

[4] Section 15 (5) Child Right Act,2003

[5] Section 15 (6) Child Right Act, 2003

[6] Section 6, Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education.

[7] Section 2 (2) Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education, 2004

N100k Gift, N100m Demand! Man cries out after receiving cash from bandits during TikTok live

 A man has asked Nigerians for help after bandits allegedly started making demands from him. 

Nigerians were shocked when a number of people left certain inappropriate comments while some young men believed to be bandits went live on TikTok. 

Some asked the bandits to launch attacks in certain locations. Others indicated interest in joining them and some begged them for money. 
 

Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him
Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him
Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him
Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him
Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him
Man who collected N100K from bandits during TikTok Live giveaway cries out as he claims they have reached out to demand N100m from him

Now, one man who claimed he followed the bandits and received free money has now cried out. 

According to the man, he provided his account number when the bandits were doing a giveaway and received an alert of N100,000. 

However, he claims that he later got a message from the bandits demanding that he sends them N100 million. 

He begged Nigerians to take pity on him and come to his aid. 

Watch the video here.

The difference between education and schooling

Richard Odusanya

Just thinking: *Schooling vs Education*

*Schooling* is the formal process of learning through structured institutions such as primary schools, secondary schools, colleges, and universities. It is organized, curriculum-based, and usually leads to certificates, diplomas, or degrees.

*Education*, on the other hand, is the lifelong process through which a person acquires knowledge, skills, values, attitudes, wisdom, judgment, culture, and character.

Schooling is therefore only one component of education.

*A person may be highly schooled but poorly educated, while another may have limited formal schooling yet be exceptionally well educated through life experience, self-learning, mentorship, and practical engagement*.

A well-schooled person knows many things; a well-educated person knows,

(i). what to do with what they know,

(ii). why they should do it, 

(iii). when they should do it, and

(iv). how their actions affect others.

A responsive and aspirational  society should not only produce people with certificates, but must instead produce good citizens who combine knowledge, competence, wisdom, character, creativity, and service. The anecdotal  evidence is that such individuals are both well-schooled and well-educated, and they become the foundation of national development and civilizational progress.

In summary: education is essential for everyone. A lot of us assume we’ve been educated by attending some school or college but that doesn’t guarantee it. In fact, very few humans are able to get mediocre education just by schooling. We all need actual and proper education.

Now don’t get me wrong – schooling is very essential too. Some people need school. I’ll advise everyone attends it. People are born differently. Some have this natural discipline within them (but definitely still need to school), while some need to be in a formal environment with decorum for some years to attain this. And undoubtedly, we all get some experiences from school that we carry along for the rest of our lives. 

Undoubtedly, school is very necessary. We make friends, grow with other children, get hurt, stand back up, get misunderstood, break up with someone… even the most introverted nerd gains from schooling! Not to mention, most of us learnt basic language and math from school. But undeniably, most (if not all) institutions need to adjust their system to fit different kids. Humans are extremely diverse and we need to understand that.

Nevertheless, education is the embodiment of learning. Education is a process we go through each time we understand some opinion or concept. When you watch a very rich movie or learn a new chess tactic, you’ve been educated. For example, reading one of the answers to this question, I saw that ‘s/he’ could be applied in place of ‘he/she’. That’s education.

In conclusion, education is done almost everyday (not undermining the minute realizations we have) and a lot of times, unconsciously. For one to get a plausible level of education, s/he must find a passion for something. We all have a place in this world – it’s why we were born! Find yours (by any means you feel right) and work on it. Most of your education should be directed toward achieving your goals.

UNDERSTAND THE DIFFERENCE

@richardODUSANYA

[email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The call of education on all of us

By Hon Chudi Offodile 

I have the pleasure to be associated with the circle of pioneer degree set, defunct Anambra State College of Education, Awka, otherwise known as Great Stars. I warmly extend felicitations to your members on this occasion of your reunion holding March 29 – 31 in Awka, Anambra State.

There are good reasons to identify with your body, some personal, some public and collective. I was also of the 1981 undergraduate set in the university, as your members. Awka, your academic home between 1981 and 1985, is my hometown. I had personal friends amongst your colleagues with who I maintain close relationship to this day. Above all, as one humanity and a generation, we all share in and treasure the civilisation that education bequeaths.

Yes, exigencies of state creation necessitated the transfer – merging of the Awka College with a sister establishment. But the spirit of the Awka institution lives on just as memories of departed loved ones live on in our hearts. Indeed, institutions do not die. This is borne out by the existence of your alumni group, by the heights attained by your members in different callings, indeed by the timeless principles that a citadel of learning stands for. 

A place of upbringing, formation, socialisation or emotional involvement often stirs strong feelings in us. Given that this is your first reunion in forty years, the sense of reconnection promises to be great. Some will be setting foot on what was once familiar but now changed campus environment for the first time in about four decades. It would be a homecoming for some, and perhaps, an opportunity for reflection and stock – taking for some others.  

It’s also true that the road of friendship and academic journey you are celebrating connects the present as well as the future. The connection is in the value of education and societal need. Education is a prized industry in the southeast and must remain so by the very demand of development. Sadly, however, the relatively subsidised education experienced in the past is not available to young Nigerians today. Explosion in number of learners has not been matched in provision of infrastructure, facilities and equipment, raising concerns about the quality of our educational products. We cannot be unconcerned about the human capital to drive our vision plans; and such endowed human resources that can compete globally in an age of digital technology.

Individuals, groups, alumni associations, foundations, corporate entities and other stakeholders can play supportive roles towards quality and affordable education. Scholarships, academic prizes, instructional materials and research grants are some of the key areas for private intervention in the education process.

Curriculum at various levels should emphasize problem – solving education, which offers an effective means of reducing unemployment. If we had wider access to educational opportunities in parts of the north, the bands of roaming youths would hardly be available for recruitment into banditry and extremist campaigns. The federal government’s student loan scheme is a helpful initiative that should be considered by state and local governments for adaptation.

The advent of smart schools at this time is a welcome development. The initiative unfolding in Enugu, Anambra and Abia States is heart – warming. Irrespective of the variations in configuration, scope, and intensity, the common concept as centres of academic excellence right from the primary stage is interesting. It would be great to see the integrated smart schools become a permanent feature of affordable, public education. 

As a likely contributor to this continuing conversation, I wish Great Stars Association fruitful deliberations and very successful convention. Please accept the assurances of my warm regards and support.

A goodwill message by Hon Chudi Offodile to alumni of pioneer degree students, former Anambra State College of Education, Awka.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

TIPS