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A second wife’s reality checklist, By Funke Egbemode

Polygamy is not another type of marriage. Polygamy is another level in the marriage pantheon. It is a special kind of marriage that involves more than one woman loving and laying claims to one man. Of course, no wife wants to hear of or have to contend with it, because no woman really wants to share the heart or any part of her man. But polygamy is real and I bet, at least one marriage is threatened by this harsh reality even as you read this.

Do I support it? No, but what has my support or lack of it got to do with what is happening somewhere even this very minute? Women, we are tough. Wives are a big deal. I have sons. I have brothers. And I most certainly don’t want ‘my boys’ to have to deal with more than one wife per lifetime. We are more than a handful, we women. I most certainly do not envy or wish to be in the shoes of men who have to live with more than one wife, day in day out.

However, today is not about polygamy, men and their self- inflicted headaches. This is about women who think polygamy is just another form or type of marriage, because it is not. This piece is about women who are considering becoming second, third or fourth wives.

Polygamy is the domestic form of boardroom politics. And that does not mean that polygamy is softer than boardroom politics. Being a second wife requires nail-hard coping skills, clear-eyed, deft  manipulative knowledge of human nature.

It is not about ‘roses are red’ and ‘he loves me more than his first wife’. It is not about being his favourite or current champion. It’s not about who has the hottest skills in bed or who cooks better. All of that are part of the mix but there are harder and harsher reality checks any woman must take before taking the polygamy plunge.

Talking about plunge, if you are a woman who is considering diving into the polygamy pool, don’t you dare do it without a life jacket. Why? Because a one-man-one-wife marriage is stormy. Turbulence and violent storms, treacherous, life-threatening waves are some of the less colourful images that come to mind when polygamy is mentioned.

Let’s look at some of the reality checks and answer some questions.

1. Is he marrying you to pepper the first wife?

If the answer is ‘Yes’, you are going to have a hard time from the get-go. If all you are to this new husband is a can of pepper-spray to punish the first wife, you are just a fool likely to be discarded once you have served your purpose. What that means is that you are most likely a passing fancy, a weapon in the hands of a husband who wants to just get a reaction from his wife. Whichever way you look at it, this venture is not likely to end well, and worst still, it will most likely end sooner than you planned.

2. Is his wife the breadwinner?

You need to ask questions about the finances of the man who’s taking you as his second wife. Do not assume anything at all when it comes to the pockets of a married man who thinks he’s big enough to take on a second or a third wife. His word is not good enough, trust me, trust your instincts. You must be sure of who’s picking the bills, who’s buying the cars he cruises to your place. For all you care, the big house you think is his may actually belong to his wife or it could even be a wedding gift from his first Father-in-law. Now, what do you think is going to happen when you find yourself in the middle of that kind of financial mess? His first wife refuses to let you move into her home. She pulls the plug on Oga’s fine-boy lifestyle. She seizes the car keys and stops fuelling the generator. Is that not the definition of walking into a storm? So don’t downplay the answers to this breadwinner question. Some men are poor and unrepentantly proud. They spend their wives money and still want to be treated like a king. King of where? Not in this setting.

3. Are you the ATM he had been looking for all these years?

Sometimes, a second wife can be crowned a breadwinner. Don’t tell me you haven’t heard of it. Poor philandering man goes hunting for a rich, beautiful and desperate-for-marriage woman. Sometimes, the first wife is even in cahoots with her opportunist gigolo husband. They lure the new wife into a web. She becomes the new ATM. It’s the modern day version of money ritual. So, have you done your due diligence? Are you about to become a live-in-Sugar Mummy of the family? Is that what you wanted by becoming a second wife? You are just going to be treated like a fast selling product. Caveat emptor: you are liable to die young there. I will not give you details today.

4. Is ‘Madam of the house’ a hard ‘mama’ who has her husband by the balls?

Yes? Don’t go there. When Madam is done squeezing her husband’s balls, your neck will be the next port of call. Some wives can’t and won’t share and they will go to any length to defend their territories  In simple words, if you have heard strange stories about women who had dared to cross a certain first wife and ended up in a certain strange way, have a conversation with your leg and quietly ‘japa’

If you have heard of Oga’s former girlfriend or mistress who suddenly lost their senses, came down with intractable illness or even disappeared without a trace, do not wait. Just cross to the other side of the road and save yourself the agony and pain of weird things like monthly period that won’t stop flowing, like the ‘issue of blood’. Half a word is sufficient for the wise, right?

5. How many children should you have if he’s already 60?

Do the math. If he’s 60 when your first child is born, he will be 80 when that child is 20. May he live long, right? You see why you have to have your head screwed on tight and tight. If your children are not trust fund babies. How much work can a 80- year-old man do to put your son through medical school? You cannot become a second wife based on what your heart is telling you. The heart is not smart, consult your head. If a man does not have the means to project  finances into the future of his children, what he needs is a girlfriend, a ‘waka pass’ side chick, not a new wife. Don’t walk with a man into a trap that will leave you stranded. Unless you have the means, polygamy is not a form of a marriage a struggling man should propose to you. Two children will be your best bet. Don’t do any illiterate competition with the senior wife. She’s the wife of his youth and had a head start. If you want four or five children, you should have started early with a man that will be primarily yours.

In a polygamy setting, there are factors that affect production and reproduction and they must be fully considered.

6. Should you wait for the will or take your inheritance upfront?

We are assuming that because your husband is older than you, he will die at a ripe old age, before you. Let us also assume that the older wife and the older children may influence Daddy’s last will and testament in a way that the sharing of the estate may not favour you. You may, however, get lucky and the will may favour you or at least, generously accommodate you. But as they say on the street: ‘whether there is fight or not, always guiding.’ So be guided. When you ask for gifts, ask for sensible ones. Invest in landed properties and jewellery in which you can store value like gold, like diamond. Watch out for your future. Don’t ask him for frivolous things like annual exotic holidays. Never forget that he does not belong solely to you, no matter the assurances he gives you.

ZADOK’S €24m move proves Nigeria’s future is talent, not oil

By Kachi Okezie, Esq .

While headlines from Nigeria stay bleak, Zadok Yohanna’s €24m move to Brighton tells a different story. His journey from Mr. Ayi Mohamed’s Ikon Allah Academy in Kaduna proves it: our greatest export isn’t crude, it’s youth.

Against the backdrop of seemingly endless negative and depressing news pouring out of Nigeria, news of the breakthrough of the young footballer Zadok Yohanna feels like oxygen. At a time when headlines have been dominated by insecurity, economic pressure, and the daily grind of survival, here is a story that actually makes you sit up and smile.

Zadok’s reported £22m move from AIK Stockholm to Brighton & Hove Albion in the English Premier League is not just about another transfer fee. It is proof that talent exists everywhere in Nigeria, and that when that talent is spotted early, trained properly, and given a smart pathway, it can travel from the dusty pitches of Kaduna to the bright lights of the Amex Stadium in under 18 months.

What makes this transfer especially sweet is the choice Brighton represents. Chelsea were reportedly circling, and for a young player the pull of a “big six” club is enormous. But a mid-table club like Brighton guarantees something far more valuable at age 19 or 20: game time. Brighton has built a reputation for buying young, raw talent and actually playing them, coaching them, and selling them on at a higher value. That’s development, not decoration.

For Zadok, it means he won’t rot in a loan army or sit behind three senior internationals. He’ll get minutes in the EPL, learn the rhythm of English football, and continue with his development. That decision, whether it was his, his agent’s, or his academy’s, was wise.

And here is the part we don’t talk about enough in Nigeria: this is a massive win for grassroots football. Zadok wasn’t discovered by a foreign scout wandering into Africa from Europe. He was signed from Ikon Allah Football Academy in Kaduna, the brainchild of Mr. Ayi Mohamed. That academy is where Zadok learned the basics, where he was taught discipline, where someone believed in him before any Swedish club knew his name.

Mr. Mohamed then did something even smarter. When AIK Stockholm came calling, he included a sell-on clause in the deal, according to sources in the know. So now that AIK is selling Zadok to Brighton for upwards of €24m, Ikon Allah Academy will earn a tidy percentage of that fee.

Think about what that means. It means the academy gets capital to improve its pitches, buy better equipment, pay better coaches, and keep scouting more boys who are currently kicking bottles on the streets right now. It means investment in a kid doesn’t end when he leaves the gates. The reward keeps coming back to grow the next crop. That is how football economies are built.

This is not a one-off either. Ikon Allah Academy also produced Chidera Ejuke, the winger who has played in the Russian Premier League, La Liga, and the Bundesliga. Two senior professionals from one academy in Kaduna in a short span. That tells you something about the raw material Nigeria has and about what happens when someone decides to organise it.

Mr. Ayi Mohamed saw boys with energy and hunger and gave them structure. He didn’t wait for the Nigeria Football Federation or any other bureaucratic entity. He didn’t wait around for a government grant. Nor did he wait for permission. He simply built, coached, negotiated, and protected the future of his boys with a sell-on clause. That is entrepreneurship in its purest form. And it deserves to be celebrated loudly, because for every Zadok who breaks through, there are hundreds of others whose talent will die on the streets if nobody sets up the ladder.

Which is exactly why we need to ramp up support for grassroots youth development, and fast. Nigeria is too often reactive. We celebrate the outliers after they succeed abroad and then ask, “How did this happen?” instead of building systems so it happens again and again.

The Zadok story is less than 18 months old from academy to AIK to Brighton. Imagine if there were 200 Ikon Allah Academies, not one. Imagine if every local government area had a functional pitch, a qualified coach, and a link to a database that European scouts could trust. Imagine if state governments and the private sector saw academies not as charity projects, but as export industries.

We export crude oil and struggle with price shocks. We could be exporting footballers and controlling the value chain, with sell-on clauses and transfer percentages flowing back home for decades.

The depressing news will not stop tomorrow. But stories like Zadok’s show that Nigeria’s greatest natural resource is not under the ground, it is in our immensely talented youth. They are fast, creative, resilient, and hungry for opportunity. What they lack is not talent, it is infrastructure and belief. An academy in Kaduna just engineered a €24m move to the English Premier League via Sweden. That is not luck. That is what happens when someone invests in a boy before the world notices him.

If we put real money, real policy, and real protection behind that model, we will not be begging for “good news” from Nigeria. Good news will be the norm.

So well done, Mr. Ayi Mohamed. Well done to Zadok Yohanna for choosing development over hype. Well done to Brighton for trusting the process and believing in our product. But more than congratulations, this story should be a wake-up call. If one man in Kaduna can change a boy’s life and enrich Nigerian football in the process, what could a thousand committed coaches, a thousand protected pitches, and a thousand smart contracts do?

The answer is not more talk. It is more academies, more funding, more sell-on clauses, and more belief that the next Zadok is already out there, waiting for someone to notice him. Let’s not make him wait too long.

Kachi Okezie, Esq is a sports lawyer and consultant.

Nigerians Heard About Borno’s Reintegration of ‘Repentant’ Terrorists. They aren’t having it

Many Nigerians on X have criticised the Borno State Government’s decision to reintegrate 720 ‘repentant’ terrorists who completed a deradicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration programme.

Ishaq Abdullahi, Special Adviser on Security to Governor Babagana Zulum, announced on Friday that the 720 repentant terrorists had completed the state’s rehabilitation programme and were being sent back into society.

Abdullahi said the latest batch brings the total number of former terrorists reintegrated under the programme to 9,680.

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From Generals to Schoolchildren: Is anyone safe as Nigeria’s kidnappers tighten their grip?

Generals dead. Schoolchildren still in the forest. A former Defence spokesman dies in captivity. Yet Nigeria’s political class is increasingly consumed by the permutations of 2027.

The victims could hardly be more different: a retired major general who once spoke for Nigeria’s military, serving brigadiers commanding troops on the front lines, teachers trying to educate the next generation, and schoolchildren barely old enough to understand why they were taken. Yet together they tell the same story—one in which rank, age and public office offer no guaranteed shield against the country’s persistent insecurity.

The death of retired Major General Rabe Abubakar in the custody of bandits has become more than a personal tragedy. For many Nigerians, it is a stark symbol of a security crisis that continues to claim lives, embarrass the state and expose difficult questions about the country’s priorities.

Abubakar, a former Director of Defence Information who once spoke for the Nigerian military, died after being abducted alongside his wife while travelling in Katsina State. Weeks after their kidnapping, a distressing video surfaced showing the retired general pleading for intervention. He never made it home. His wife remains in captivity.

His death adds to a growing list of senior military officers who have either been killed in ambushes or died at the hands of armed groups in recent years.

In April 2026, Brigadier General Aseni Omo was killed when militants overran a military base in Benishek, Borno State. Before that, Brigadier General Musa Uba lost his life after Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) fighters ambushed his convoy along the Damboa–Biu road. In 2021, Major General Hassan Ahmed, then a senior director at Army Headquarters in Abuja, was shot dead by gunmen near Abaji while travelling in the Federal Capital Territory.

The repeated targeting of high-ranking officers has fuelled concerns about the sophistication and audacity of criminal and insurgent groups operating across parts of the country.

At the same time, public frustration has grown over what many perceive as stark contrasts in the urgency of rescue operations.

Earlier this month, security forces rescued the sister of a serving minister and her twin children within days of their abduction in Oyo State. Yet dozens of schoolchildren, teachers and school officials kidnapped from Oriire Local Government Area have remained in captivity for weeks, prompting protests by desperate parents and residents who say they feel abandoned.

The differing timelines have triggered a broader debate over whether all victims of kidnapping receive the same level of attention and operational urgency, even as officials insist that every case presents unique tactical challenges.

The questions come against the backdrop of renewed controversy over Nigeria’s wider security strategy.

While governments continue to emphasise military operations, intelligence gathering and rehabilitation programmes for repentant insurgents, many communities still face repeated attacks, mass abductions and ransom demands. Critics argue that victims often bear the heaviest burden, while perpetrators appear able to regroup, negotiate or even seek reintegration after surrendering.

The recent comments by the Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, that “only God can bring a complete end to insecurity”—though accompanied by calls for public support and continued military efforts—also ignited debate about official messaging at a time when many Nigerians are demanding visible results on the ground.

For grieving families, however, the discussion is less about rhetoric than reality.

A former Defence spokesman has died in a bandits’ camp. A serving minister’s relatives are safely home. Schoolchildren are still believed to be held in the bush. Communities across the North continue to bury victims of attacks and kidnappings.

As politicians sharpen their strategies for the next general election, many citizens are asking a more immediate question: can the Nigerian state restore security before another family, another classroom or another senior officer becomes the next headline?

2027 Fever, Deadly Reality: Kidnapped Ex-General dies in bandits’ den, wife remains in captivity

  • “Only God can bring a complete end to insecurity” — Matawalle
  • as 720 Ex-Insurgents Rejoin Society

The death of retired Major General Rabe Abubakar in the custody of bandits has reignited uncomfortable questions about Nigeria’s battle against insecurity, with critics warning that the nation risks becoming consumed by 2027 political calculations while violent criminal groups continue to terrorise communities across the country.

Abubakar, a former Director of Defence Information at Defence Headquarters, died after weeks in the hands of kidnappers who abducted him and his wife, Hajiya Amina Abubakar, while they travelled to a wedding in Katsina State. His wife remains in captivity.

The Katsina State Government confirmed his death on Saturday, saying the retired general succumbed to complications arising from diabetes and hypertension while being held by his abductors despite sustained efforts by security agencies to secure his release.

Only days earlier, Nigerians watched a heartbreaking video in which the former defence spokesman and his wife pleaded for intervention. The kidnappers reportedly demanded the release of detained bandits in exchange for the couple’s freedom.

Governor Dikko Umaru Radda described the incident as a national tragedy and renewed calls for intensified action against criminal groups ravaging communities across the North.

The killing, however, has amplified wider concerns about the country’s security strategy at a time when political discourse is increasingly dominated by preparations for the 2027 elections.

It also comes amid controversy over comments by the Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, who recently said that “only God can bring a complete end to insecurity,” while urging Nigerians to combine prayers with determination and support for the armed forces. The remarks sparked criticism from some citizens and commentators who argued that Nigerians expect security officials to focus primarily on concrete operational measures and institutional reforms.

Responding to the backlash, Matawalle maintained that the military remains committed to defeating armed groups and cautioned politicians against exploiting the security crisis for partisan purposes, noting that the unconventional nature of the conflict means it cannot be resolved overnight.

For many Nigerians, however, the death of a retired senior military officer in captivity has become a painful symbol of a crisis that appears increasingly intractable.

The debate has grown sharper with the Borno State Government’s announcement that another 720 former insurgents have completed its deradicalisation and rehabilitation programme and have been reintegrated into society, bringing the number of beneficiaries under successive batches to nearly 10,000.

Officials describe the initiative as a successful non-kinetic component of counter-insurgency, saying participants undergo counselling, religious instruction and vocational training before returning to their communities.

Yet the programme remains contentious. Security experts, victims’ advocates and some affected communities have questioned whether rehabilitation efforts are sufficiently matched by accountability for atrocities committed during years of insurgency. Others argue that survivors of terrorism often receive far less support than former fighters seeking reintegration.

The concerns are heightened by reports that some armed groups continue to pursue ideological objectives in addition to financial demands. In several kidnapping cases, abductors have reportedly sought prisoner exchanges or advanced broader religious or political conditions alongside negotiations.

Against that backdrop, the image of a former Defence spokesman dying in the custody of bandits while his wife remains in the forest has resonated far beyond Katsina.

His death leaves behind not only a grieving family but also difficult questions about the effectiveness of current strategies against banditry and terrorism. As security agencies continue efforts to rescue Hajiya Amina Abubakar, many Nigerians are asking whether the country’s response to violent crime is keeping pace with the scale of the threat—or whether the urgency of security is being eclipsed by the politics of the next election cycle.

‘Democracy Dies When Voters Lose Faith’: Ezeilo, SAN issues stark 2027 warning

  • Calls for stronger INEC, electoral offences commission, single five-year presidential term

As Nigeria commemorated Democracy Day, eminent jurist and former Dean of the Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Professor Joy Ngozi Ezeilo, SAN, has warned that the country’s greatest democratic danger ahead of the 2027 general elections is not merely ballot manipulation but the steady erosion of public confidence in the electoral process.

In a Democracy Day message released on Thursday, Ezeilo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Life Bencher and former United Nations Special Rapporteur, said Nigeria stands at a “democratic crossroads” where restoring public trust must become a national priority.

According to her, although reforms such as the Electoral Act, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) have improved the country’s electoral architecture, recent elections have shown that sound laws and technological innovations can still be undermined by institutional pressure, logistical failures and inconsistent application of the rules.

“The greatest threat to our democracy is the erosion of public trust,” she said, pointing to vote buying, voter intimidation, abuse of incumbency, misinformation, attacks on election officials and weak accountability as factors that continue to undermine electoral credibility.

The former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons warned that democracy itself is endangered when citizens begin to doubt that their votes matter.

Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, Ezeilo urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to ensure that every stage of the electoral process is transparent, accountable and capable of inspiring public confidence.

“INEC must know that Nigerians are watching and will demand free, fair and credible elections,” she stated.

Drawing from remarks she delivered at the recent June 12 Commemorative Lecture in honour of the late Professor Humphrey Nwosu, Ezeilo argued that meaningful accountability remains the most urgent electoral reform facing the country.

She advocated clear legal provisions governing the transmission and collation of election results, the establishment of an independent body to investigate and prosecute electoral offences, and greater transparency throughout the entire electoral cycle.

The legal scholar also stressed the pivotal role of the judiciary, urging courts to protect rather than undermine the sovereignty of the electorate.

“The vote is the clearest expression of the people’s will; when it is protected, democracy thrives,” she said.

Beyond election administration, Ezeilo called for broader constitutional and political reforms. She urged lawmakers to advance inclusive governance by passing the proposed Special Seats Bill aimed at improving women’s political representation and recommended consideration of a single five-year tenure for elected executives as a means of reducing incumbency advantage and curbing abuses associated with re-election campaigns.

She further urged political parties, civil society organisations, security agencies, the judiciary and citizens to work collectively to safeguard electoral integrity, insisting that the 2027 polls should be approached not merely as another election but as a national democratic reform project.

“We do not lose democracy only when ballots are stolen,” Ezeilo cautioned. “We lose it when citizens lose faith in the process.”

She concluded that Nigeria’s democratic future remains within reach, provided the country embraces transparency, accountability and the courage to pursue meaningful reforms.

Chidi Anselm Odinkalu at 58: A voice that refuses to whisper

By Lillian Okenwa

June 12 is one of those dates that means many things to many Nigerians. It evokes memories of a stolen mandate, a people’s insistence on democracy, and a continuing conversation about justice, accountability and the rule of law.

It is perhaps fitting that it is also the birthday of Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu.  For many years, he has spent his professional life arguing for the same values that the day has come to embody: constitutionalism, human rights, accountability and the rule of law.”

For decades, Odinkalu has occupied a distinctive place in Nigeria’s public life—not because he sought elective office or cultivated political patronage, but because he has consistently chosen to speak when silence might have been easier and more profitable.

That choice has come at a cost.

As a legal scholar, human rights advocate, former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission and public intellectual, he has often found himself challenging entrenched interests and asking uncomfortable questions. Whether writing on constitutionalism, security, judicial accountability or governance, his interventions have rarely been designed to flatter those in power. Instead, they have sought to provoke thought, encourage scrutiny and remind institutions of the standards they are expected to uphold.

Agreement with him has never been a prerequisite for respecting him.

Indeed, one of the marks of an independent mind is the willingness to advance arguments that invite debate rather than applause. Professor Odinkalu has never appeared particularly interested in popularity for its own sake. He has been content to let his ideas stand or fall on their own merit.

There is also something admirable about his consistency. In an environment where convictions are sometimes traded for appointments and criticism softens in the presence of influence, he has maintained an uncommon willingness to interrogate authority regardless of who occupies office.

His contributions have extended beyond commentary. Through teaching, advocacy, research and institutional leadership, he has helped shape conversations on human rights and democratic governance within Nigeria and beyond. Many younger lawyers, activists and scholars have encountered his work long before meeting him in person, drawing from his scholarship and public engagement an understanding that the law is not merely a collection of statutes and precedents but an instrument for protecting human dignity.

Those who know him also recognise his sharp wit, intellectual curiosity and capacity to move effortlessly between rigorous legal analysis and everyday conversation. He has an enviable gift for distilling complex constitutional questions into language that ordinary citizens can engage with, making public discourse richer in the process.

No public figure is beyond criticism, and Odinkalu himself would likely welcome robust disagreement over uncritical adulation. Yet even his critics would struggle to deny the energy, courage and persistence with which he has pursued the causes he believes in.

As Nigeria continues its often-difficult journey toward deeper democracy and stronger institutions, voices willing to question, challenge and insist on accountability remain indispensable.

On this June 12, as Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu marks another birthday, there is reason not merely to celebrate the passing of another year but to acknowledge a career devoted to ideas, public service and the enduring belief that justice is worth defending, even when doing so is inconvenient.

Happy birthday, Prof.  May you continue to ask difficult questions, challenge comfortable assumptions and remind us that democracy is sustained not by ceremonies alone, but by citizens willing to hold power to account.

From Newsroom To Scholarship: Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, publish Amuchie’s Trinity of State Decay Theory

ABUJA, Nigeria — The Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU) is pleased to announce that the Trinity of State Decay, the theoretical framework formulated by its Lead Researcher, Dr Max Amuchie, has formally entered the global scholarly record. This follows the publication by Zenodo, open-access repository developed by CERN (the European Organization for Nuclear Research), and Harvard University’s Dataverse of Amuchie’s 16,315-word treatise entitled ‘The Trinity of State Decay (Part 1): Sovereign Decoupling and Rival Sovereignty — A Theoretical Statement’.

Zenodo published the landmark piece on Wednesday while Harvard Dataverse followed on Thursday.

The publication marks a significant milestone in the continuing development of original African contributions to state, security, and governance studies.

The Trinity of State Decay (TSD) advances a novel theoretical proposition that state decay in the Global South is fundamentally a sovereignty event characterised by the decoupling of formal statehood from effective authority, resulting in the emergence of rival sovereign orders. The framework introduces key concepts including Sovereign Decoupling, Rival Sovereignty, the Institutional Mirage, the Shadow Order, Architecture of Resurrection, Constitutional Erasure, Psychology of the Table, among others.
The publication of the theoretical formulation on both platforms provides multiple globally recognised scholarly records for the work.
Importantly, this development brings to two the number of original analytical frameworks developed by Amuchie under the auspices of the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU) that have been published on global scholarly platforms.
The first was The Insecurity Triad, an analytical framework for understanding insecurity through the interaction of state weakness, criminal entrepreneurship, and social fragmentation. The Trinity of State Decay now joins it as a second original framework to achieve publication and preservation within the global scholarly ecosystem.

Speaking on the development, Amuchie noted that the publication represents an opportunity for broader scholarly engagement with the framework.
“The publication of The Trinity of State Decay is not an end point but an invitation to debate, test, refine and challenge the theory. The ultimate measure of any theory is not publication but its ability to illuminate reality and contribute to understanding.”

The publication also strengthens SPIU’s growing profile as a producer of original research, theory-building, and analytical innovation in security, governance, and state studies.

Beyond scholarly repositories, The Trinity of State Decay article is also available through ResearchGate, the world’s largest academic networking and research-sharing platform; Academia.edu, the world’s largest global community of scholars and researchers; and Substack, a leading global platform for independent publishing and intellectual discourse. Together, these channels significantly enhance the framework’s visibility, accessibility, and engagement among researchers, analysts, policymakers, journalists, and interested readers worldwide.

The Trinity of State Decay forms part of a broader body of work that includes the development of the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI), a forthcoming measurement framework designed to assess sovereignty conditions at sub-national and territorial levels.
As discussions around state fragility, hybrid governance, and authority continue to evolve, SPIU believes the publication of TSD contributes a fresh analytical perspective to ongoing debates about statehood, governance, and sovereign authority in the Global South and beyond.

33rd Anniversary of June 12: NUPENG calls on politicians to uphold democratic values

As Nigeria marks the 33rd anniversary of June 12, the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) has urged political leaders to strengthen and uphold democratic principles.

The union emphasized that Democracy Day should serve as a reminder of the sacrifices made by Nigerians in the struggle for democratic governance, and called on politicians to demonstrate commitment to transparency, accountability, and respect for the rule of law.

The blue collar union also advised the political elites not to allow the struggles of past heroes to be in vain by overheating the polity.

Speaking on this year’s commemoration of the June 12 election, NUPENG President, Comrade (Dr) Salimon Akanni Oladiti (JP), commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for deepening recognition for the sacred date and giving it the right status in the nation’s history.

The Union leader added that the date has indeed vindicated the union and its leadership who fought for the democracy being enjoyed by all in Nigeria today.

Dr. Oladiti emphasized the urgent need for political leaders to confront and resolve issues that pose a threat to Nigeria’s democracy. He stressed that government must prioritize tackling insecurity while also advancing programs that enhance workers’ welfare and rights. This includes providing strong legal protections, improving working conditions, and safeguarding the health, safety, and dignity of the workforce.

The astute labour leader further charged politicians to eschew acts that can cause chaos and division in the polity.

Comrade Oladiti, however, said all those involved in the struggle should be consistently celebrated or possibly immortalized.

He said: “While it is appropriate to recognize June 12 as the democracy day in this country, it is also our wish and prayer that posterity will continue to be kind to all the heroes who dared the military jackboots in restoring democracy in Nigeria. Among them were President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR), late Comrade (Chief) Frank Ovie Kokori, the late politician and lawyer, Chief Bola Ige and human rights activist and lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN); Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Femi Falana (SAN), Comrade Joseph Akinlaja, as well as former External Affairs Minister, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi.

“We recalled the role NUPENG and PENGASSAN played and the price paid by both unions and their leadership at that time for the actualisation of the democracy that is now being enjoyed in the country.

“While the leadership of these unions were dissolved by the late military junta, Gen Sani Abacha and sole administrators appointed for them, they were also starved of funds.

“The two general secretaries, Comrade Gilchrist Dabibi and Comrade Frank Ovie Kokori, and Comrade Frank Addo of PENGASSAN as well as other leaders of the unions, including the then Port Harcourt Refinery Branch Secretary were casted in jail.

“Many activists of the Campaign for Democracy and union leaders, including the then PENGASSAN President, Comrade Ganiu Owoduni were hounded out of the country to seek asylum in foreign countries.

“There are many stories about the struggle against military rule that have not been told. Some may never be told or have only been relayed in half. The story of the over 3,400 sacked workers of the NSPMC and their contributions to the exit of military tyranny is one of such.

“Though many of the actors have died, including the former General Secretary of Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), late Chief Frank Ovie Kokori who spent 4 years in Bama prison in Maiduguri and was declared a prisoner of conscience by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Amnesty International (AI).

“Few of them who are still alive have hardly spoken about their heroic exploits in one of Nigeria’s most deadly battles against entrenched principalities and powers. The workers were sacked after the military tagged them as ‘agents of opposition.’ The workers sought revenge in an underground movement that shook the bedrock of the country.

“In those dark days in Nigeria, those who raised eyebrows were arrested and detained, traced to their homes, harassed and faced humiliation, victimization, incaseration and some even paid the supreme price during the struggle.

“Today, we are pleased to note that Nigeria’s democracy continues to mature with time. Although it is not without its imperfections, the system has firmly taken root. Encouragingly, President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has initiated reforms that hold the potential to positively transform the nation’s fortunes.

“What remains is our collective responsibility to refine the process, address lingering challenges, and strengthen the path we are on. Democracy is both a learning curve and a work in progress. Our leaders must consistently dedicate their time, energy, and resources to deepening democratic practices and safeguarding democratic ideals,” Oladiti said.

Twenty Tips From [US] Judges on Preparing for Your First Court Appearance

(Adapt them to the context of your jurisdiction.)

By Danielle Braff, Julianne Hill, Anna Stolley Persky, and Amanda Robert

American Bar Journal, 1 June 2025

As the calendar counts down to the day of a lawyer’s first court experience, fears of forgetting a key point, getting yelled at by the judge or just plain looking stupid—in a variety of ways—may dominate your thoughts. But judges interviewed by the ABA Journal say that for the most part, you will do well simply by being a reasonable person. Here are their suggestions on how to shine.

(1) There is absolutely nothing wrong with getting to court early to introduce yourself to the judge and the staff before court.

“Once, an attorney moved into the area, and he came around on a non-court day and introduced himself to every judge and their staff before he ever appeared in court. It was the only attorney that I have ever had do that, and it made an excellent first impression.” Judge Michelle Leigh Helhoski, Cherokee County State Court, Georgia.

(2) “One of my pet peeves is when lawyers are not fully prepared and attempt to shift blame onto others.” Justice Jesse Reyes, Illinois Appellate Court.

(3) “You can start your argument off by saying something to the effect of, ‘The motion to dismiss should be denied for three reasons,’ so that if you get interrupted while you’re still on your first point, the judge will know you have two more.” Senior Judge Amy Berman Jackson, U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

(4) “Try to be the most reasonable person in the room, not the loudest or most strident.” Chief Judge James Boasberg, U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

(5) “The most important statement a lawyer can make is to answer the judge’s question. The best answer is always, ‘yes,’ ‘no’—then an explanation. Not an explanation and then an answer. And if it’s really not a yes or no answer, say, ‘It depends,’ and explain why.” Daryl Moore, retired judge for the Texas 333rd District Court.

(6) “Don’t try to take control of the hearing. Respect the process in both word and deed. Remember that it is not about ‘me.’ It is about ‘we.’ Timothy Connors, retired judge for the Washtenaw County Peacemaking Court, Michigan.

(7) “Stand when the judge enters. If the judge is OK with more informal procedures, the judge will advise. Better to start out more formally.” Judge Elizabeth Volz, County Court in the 18th Judicial District of Colorado.

(8) “Listen to the questions asked. This goes for both nervous and non-nervous people. Lawyers are too focused on what they want to say and what they think judges want to hear. And so they don’t listen to what judges ask, or they don’t pay attention to the order in which things occur.” Judge Barbara Leach, Ninth Judicial Circuit Court of Florida

(9) “I believe that decorum matters a great deal in a civilized society. It may be my implicit bias, but if an attorney shows up in a suit that looks like it was just pulled out of the laundry hamper, it signals to me—and worse, to the client—that you are unprepared and not taking court seriously. If you come in wearing a pot T-shirt, it affects me.” Magistrate Arnie Beckman, Denver County Court.

(10) “For conferences, demonstrate that you are capable of moving from argument mode to problem-solving mode. Be practical, reasonable and nonargumentative.” Judge Jordan Yeager, Court of Common Pleas, Bucks County, Pennsylvania.

(11) “If you need to have proof of enrollment or progress on classes or drug treatment, print the documents out in advance, and have two copies to provide.” Judge Rupa Goswami, Los Angeles County Superior Court, California.

(12) “You are building a reputation with the court from your very first appearance, and if you make misstatements to the court—even if it is unintentional because you don’t know your case as well as you should—that is going to reflect poorly on you. It doesn’t matter if the court thinks you are being intentionally dishonest by misrepresenting something or just careless because you are saying things that you aren’t certain are accurate: Neither of those options is an impression you want to make.” Judge Jennifer A. Mabey, Utah Fourth District Court.

(13) “Collegiality is worth its weight in gold, both from a human relations standpoint and often even for your client’s own best interests.” U.S. Magistrate Judge Anthony Patti, U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan.

(14) “I have noticed several people not dressing appropriately for virtual conferences. Some lawyers have decided that because they are not in a physical courthouse, court is now business-attire optional. Court is court, regardless of whether it is virtual or not. It is inappropriate to show up to court in a polo shirt. If you wouldn’t wear it in front of a jury, then you shouldn’t wear it on a virtual platform.” Judge Cathy Bissoon, U.S. District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania.

(15) “Being prepared is very important to making a positive first impression. I think it is also extremely helpful for attorneys to have the confidence to advise a judge when the attorney believes the judge is mistaken or assumes a fact that is either incorrect or outside the record or in dispute. Making a clear and correct record is taken seriously by judges, and good attorneys do not hesitate to respectfully assist the court.” Judge Brian Hill, Santa Barbara County Superior Court, California.

(16) “You know when a new lawyer has reviewed your webpage and preferences or spoke to your bailiff or staff attorney about how the courtroom proceedings will be handled. This is impressive. And respected by me. A hint: My bailiff and staff attorney will update me on your communication with them, which is a plus.” Judge John Russo, Court of Common Pleas, Cuyahoga County, Ohio.

(17) “State and spell your name, and state your bar number for at least the initial appearance. If you or your client want specific pronouns used, tell the division clerks ahead of the appearance.” Judge Matthew R. Zehe, County Court in the Eighth Judicial District of Colorado.

(18) “The respect attorneys display reflects and reinforces public confidence in the judicial system. Their decorum in justice courts or municipal courts should mirror the professionalism expected in higher courts like a district or even the Supreme Court.” Judge Wayne Mack, Justice of the Peace, Precinct 1, Texas.

(19) “Don’t be afraid to let your personality show through. You will always be better at being you than at being someone else, whether that ‘someone else’ is the senior partner, the difficult adversary or some other image you may have of what a ‘tough’ lawyer should be.” Judge Elizabeth Snow Stong, U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Eastern District of New York.

(20) “Never assume it is OK for you to appear remotely unless the docket is a fully remote docket. Always ask permission. I almost always grant permission but appreciate being asked.” Chief District Court Judge J.H. Corpening II, 6th Judicial District of North Carolina.

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