Home Blog Page 68

Abuja Public Schools Shut Down Indefinitely: Teachers’ strike sparks education crisis in Nigeria’s capital

A fresh education crisis is unfolding in Nigeria’s capital, where public primary schools across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) have been shut indefinitely by a sweeping teachers’ strike, disrupting learning for thousands.

The Save Public Education Campaign (SPEC) has issued a blistering condemnation of authorities, calling the shutdown a “damning indictment” of the government’s chronic neglect of education and teachers’ welfare.

The strike, declared by the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) FCT wing, began on Monday, April 20, 2026, and has brought academic activities in public primary and secondary schools across all six area councils to a standstill. Classrooms remain locked, leaving students stranded at a critical point in the academic calendar.

While the NUT directive covers both primary and secondary schools, the Academic Staff Union of Secondary Schools (ASUSS) has distanced itself from the action, creating a fragmented response within the education sector and raising concerns about coordination among teaching bodies.

At the heart of the dispute are long-standing grievances: the government’s failure to implement a 2025 committee report on teachers’ entitlements, unresolved salary adjustments of 25% and 35%, and a disputed 40% peculiar allowance. Union leaders insist these demands are not new—but represent commitments authorities have repeatedly failed to honor.

In a statement signed by its Co-Conveners, Vivian Bellown and Dimeji Macaulay, SPEC warned that the fallout is already severe.

“Thousands of children have been forced out of classrooms with no immediate solution in sight,” the group said, adding that the situation exposes a “persistent pattern of poor attention to education and teacher welfare.”

The group also linked the crisis to Nigeria’s broader education emergency, cautioning that prolonged school closures could worsen the country’s already staggering out-of-school children population—estimated at over 33 million, the highest globally.

“The continued shutdown of public schools will deepen inequality and undermine the future of the next generation,” the statement read. “Education is a fundamental right, and its disruption carries far-reaching consequences for society.”

Teachers, backed by SPEC, argue that deteriorating working conditions and unpaid entitlements have made effective teaching nearly impossible.

“Teachers cannot be expected to give their best under poor conditions while their basic rights are ignored,” the group stated.

The FCT Administration has urged striking teachers to return to classrooms, warning that the disruption could trigger mass failure among students preparing for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WAEC). But union leaders appear unmoved, escalating pressure with planned احتجاج protests at the FCT Secretariat.

Parents have been advised to keep children at home until further notice, as uncertainty deepens over when schools will reopen.

SPEC has called for urgent government intervention, demanding immediate implementation of agreements and a shift away from what it describes as a cycle of empty promises.

“The government must move beyond rhetoric and take concrete action,” the group said. “Enough is enough—fund public education, respect teachers’ rights, and reopen schools now.”

The current crisis echoes a similar shutdown in 2025, when primary school teachers embarked on a strike that lasted more than three months over unpaid wages and unimplemented minimum wage adjustments, raising fears that history may be repeating itself.

With no resolution in sight, Nigeria’s capital faces a growing education emergency, one that could have lasting consequences for a generation already on the brink.

“I would not have sex till I kill myself”: Roby Ekpo’s ex-wife launches defamation war, gives him 48 hours to retract or pay ₦100m

A legal battle is unfolding between Nigerian media personality Roby Ekpo and his ex-wife, Mayowa Lambe, after she filed a defamation suit and issued a 48-hour ultimatum demanding a retraction of claims he made about their marriage.

In a cease-and-desist notice dated April 22, Lambe, through the legal department of Aunt Landa’s Bethel Foundation, accused Ekpo of spreading false and damaging narratives about her across public platforms, including podcast appearances.

The notice alleges that Ekpo engaged in a “deliberate and sustained campaign of falsehood,” presenting unverified claims about her personal life as fact, actions it says have triggered reputational harm, online harassment, and public ridicule.

Lambe is demanding that Ekpo immediately remove all allegedly defamatory content, issue a public apology and retraction, and pay ₦100 million in damages. The notice warns that failure to comply within 48 hours could lead to formal legal proceedings. It also cautions that third parties who amplify the claims online may face legal consequences.

Podcast Fallout Sparks Legal Action

The dispute follows Ekpo’s recent appearance on The Honest Bunch, where he spoke candidly—and emotionally—about the breakdown of the marriage.

During the interview, Ekpo made a series of personal claims, including allegations about disagreements over intimacy, fertility struggles, and financial support during Lambe’s time abroad. He also claimed he was shocked to discover her remarriage via social media.

“I woke up to videos and pictures of my wife on Instagram getting married to another man,” he said.

However, Lambe’s legal team disputes the accuracy of these assertions, maintaining that the marriage had already been mutually dissolved before her remarriage.

Private Dispute Goes Public

The former couple reportedly met on Instagram in 2015 and married shortly after a brief courtship, keeping their relationship largely out of the public eye until recently.

The situation escalated after Ekpo publicly discussed intimate details of the relationship, including claims that his former partner secretly used contraceptives despite fertility concerns—an allegation now at the centre of the defamation dispute.

Lambe’s legal representatives argue that the public airing of these issues has distorted the facts and unfairly shaped public perception in Ekpo’s favour.

They further allege that his statements have fuelled coordinated online attacks against her, amplifying what they describe as a wave of defamatory commentary.

Social Media Divided

The controversy has sparked intense debate online, with public opinion sharply divided between supporters of Ekpo’s account and those backing Lambe’s legal action.

Although public response has been deeply polarised, he has faced a wave of online mockery after his revelation with some social media users ridiculing him for his perceived lack of “stamina” and for being “weak” enough to be deceived for over a decade.

Others, including celebrities like Shade Ladipo, defended him, arguing that men should be allowed to speak about their marital trauma without being shamed.

While Ekpo has openly shared his perspective, Lambe has largely refrained from direct public engagement, instead posting messages that suggest she is focused on moving forward.

What Comes Next

With a 48-hour deadline in place, attention is now on whether Ekpo will comply with the demands, or contest them in court.

The case could test the boundaries between personal storytelling and defamation in Nigeria’s rapidly evolving digital media space, where private disputes increasingly play out in public view.

The Core Conflict

Ekpo stated that while his wife wanted sex every day, he is comfortable with once or twice a week. He expressed that at almost 48, attempting daily sex would be physically exhausting, famously remarking, “I would not have sex till I kill myself”.

These revelations are part of a messy public fallout where Ekpo also alleged that Lambe misled him about fertility issues and secretly used contraceptives. 

What’s “Normal” at 48?

Medical experts claim that Ekpo’s preference for weekly rather than daily intimacy aligns closely with statistical averages for his age group. By age 45 they claim, the average frequency for men is roughly once a week (60 times per year).

In a study of married couples they hold, only 5% reported having sex four or more times per week, while 25% fell into the once-weekly category.

According to reports, testosterone levels naturally decline by about 1% to 3% per year after age 40, which can lower libido and increase the time needed to recover between sexual encounters. 

Reports also reveal that several biological and lifestyle factors can make daily intimacy challenging for men in this age bracket:

  • Erectile Changes: Approximately 40% of men over 40 experience some degree of erectile dysfunction, which can make frequent performance feel pressured or stressful.
  • Lifestyle Stress: Heavy work hours, family responsibilities, and financial pressure are major “libido killers” for middle-aged men.
  • Health Conditions: Chronic issues like diabetes, high blood pressure, and sleep apnea—more common after 40—significantly impact sexual stamina. 

The experts concluded that while daily sex at 48 is possible for some, Ekpo’s preference for twice-weekly intimacy is actually much closer to the physiological and statistical norm than a daily requirement. 

A million ways to hurt women, By Olufunke Baruwa

There are shocking stories and then there are disturbing stories. The recent CNN investigation into what has been chillingly described as an online “rape academy” straddles both. It is not just a story of depravity. It is a story of digital, social, and cultural systems working in quiet collusion to harm women on a scale that is both industrial and intimate.

According to the investigation, a site with tens of millions of visits reportedly, over 62 million in a single month, hosts communities of men who share not just explicit content, but strategies: how to drug women, how to violate them while unconscious, how to record the act, and how to distribute it.

This is not happening in the shadows of the dark web. It is happening in plain sight and that is the point.

At the heart of these horrors is a fundamental truth: the erosion of consent as a moral boundary. The men on these platforms do not see unconsciousness as a barrier. They see it as an opportunity. They do not interpret silence as absence of consent; rather, they redefine it as permission.

When men gather in spaces where rape is normalised, discussed, and even celebrated, they begin to internalise a different moral framework, one in which women’s bodies are objects, not agents. And once that shift occurs, the line between fantasy and action collapses. The digital world does not just reflect violence; it produces it in astronomical numbers.

A Global Pattern and Digital Architecture of Violence

For years, we have spoken about violence against women as though it were episodic—something that happens in dark alleys, in moments of individual moral failure. But what this investigation reveals is something far more sinister: the systematisation of sexual violence.

These platforms operate like any other online community. They reward participation, normalise behaviour and create belonging. Badges, rankings, and validation loops turn acts of violence into social currency. Men are not merely consuming content; they are learning from one another. They are teaching, improving techniques and building a culture.

And culture, once entrenched, is far harder to dismantle than any individual criminal act. This is the terrifying evolution of misogyny in the digital age: it is no longer just expressed, it is organised, networked, and optimised.

It would be comforting to believe that these are isolated incidents or aberrations in otherwise functional societies. But the evidence suggests otherwise. From France to the United Kingdom, from Nigeria to the United States, stories of drug-facilitated sexual assault, image-based abuse, and online exploitation continue to surface with disturbing regularity.

The CNN investigation is not an outlier. It is a window into a global ecosystem where technology enables anonymity, communities reinforce deviance and weak accountability allows it to flourish. Even more troubling is the scale. Sixty-two million visits is not a fringe statistic. It is a mass phenomenon.

It raises an uncomfortable question: How many men are participating in, consuming, or silently tolerating this violence against women and girls?

When Home Becomes the Crime Scene

If the online world reveals the scale, real-life cases reveal the depth of this violence. Consider the case of Gisèle Pelicot. For nearly a decade, her husband, Dominique Pelicot, drugged her repeatedly and invited dozens of men to rape her while she lay unconscious in her own bed. He filmed the assaults. He catalogued them. He shared them. She was raped at least 92 times by over 70 men and she did not know.

When she finally discovered the truth through police evidence, not memory, her world collapsed in a way that language can barely contain. She later described the experience as “unbearable.” This was not a stranger in a dark alley. This was her husband. Her home. Her life.

And he was not alone. Dozens of men participated, men with families, jobs, and social standing. Some claimed they believed it was consensual. Others did not bother to ask. What unites them is not ignorance. It is entitlement.

For generations, women have been told to be careful: Do not walk alone at night.

Watch your drink. Dress decent. Trust your instincts. But what happens when the danger is not outside but inside? Inside homes, marriages and trusted relationships.

What happens when the person who is supposed to protect you is the one orchestrating your violation? The case of Gisèle Pelicot shatters the illusion that safety can be achieved through vigilance alone. You cannot guard against what you cannot imagine. You cannot defend yourself against a betrayal you do not see coming.

This is the cruel paradox of gender-based violence: women are asked to be responsible for preventing crimes that are entirely outside their control.

The Role of Platforms and Policy Failure

There is another layer to this story, one that cannot be ignored: the role of platforms and regulators. How do communities like this exist, grow, and thrive without intervention?

The answer lies in a toxic mix of platform negligence, weak enforcement of content moderation, jurisdictional loopholes and a persistent underestimation of gender-based violence as a serious crime. For too long, online abuse has been treated as a secondary issue, less urgent than terrorism, less visible than financial crime, less politically costly than other forms of harm.

But what we are witnessing now is the consequence of that neglect. When you fail to regulate spaces that normalise violence, you are not neutral. You are complicit.

If there is any light in this darkness, it is the courage of survivors like Gisèle Pelicot, who chose to waive her anonymity and face her attackers in open court. In doing so, she made a radical demand: that the shame of rape should no longer belong to the victim, but to the perpetrators.

This is not just symbolic. It is transformative. Because silence protects systems. Visibility disrupts them. Her story has sparked outrage, yes, but also reflection. It forces societies to confront uncomfortable truths about masculinity, power, and the normalisation of violence.

A Million Ways, One System

Women are harmed in homes, at work and on the streets. In physical and digital spaces. By strangers and by those they love. But beneath these many forms of violence lies a single, unifying system: a world that still, fundamentally, does not value women’s autonomy as it should.

Until that changes, until consent is non-negotiable, until accountability is real, until platforms are forced to act, and until societies confront the cultures they have allowed to fester, these stories will continue. And each one will feel like an aberration. But they are not. They are the pattern.

The question is no longer whether women are safe. They are not. The question is whether we are willing to confront the uncomfortable truth of why. And more importantly, what we are prepared to do about it.

To curb this horrific trend, governments, technology platforms, and societies must move decisively to criminalise and aggressively prosecute digital sexual violence, enforce stricter platform accountability and content moderation, invest in survivor-centred justice systems, and fundamentally challenge the cultural norms that enable men to dehumanise and violate women with impunity.

The world will remain a dangerous place for women and girls until men see women as humans with agency and voice and those who profit astronomically from digital technology begin to hold their platforms accountable to womanity!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Forest of yesterday’s men, By Funke Egbemode

Ketenfe was an ancient town that used to be feared for its wealth and military prowess many many years ago, when drums spoke louder than men. There lived seven kingmakers who believed they were greater than the crown they served.

Their commission was to be the hands that lifted kings to the throne and the whispers that buried them. Men feared them. Women lowered their voices and gazes when their names passed like wind through the market.

It was not that their king, Oba Adegbola, was a tyrant. No. His crime was that he ascended the throne as a rich trader and used the throne to expand his trade. The kingmakers watched their young royal father establish trading points beyond the borders of his kingdom. He brought his fellow traders into Ketenfe and made them chiefs and royal advisors. Oba Adegbola began to rule not just with the narrow counsel of the seven, but with the advice of his business partners. This whittled down the influence of the seven kingmakers, leaving them dangerously restless.

“Who is a king,” said Balogun, the leader of the conspirators“if not the clay we mold?”

Read Also: How Brig. Gen. Braimah’s was allegedly cut down by terrorists while speaking on the phone with twin

Read Also: Aspirin can reduce the risk of cancer – and we’re starting to understand why

“What is a crown,” replied Apena, his eyes spewing angry fire, “if we decide to use it to drink hot pap, its beads be damned?”

They laughed. The kind of laughter that cracks like dry wood and leaves a bitter smell. They poured more fuel on the fire of their conspiracy.

They met at night, when honourable men were in bed. They poured libations not to the ancestors, but to their own ambition. They wove stories of madness around the king—said he spoke to unseen spirits, that he had offended the gods, that his reign was making the ancestors angry

But a lie, no matter how finely dressed will limp, no matter how fast it runs, truth will outrun it.

They sent evil whispers into the town, expecting them to grow teeth but their shame responded with a a wide toothless smile. The stories remained wild until they became jokes at ‘opon ayo’ and pamwine joints.

Still, the seven boasted.

“We will remove him,” said Agbaakin, swinging his staff and then hitting the dusty floor with it, with all the violence in his heart. “Before the next full moon, he will be a distant memory.”

“Kings come and go,” said Aworo. “But we,” he tapped his chest, “we are forever.” He had forgotten that forever is a dangerous word.

The day came when they gathered in full regalia, beads heavy with arrogance, voices sharp with rehearsed rage. They stood before Oba Adegbola and pronounced him unfit. They expected him to tremble, to plead, to bow before the invisible knife they held.

But the king smiled.

Not the smile of a defeated man. No. The calm smile of one who had already seen the end of a story.

“Have you finished?” he asked.

They blinked. They could not believe the king’s confidence.

The palace was suddenly full—farmers, hunters, traders, mothers with children strapped to their backs. The people had come. Not summoned by gong, but drawn by something deeper than command.

“Did you say I am no longer king,” Adegbola continued, his voice ominously steady. “Then tell me, who will you crown?”

The seven exchanged glances. They had planned the fall, not this landing.

“Anyone,” Balogun said quickly. “A better man who understands the order of things.”

“And who will choose this ‘better man’?” the king asked.

“We do!” they chorused.

The people stirred. A murmur rose, not loud, but heavy.

An old woman stepped forward, her back bent from toil and age. She looked Balogun straight in the eye and asked,“And who chose you?”

Silence.

The seven felt it then, the ground shifting beneath their shaking feet. They tried to speak, to reclaim the moment, but their words scattered like frightened birds.

Oba Adegbola raised his hand, and the crowd quieted.

“You were given power,” he said, not with anger, but with something colder. “Not to own the throne, but to protect it. You mistook the path for the destination. You thought nobody will ever ask questions about your diabolical hold on Ketenfe, your evil noose around the people’s neck.” The king then passed a verdict swift like a blade .

The seven kingmakers were stripped, not just of clothes, but of titles, of voice, of farmlands and hurled into exile. They were led out at dusk, before the sky could decide between light and darkness. As they crossed the boundary between reverred men and yesterday’s men, the birds still sang, the iroko tree behind them stood still, as it always had, unmoved by their rise and fall.

They learnt too late that power is like a borrowed ‘agbada’, it must be worn and handled with care because one day, one can be asked to return it—naked.”

That fall you just read? It is not trapped in a dusty Yoruba town. It walks among us, wearing agbada, clutching microphones, issuing press statements that sound like thunder but land like drizzle.

Nigeria’s opposition parties today look eerily like those seven kingmakers: loud in confidence, thin in strategy, and strangely surprised when the ground not only shifts but threatens to swallow their starched pride.

Here are seven things they got wrong.

1. Noise is not influence

Like Balogun and his men, the opposition has mastered the art of talking at Nigerians, not with them. Press conferences, social media storms, fiery interviews—plenty sound, very little resonance. But politics, like the marketplace, rewards those who listen. While they shouted “we will unseat them,” the people quietly asked, “and then what?” Silence should not have followed. How about specific strategies on how to employ more doctors and nurses and teachers? How about what opposition will do differently to stop kidnapping and retrieve our national pride and flag from terrorists? How about a genuine road map to food security and food export? Why is every press conference not about that? Imagine one press conference, one far reaching solution to one problem. Imagine how the halls of change would have filled and overflowed .

2. Planning for the fall, not the future.

Those kingmakers had plans to dethrone, not how to replace. Nigeria’s opposition has often behaved the same way—united only by a shared desire to remove the ruling party, but deeply divided on what comes after. Remove who? Replace him with who? Nigerians are too exhausted from trusting Sade Adu’s ‘ Smooth Operators’. They have learned to distrust empty transition illusions. We got here somehow, didn’t we?

3. Past rapes birthed present lessons

Coalitions stitched in hotel rooms, alliances sealed over handshakes and hyped by headlines, yet the ordinary voter, like the old woman in the courtyard, keeps asking, “Who chose you?” When people feel excluded, they disengage or worse, they resist quietly by avoiding the ballot box altogether, accepting their painful fate.

4. Victims don’t forget

The Yorubas say the person who defecated may forget but the one who cleared the faeces never forgets.

Nigerians remember. Opposition figures who once held power cannot pretend to be strangers to the system they now condemn. Past records, old speeches, previous failures, these linger like stubborn harmattan dust on our furniture. You cannot shout “change” when your own footprints are still fresh in yesterday’s sand.

5. An opposition divided against itself…

Before the kingmakers even reached the palace, they were already suspicious of one another. That same disease runs deep in our polity. Internal wrangling, factional splits, ego battles disguised as ideology. Too many opposition leaders wanting to become President and Vice President at the same time have smothered genuine ideology, if ever there was one. Tickets are contested more fiercely than policies. Court cases replace strategies to build national spread. By the time they face the ruling party at the polls, they are already wounded from self-inflicted cuts.

6. Opposition that disappear or dissolve into ruling party after election day.

“We are forever,” the kingmakers had said. Nigerian opposition parties sometimes act with that same illusion. They assume relevance is automatic, that discontent will always deliver votes to their doorstep. But politics is a shifting river. Parties rise, fracture, merge, disappear. Voters are not loyal to ever changing logos. Nigerians are tired of following leaders who disappear at crossroads, leaving them stranded.

7. The quiet verdict of a tired people.

The kingmakers expected applause; they met silence, then resistance. In Nigeria, the verdict is often quiet—low turnout, unexpected losses, apathy that speaks louder than protest. When citizens begin to see all sides as variations of the same story, they withdraw belief and without belief, no opposition can stand.

There is a lesson sitting quietly beneath all this noise.

Power, as the Ketenfe failed palace coup reminds us, is a borrowed cloth. The ruling party wears it today. The opposition hopes to wear it tomorrow. But the owners are neither of them. The owners are the people—watching, remembering, waiting.

Until Nigeria’s opposition learns to listen before speaking, to build before boasting, to unite before contesting, they will remain like those seven men,bewildered, exiled not by decree, but by overconfidence and unpreparedness.

It is not enough to want to dethrone the king, you must know everything the king knows and most importantly, the people must follow you all the way to the palace and stay with you until the crown is retrieved. It is either all that or you cross that boundary into the forest of yesterday’s men.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Echoes of Trauma: When those who defend us are forgotten

By Lillian Okenwa

Behind every fallen soldier is a family left to carry grief, unanswered questions, and a silence the nation has yet to confront.

One can only imagine what happened in the homes of Brigadier Generals Musa Uba and Oseni Braimoh, and in the homes of countless other soldiers, when the news of their deaths filtered through social media and hurried phone calls. News no family should receive that way. News that arrives without preparation, without dignity, without the quiet honour their sacrifice deserves.

How does a wife begin to explain such a loss to her children?  What words carry that kind of weight? What do you say when a father who left to defend his country does not return, and the nation he died for feels distant, almost indifferent?

What happens in the heart of a child who must now grow up with questions that have no answers? Questions about duty, about sacrifice, about whether it was all worth it.

There is a kind of silence that follows such loss. Not just grief, but a deeper confusion. A quiet anger. A sense that something fundamental has been broken.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: The children we are raising in fear, By Lillian Okenwa

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: The cost of looking away, By Lillian Okenwa

Brigadier General Musa Uba’s death in November 2025 carries its own haunting details. After an ambush near Wajiroko in Borno State between November 14 and 15, he became separated from his troops. For nearly two days, he remained in contact with military headquarters, sending updates about his location and even the state of his phone battery. And yet, before help could reach him, those hunting him did. Reports indicate that insurgents intercepted his communication, tracked him, captured him, and later executed him.

There is something deeply unsettling about that sequence. That a man could reach out to his own command for hours and not be reached in time, but be found by those who meant him harm. One can only imagine what must have gone through his mind in those final moments. The waiting. The hope. The realisation.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: The silent wounds of Nigerian men, By Lillian Okenwa

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: When silence becomes complicity, By Lillian Okenwa

He was not just a general. He was a son, a husband, a father, a brother. And somewhere, a family received the news not from those responsible for his welfare, but from the same channels as the public.

The trauma of that kind of loss does not fade. It settles.

On April 9, 2026, Brigadier General Oseni Braimoh was killed during an attack on the 29 Task Force Brigade headquarters in Benisheikh, Borno State. What makes his story particularly painful is the moment just before it ended. He was on the phone with his twin brother in the United Kingdom. They spoke often, almost ritualistically. That night was no different, until it suddenly was.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Why Nigeria must confront the trauma of its women, By Lillian Okenwa

Read Also: Traded Before Birth: The silent trauma of Nigeria’s ‘money wives’, By Lillian Okenwa

In the middle of their conversation, something changed. A pause. A disturbance. Then silence.

Calls that followed went unanswered. Messages were not returned. And somewhere between that silence and the eventual confirmation lay a space filled with dread, disbelief, and the slow arrival of truth.

There are no easy words for that kind of ending. No preparation for it. Only a lingering echo.

These are not isolated stories. From Lieutenant Colonel Abu Ali, killed in November 2016 in Mallam Fatori, to Brigadier General Dzarma Zirkusu in November 2021, to more recent losses in 2025 and 2026, the pattern continues. Officers and soldiers fall in a war that seems to stretch endlessly, often under circumstances that raise more questions than answers.

Yet beyond the battlefield lies another, quieter crisis.

The families left behind.

Widows who speak of being suddenly alone in a world that no longer makes sense. Children whose education is interrupted, whose sense of safety is fractured, who grow up trying to understand why their father’s sacrifice has not translated into care or security for those he left behind.

There have been protests. In late 2025 and early 2026, widows gathered in Abuja, demanding unpaid benefits, pensions, and entitlements that should have been automatic. Some spoke of years of waiting. Others of promises made publicly but never fulfilled.

There are accounts of eviction from military barracks shortly after burial rites. Of families forced to begin again from nothing. Of children whose futures hang in the balance.

This is where the trauma deepens.

Because loss alone is heavy enough. But abandonment compounds it.

And then there is the other side of the story that many struggle to reconcile.

Since the formalisation of Operation Safe Corridor in 2016 under former President Muhammadu Buhari, the Nigerian government has run programmes to rehabilitate and reintegrate former insurgents. On April 16, 2026, 744 individuals were declared “graduates” of a 24-week deradicalisation programme in Gombe State and released back into society with support packages.

The intention may be strategic. The implications, however, are deeply complex. Over ₦10 billion ($7 million) spent on the rehabilitation and reintegration of “repentant” Boko Haram fighters in the last two years, while their victims are left to their own devices.

For families who have lost loved ones, it raises difficult questions. About justice. About accountability. About what message is being sent.

When those who took up arms against the state are seen to be reintegrated and supported, while the families of those who died defending that same state struggle for basic entitlements, something shifts in the moral balance of a nation.

It becomes harder to speak of sacrifice without hesitation.

Harder to speak of patriotism without doubt.

Across the country, insecurity continues to deepen. Between January and April 2026, over 1,100 abductions were reported across northern Nigeria. Entire communities have been attacked, displaced, and left to rebuild from ashes. Children, women, families continue to bear the brunt.

And within this widening crisis, the deaths of soldiers are not just statistics. They are stories that ripple outward, shaping lives far beyond the battlefield.

There is a psychological cost to all of this that is often overlooked.

Families living in what can only be described as emotional suspension. Grieving, yet waiting. Hoping, yet uncertain. Carrying the weight of loss alongside the strain of survival.

Children growing up with unanswered questions. With images, stories, and silences that shape how they understand duty, nation, and trust.

When trauma is left unattended, it does not remain contained. It spreads quietly, influencing how individuals relate to society, to authority, to the idea of belonging.

And so the question remains.

What does a nation owe those who defend it.

Not in words. Not in ceremonies. But in action.

Because beyond the medals and the headlines are families trying to make sense of a loss that feels both personal and national. Families who must live with the absence long after the country has moved on.

Until we learn to honour sacrifice not just in death but in how we care for the living left behind, the echoes will remain.

 lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]

Aspirin can reduce the risk of cancer – and we’re starting to understand why

The 4,000-year-old drug, most commonly used to treat pain, prevents certain tumours from forming and spreading across the body – findings that are already changing health policies.

Nick James, a British furniture maker in his mid-40s, first became concerned about his health after his mother died from cancer and his brother, along with several other family members, later developed bowel cancer. He opted to undergo genetic testing, and was found to be carrying a faulty gene which causes Lynch Syndrome, a condition that significantly increases the risk of developing that type of cancer.

Click here to continue reaading.

Council of Legal Education rejects privatization push, hands 10-year bans to offending students

Nigeria’s legal education authorities have drawn a firm line against sweeping reforms while imposing some of the toughest disciplinary sanctions in recent years, signalling a hardening stance on both policy and professional standards.

At its second quarter meeting held in Abuja, the Council of Legal Education rejected growing calls to privatize legal training and decentralize the Nigerian Law School system, warning that such moves could undermine the integrity of the country’s legal profession.

Presiding over the meeting, Council Chairman Emeka Ngige, SAN, reaffirmed the body’s commitment to maintaining centralized oversight while pursuing incremental improvements in quality.

Reform Proposals Rejected

The Council’s pushback comes amid increasing debate over whether Nigeria’s legal education system should open up to private sector participation.

But members dismissed the idea outright, insisting the current structure remains essential for maintaining uniform standards in the training of lawyers.

Bar Exam Results Reveal Stark Divide

The Council also approved results from the December 2025 Bar Final Examinations, offering a snapshot of performance across the country.

Out of 7,602 candidates:

  • Only 212 earned First Class honours
  • More than 1,000 candidates failed outright
  • Hundreds more received conditional passes

The figures highlight a persistent performance gap, raising fresh questions about preparedness and the rigor of legal training nationwide.

Decade-Long Bans in Misconduct Crackdown

In one of the meeting’s most consequential decisions, the Council approved sweeping sanctions against students found guilty of examination misconduct.

Three candidates were handed a 10-year ban from both Bar Part I and Part II programmes.

An additional 20 applicants were penalized for failing to disclose prior misconduct during admission processes:

  • Those who concealed their records received 10-year bans
  • Those who disclosed them were issued five-year bans

The move underscores a zero-tolerance approach to ethical breaches at the entry point of the legal profession.

Universities Cleared—And Checked

The Council also approved accreditation outcomes affecting several universities.

Both Babcock University in Ogun State and Lux Mundi University in Abia State received approval to begin academic programmes with an intake of 50 students each.

Meanwhile, Crescent University secured an increase in its admission quota, while Christopher University was denied expansion due to unresolved deficiencies, highlighting uneven compliance across institutions.

Leadership and Institutional Direction

The meeting also marked the first Council session for the Director-General of the Nigerian Law School, Olugbemisola Odusote, whose leadership the Council publicly endorsed.

In a further administrative move, S. A. Osamolu was confirmed as the substantive Deputy Director-General.

What It Means

Taken together, the decisions point to an institution intent on tightening control, over both the structure of legal education and the conduct of those within it.

By rejecting privatization, enforcing strict disciplinary measures, and maintaining centralized authority, the Council is signalling that reform, if it comes, will be on its own terms.

For aspiring lawyers, the message is clear: standards are rising, and the consequences for falling short are becoming far more severe.

Nigeria’s kidnap crisis spreads to waterways as gunmen seize 15 ferry passengers

  • Nigerians lament, “nowhere is safe!

Nigeria’s escalating kidnapping crisis is taking a dangerous new turn, spilling from highways onto waterways, after gunmen abducted at least 15 passengers from a ferry in southern Nigeria, authorities confirmed.

Police say the victims were seized Friday when armed attackers ambushed a commercial boat traveling along the busy Calabar–Oron water route, a key link between Calabar and Oron.

The spokesperson for the Nigeria Police Force in Cross River State, Sunday Eitokpah, confirmed the abduction, saying a joint operation involving police and naval forces is underway.

“We are working in collaboration with sister agencies, including the Navy,” he said. “Search-and-rescue and tactical operations are ongoing to secure the victims’ release and apprehend the perpetrators.”

A Route Under Siege

The Calabar–Oron waterways have increasingly become a hotspot for criminal attacks, underscoring a broader shift in Nigeria’s security landscape.

With large sections of the Calabar–Itu highway in disrepair, many commuters have turned to water transport, only to encounter a new wave of insecurity.

The latest incident is part of a troubling pattern. In September 2025, 17 passengers were abducted along the same route. Months earlier, in April, another 20 travellers were seized in a similar attack.

Security analysts warn that the migration of kidnapping operations to waterways signals an adaptive criminal network exploiting weak surveillance and limited patrol coverage.

Highway Violence Continues

The ferry abduction came as a separate, deadly attack unfolded on one of Nigeria’s major highways, highlighting the scale of the threat.

In Edo State, gunmen ambushed a commercial bus along the Benin–Ore axis of the Benin–Lagos highway, killing the driver and abducting an unspecified number of passengers.

The vehicle, operated by GUO Transport, was reportedly intercepted as it travelled from Lagos toward eastern Nigeria.

Witness accounts and a widely circulated video suggest the attackers opened fire to force the vehicle to a stop before dragging passengers into nearby forested areas.

Police spokesperson Eno Ikoedem confirmed the attack, saying officers have launched a coordinated manhunt.

“Bush-combing operations are ongoing within the jurisdiction of the Iguobazuwa division,” she said, adding that additional units have been deployed to support rescue efforts.

A Widening Security Crisis

Kidnapping for ransom has become one of Nigeria’s most pervasive security challenges, affecting travellers, students, clerics, and rural communities alike.

But the expansion into waterways marks a significant escalation, one that raises fresh concerns about the country’s ability to secure critical transport corridors.

With both highways and rivers now under threat, analysts warn that the crisis is no longer confined to isolated cases but reflects a broader breakdown in transit security infrastructure.

For many Nigerians, the implication is stark: routes once seen as alternatives to danger are rapidly becoming part of the same risk landscape.

The president and his power sector burdens, By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

Nigeria’s electricity sector remains one of the most critical yet troubled components of its economy. Despite decades of reforms, including the landmark Electricity Act 2023, the country continues to experience erratic power supply, infrastructural decay, and financial instability.

This article examines the core problems in Nigeria’s power sector and proposes practical solutions, supported by relevant legal frameworks, vis-à-vis the solemn promise made to the people of Nigeria by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the course of his political campaigns. Power generation is the main issue in regard to the socio-economic development of any nation. In Nigeria, however, successive governments have deployed it for political gains, knowing the importance that Nigerians attach to it. Thus, in 2015 when it was canvassing for votes from the electorate, the All Progressive Congress stated as follows:

“INFRASTRUCTURE: APC WILL:

Generate, transmit and distribute from current 5,000 – 6,000 MW to at least 20,000 MV of electricity within four years and increasing to 50,000 MW with a view of achieving 24/7 uninterrupted power supply within ten years, whilst simultaneously ensuring development of sustainable/renewable energy.”

Manifesto of the All Progressive Congress (APC), submitted to the people of Nigeria in the wake of the 2015 general elections.

While seeking the mandate of the people to be voted into office, President Tinubu declared that he will surely and certainly fix the power sector issues which will guaranty stable, functional and efficient electricity supply. During the 2023 presidential campaign in particular, the President made a notable promise regarding the Nigerian power sector, stating that if he fails to provide stable electricity within his first four years, Nigerians should not vote for him for a second term. The statement as monitored from his campaign video, states thus: “If I don’t keep the promise (of providing electricity) and I come for a second time, don’t vote for me,” adding that he would provide “24-hour electricity” and end estimated billing.

Eleven years after the APC manifesto and three years after his swearing in, the electricity situation has not fared any better, if not worse. For instance, I have never experienced electricity supply in my hometown since I was born, as we are not connected to the national grid at all. Several towns and villages are like my hometown, locked out of any form of development at all, yet we are classified as oil producing. The impression that our leaders in power have conveyed to us is that it is practically impossible to have stable and permanent power supply; that we don’t have the resources to build the needed energy plants that will meet the needs of all Nigerians; and that we must accept generators as second nature if we must function and survive as a people.

Churches, banks, schools, small businesses, factories, government ministries and departments, police stations, the courts and even PHCN itself, all depend on generators. Instead of fulfilling his promise, the President has exited the epileptic national grid to the suffering masses of Nigerians and this has trickled down as the Nigerian Revenue Service has recently announced its exit too. In reality, the President may have forgotten that he made any promise to Nigerians, since Aso Villa is now powered with modern solar technology.

 Overview of Nigeria’s Power Sector Crisis

Nigeria’s power sector has long been characterised by inadequate generation, weak transmission networks, and inefficient distribution systems. Although installed capacity exceeds 13,000 MW, actual generation is often far lower due to systemic inefficiencies and constraints. Frequent national grid collapses, blackouts, and dependence on private generators highlight the depth of the crisis. It is very difficult to know what to believe between bogus figures being bandied by the government and the institutions established to manage the power sector.

The Major Problems in the Power Sector

a. Inadequate Generation Capacity

Nigeria generates far less electricity than required for its population of over 200 million people. Structural issues such as gas supply shortages and overreliance on fossil fuels limit output. The system equipment is obsolete and no major investment is imminent to end the rot.

b. Poor Transmission Infrastructure

The transmission network, largely controlled by the government, is outdated and unable to efficiently evacuate generated power. Aging infrastructure contributes to frequent grid failures. What is required is a total overhaul, not selective attention meant to garner acceptability.

Read Also: The president’s psychologically punishing jokes, By Festus Adedayo

c. Inefficient Distribution System

Distribution companies (DisCos) struggle with:

    High technical and commercial losses, mostly from government agencies.

    Poor metering systems, fueled by corruption and bureaucracy.

    Inability to recover costs, as the route for such endeavour are very cumbersome and costly.

This results in unreliable service delivery and revenue shortfalls. While the consumers are shouting blue murder against the DISCOs, the latter is always complaining of frustration by the system.

d. Financial and Liquidity Crisis

It has been alleged that the sector is heavily indebted, with trillions of naira owed to generation companies. This discourages investment and limits expansion. We were, however, informed lately that the President has ordered the payment of all legacy debts connected with the power sector. It is therefore surprising that Nigeria is currently experiencing the worst in electricity supply after the financial liquidity issue has been addressed.

e. Regulatory and Policy Challenges

Prior to recent reforms, the legal framework—primarily the Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005—was insufficient to address evolving sector challenges, including decentralisation and renewable integration. This led to several suggestions for an amendment of the said Act which was indeed accomplished in 2023. But that has not changed anything.

f. Vandalism and Energy Theft

Pipeline vandalism, electricity theft, and sabotage of infrastructure further weaken the system and increase operational costs.

3. Legal Framework Governing the Power Sector

a. Electricity Act 2023

The Electricity Act 2023 is the most comprehensive reform in Nigeria’s electricity sector. It repealed the 2005 Act, decentralised the sector by empowering states to regulate electricity markets, encouraged private sector participation and promoted renewable energy development. These reforms have however remained opaque and elusive as Nigerians still grapple with generators all over the country.

b. Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC)

Established under earlier reforms and strengthened by the new Act, Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission oversees licensing, tariff regulation, and consumer protection. It is considered to be a weak institution, displaying inability to muster the needed willpower to enforce the law.

c. National Integrated Electricity Policy (NIEP)

This policy provides strategic direction for long-term sector planning and energy mix diversification. 

4. Solutions to Nigeria’s Power Sector Crisis

a. Decentralization and State-Level Electricity Markets

The Electricity Act 2023 allows states to generate and distribute electricity independently. This can reduce pressure on the national grid, encourage localised solutions and improve efficiency through competition. The President should develop a road map for the power sector as a matter of priority and this should be done in active collaboration with the states. The convergency of interests should not be visible only on political matters but should be extended to and include developmental projects.

b. Investment in Infrastructure

Significant investment is required in transmission networks, smart grid technologies and renewable energy systems. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) should be strengthened under the legal framework. Like the reforms implemented in the telecommunications sector, government should be concerned with effective regulation.

c. Cost-Reflective Tariffs

Implementing tariffs that reflect actual costs—while protecting vulnerable consumers—can improve liquidity and attract investors.

d. Promotion of Renewable Energy

The law supports renewable energy integration, including solar mini-grids for rural electrification. This reduces dependence on fossil fuels and improves energy access. 

e. Strengthening Regulation and Governance

Enhancing the capacity of Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission ensures transparent licensing regime, holistic enforcement of market rules and protection of consumer rights.

f. Addressing Sector Debt

Government intervention—such as debt refinancing and subsidy reforms—can stabilise the sector financially and restore investor confidence.

g. Tackling Vandalism and Energy Theft

Stronger enforcement of electricity offences under the Electricity Act 2023 is essential to reduce losses and protect infrastructure.

5. Conclusion

Nigeria’s power sector crisis is deeply rooted in structural, financial, and regulatory challenges. However, the introduction of the Electricity Act 2023 marks a turning point by providing a modern legal framework for reform. If effectively implemented—alongside investment, decentralisation, and improved governance—the Act offers a realistic pathway to achieving stable and sustainable electricity supply in Nigeria. For now, we hold the President to the solemn promise he voluntarily made to the people of Nigeria that he is willing and able to fulfil that undertaking, failing which he should expect the enforcement of the consequence, which is that Nigerians should not vote for him for a second term in office if the darkness persists.

With the resources said to have accrued from the trumpeted economic reforms, there is no reason that Nigerians should keep enduring high tariffs for darkness and estimated billings drain their resources painfully. Abia State has recorded stable power supply through effective partnership with the private sector, so electricity supply is not rocket science and unless the issue is resolved by the President in line with his solemn promise, it may be a burden he will carry for a long time and into the coming election.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

“Digital Cover-Up or Disinfo War?  Show the Evidence” — Cyber expert to INEC over Chairman’s alleged X account

Nigeria’s electoral umpire is facing mounting scrutiny after a cybersecurity expert publicly challenged its forensic investigation clearing its chairman, Joash Amupitan, of links to a controversial social media account.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had announced plans to track down and prosecute individuals behind what it described as a fake X (formerly Twitter) account impersonating Amupitan. The commission said a “multi-layered forensic investigation” found no evidence tying the chairman to the account, dismissing viral posts attributed to him as fabricated and “technically impossible.”

But in a detailed critique posted on X, cybersecurity analyst Akíntúndé Babátúndé argued that INEC’s conclusions “do not carry the weight” the commission claims, raising questions about the robustness—and credibility—of the findings.

“At the confidence level the statement claims—‘beyond reasonable doubt,’ ‘physically impossible,’ ‘definitive proof’—the reasoning should be airtight. It is not,” Babátúndé wrote.

Forensic Claims Under Pressure

At the center of INEC’s defense is a timestamp discrepancy: the commission said one alleged reply appeared 13 minutes before the original post it referenced—proof, it argued, that the content was fabricated using artificial intelligence.

Babátúndé pushed back, calling that conclusion premature.

He argued that such discrepancies could stem from routine technical issues, including timezone mismatches, device clock errors, post edits, or even basic image manipulation. “Citing AI and deepfakes without any pixel, metadata, or compression analysis is not forensics,” he said.

The analyst also challenged INEC’s reliance on the Wayback Machine, noting that the absence of archived records does not prove an account never existed. “The Internet Archive does not systematically crawl personal X profiles. Absence of captures is the norm,” he wrote.

Questions Over Digital Evidence

INEC further argued that password recovery tests showed no link between the disputed account and Amupitan’s known email or phone number. But Babátúndé said such tests are inconclusive, since users can change recovery details at any time.

He also highlighted a key inconsistency: a phone number associated with Amupitan reportedly appeared in bank verification (BVN) checks connected to the controversy.

“If the chairman’s verified phone number surfaces in connection with this account, what is the alternative explanation?” he asked. “None is offered.”

The commission’s explanation of the account’s sudden transformation—from @joashamupitan to @sundayvibe00—also drew scrutiny. INEC described the change as a “damage-control tactic” by an impersonator, noting the account was locked and relabeled as a parody.

Babátúndé, however, said the timeline raises fresh questions. “A researcher acquiring the exact handle on the exact day screenshots went viral requires documentation. Who is behind it? How was it obtained? That chain of custody is missing.”

“Liar’s Dividend” and the AI Defense

The analyst further warned against what he described as the overuse of artificial intelligence as a blanket explanation.

Invoking the concept of the “liar’s dividend”—where genuine content can be dismissed as fake in an era of deepfakes, he argued that INEC risks undermining trust by making sweeping claims without verifiable technical evidence.

“The statement invokes generative AI without showing a single artifact,” he said.

A Broader Political Storm

The controversy comes amid growing political pressure on Amupitan, whose appointment has already drawn criticism over perceived partisanship due to his past legal work for Nigeria’s ruling party.

Prominent figures, including Chidi Odinkalu, Pat Utomi, and Femi Falana, have called for his resignation, citing concerns about the independence of the electoral body ahead of future elections.

The dispute has been further fueled by reports suggesting the existence of earlier digital footprints tied to the disputed account, including findings from independent fact-checkers indicating that the handle may have existed prior to the controversy.

INEC Stands Firm

In its official response, INEC dismissed the criticisms, insisting its investigation was “comprehensive, multi-sourced, and unambiguous.” The commission described the incident as part of a coordinated impersonation and disinformation campaign targeting its leadership.

It also warned of the growing threat posed by AI-driven misinformation and urged the public to verify content before sharing.

Meanwhile, Babátúndé has called for full transparency.

“Publish the report. Name the expert. Show the work,” he wrote.

What’s at Stake

Beyond the immediate controversy, the dispute underscores a deeper issue: trust in Nigeria’s electoral system as preparations for future elections intensify.

As Babátúndé put it, the standards INEC applies now “will set the tone for every disputed claim” in the next election cycle.

Read the tweets below……………………………..

Cybersecurity analyst pokes hole in INEC
Cybersecurity analyst pokes hole in INEC
Cybersecurity analyst pokes hole in INEC

TIPS