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Looking beyond despair and anguish


The Passion Week presents a good opportunity for personal change and hope, especially for persons who are overwhelmed by life’s vicissitudes, writes MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE

Thomas Hardy, renowned 19th/20th centuries English writer, explored the familiar themes of the self-sabotaging nature of pride, predictability of character-enabled tragedies and certainty of fate in his timeless novel,

The Mayor of Casterbridge. Michael Henchard, its protagonist, sufficiently embodied those features and more. A key summation of that epic work is stated within its lines: “Happiness is but an occasional episode in the general drama of pain.” This assertion goes against the core tenets of epicureanism, a school of philosophy that revolves around the pursuit of pleasure as the predominant (or only) existential goal. Not debauchery. Not profligacy. Neither wanton hedonistic behaviours nor reckless indulgence of the senses but a validation of anything that leads to liberty from physical and mental pain.

To be fair to the Epicureans, whether they do it consciously or not, most human beings are often attracted to and favourably disposed towards comfortable and tranquil existence. Those philosophers can’t, therefore, be accused of promoting abstract or unrealistic theories. Every Nigerian child or adolescent, for instance, knows instinctively that energy in whatever form is preferable to the bouts of darkness which confront him or her at every turn. The screams of “up NEPA!” that greet light restoration are both impulsive and symptomatic of deep longings for the good life. So, getting anyone to learn to live with discomfort or agony is like admonishing someone to get used to headaches, even as curable as they are.

The image of Jesus of Nazareth crucified on the Cross of Calvary is, arguably, Christianity’s most iconic representation. The Passion Week is underway in many parts of the world. Even those who doubt the authenticity of this fundamental truth about the faith are confronted with it, directly or otherwise. It’s simply a message that won’t just go, be brushed aside or wished away. One of Hollywood’s all-time best movies, Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ released 22 years ago, attempted to re-enact the total dehumanisation, torture and excruciation of the one who doubled as the son of man and son of God. Not unexpectedly, and the film’s remarkable successes notwithstanding, the well-presented, passionate depiction fell short of conveying the complete picture of that pivotal point in history.

How could Jesus pull that moment off? According to Timothy Keller, pastor, theologian and Christian apologist, “When Jesus looked down from the cross, he didn’t think ‘I am giving myself to you because you are so attractive to me.’ No, he was in agony, and he looked down at us – denying him, abandoning him, and betraying him – and in the greatest act of love in history, he stayed. He said, ‘Father, forgive them, they don’t know what they are doing.’ He loved us, not because we were lovely to him, but to make us lovely.” No doubt, there must be a lofty motivation for that sort of mission.

Sophocles, ancient Greek’s tragedian and philosopher who predated Jesus, put this phenomenon succinctly: “One word frees us of all the weight and pain of life: that word is love.” That Sophoclean remedy, symbolised and exhibited by Christ, must be otherworldly. God’s beloved son was going through what was clearly his loneliest, most traumatic experience at Golgotha. Even his heavenly father who was his quarterback throughout his earthly stay abandoned him at a point. Yet, he remained glued to his assignment.
Ironically, travail in whatever form can be interesting. Here’s a bouquet of relevant statements by persons who should know: Benjamin Disraeli: “There is no education like adversity.” Bob Dylan: “Behind every beautiful thing, there’s been some kind of pain.” Mahatma Gandhi: “Nobody can hurt me without my permission.” Julius Caesar: “It is easier to find men who will volunteer to die, than to find those who are willing to endure pain with patience.”

Theodore Roosevelt: “It is only through labour and painful effort, by grim energy and resolute courage, that we move on to better things.” Rollo May: “One does not become fully human painlessly.” Arthur Schopenhauer: “Life without pain has no meaning.” Bob Marley: “You never know how strong you are until being strong is your only choice.” Robert Greene: “Too many people believe that everything must be pleasurable in life, which makes them constantly search for distractions and short-circuits the learning process.”

Tony Robbins: “Change happens when the pain of staying the same is greater than the pain of change.” Neale Donald Walsch: “Life begins at the end of your comfort zone.” Arnold Schwarzenegger: “Pain makes me grow. Growing is what I want. Therefore, for me, pain is pleasure.” James Dyson: “Excellence is the capacity to take pain.” Walt Disney: “After the rain, the sun will reappear. There is life. After the pain, the joy will still be here.” Leo Tolstoy “If you feel pain, you’re alive. If you feel other people’s pain, you’re a human being.” Mary Tyler Moore: “Pain nourishes courage. You can’t be brave if you’ve only had wonderful things happen to you.” Maxime Lagacé: “You must go through that short-term pain to reach long-term gains. A meaningful life is about growth, not comfort.”

Back to Jesus Christ. It was one thing for him to develop the stamina that saw him through that agony; but quite another to remain focussed in the midst of that unprecedented distress. Or, perhaps, his rationale produced the strength. Chapter 12 of the Book of Hebrews in the Holy Bible provides a clue: “Keep your eyes on Jesus, who both began and finished this race we’re in. Study how he did it. Because he never lost sight of where he was headed – that exhilarating finish in and with God – he could put up with anything along the way: Cross, shame, whatever. And now he’s there, in the place of honour, right alongside God. When you find yourselves flagging in your faith, go over that story again, item by item, that long litany of hostility he ploughed through. That will shoot adrenalin into your souls! Others have suffered far worse than you, to say nothing of what Jesus went through – all that bloodshed! So, don’t feel sorry for yourselves….”

Encouraging people to embrace the example of Christ – enduring in the face of daunting odds – in order to see the light at the end of the proverbial tunnel may be herculean but, is there really any reasonable option? Sadly, those who end their own lives abruptly or take dangerous routes to achievements do so when the vision of a better future fails. But, luckily, tomorrow could actually hold the fruits we desire. And many more.

Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board
X: @monday_ekpe2

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The renewed dystopia of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (1)

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

“Our administration will be committed to permanently securing the safety, freedom and prosperity of all Nigerians. We shall adopt a proactive and intelligence driven security approach to sufficiently address the nation’s security threats.” All Progressives’ Congress, Renewed Hope: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria, p. 6 (2023)

Niger State in Nigeria’s north-central zone also goes by the moniker of “Power State”. Nigeria’s founding Head of State, Nnamdi Azikiwe, was born in the territory of the state as was Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, leader of the defunct Biafra. The state has also produced two former military heads of state and a Chief Justice of Nigeria, but these are not the reasons its moniker.  

Niger State is the “power state” because it is host to several sensitive and strategic national energy assets located in Jebba, Kainji, and Shiroro, on the lower course of the River Niger. In addition, the state also hosts a collection of sensitive security installations. In the recent past, however, the state has become the place where the power of the Nigerian state goes to advertise its incapacities.

Shiroro illustrates this problem. At about 5,171 km², Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State is approximately the size of Imo State in south-east Nigeria. In May 2025, Humangle reported that insurgents allied with Boko Haram have “formed a parallel government physically stationed on the fringes of the Allawa Forest in Shiroro.” In the past half decade, Shiroro has been the site of the most intense slaughter of uniformed assets of Nigeria’s armed and security services.

On the night June 29-30 2022, for instance, a motorbike gang of over 300 armed terrorists descended on Ajata-Aboki village in the Gurmana Ward of Shiroro. Their destination was an artisanal mine in the village. At the site, they reportedly abducted at least four Chinese and several other workers.

While the attack was ongoing, a company of soldiers stationed in nearby Erena responded to a distress call about the attack. On their way, they encountered an ambush from the insurgents who killed scores, including least 30 soldiers and six civilian volunteers. President Buhari called this tragedy “a direct assault on Nigeria, vowing that the attackers would not go unpunished.”

In fact, they did.

All this unfolded under the a federal government run by the All Progressives Congress (APC) headed by the predecessor of the current incumbent. As presidential candidate of the party, Bola Tinubu promised to solve insecurity. Published under the title “Renewed Hope: Action Plan for a New Nigeria”, his manifesto for the 2023 presidential election began: “The fundamental responsibility of government is to protect the lives and property of its citizens. We will mobilise the totality of our national security, military and law enforcement assets to protect all Nigerians from danger and from the fear of danger.”

He did not mean it. For the people of Shiroro, as with many communities in north-central Nigeria, the only thing worse than the growing intensification of atrocity and danger is the even more intense indifference of the Tinubu administration to their plight.

In April 2024, one officer of the Nigerian Army (a Captain), six soldiers under his command and a volunteer hunter were killed in separate attacks on Roro, Karaga, and Rumace communities in Bassa Ward of Shiroro.

Around 11 September 2024, the casualty count in an encounter between the security services and insurgent terrorists in Bassa included at least two officers of the State Security Service (SSS).

In November 2024, insurgents in Shiroro killed four officers of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and disappeared another.

In the wake of these incidents, Shiroro, a source of power to many communities in Northern Nigeria, has “become a slaughterhouse”, where terrorists operate at will and mass atrocities stalk every community.

In June 2024, “witnesses in the town of Bassa said Boko Haram fighters attacked in broad daylight on June 6, shot the victims at close range and beheaded 10 of them.”

In August 2024, the insurgents killed 13 farmers.

As the world prepared for Christmas on 24 December 2025, the terrorists picked upon Karibo community in Shiroro, killing about 15.

The latest attacks on Lanta and Bagna in Shiroro began Easter Monday. It left at least 63 killed, mostly “operatives of the State Security Services (SSS), vigilantes, and local hunters.” No abductions were reported.

Shiroro is by no means an outlier its vicinity. Rather, it mirrors the experience of an increasing number of communities in northern Nigeria where the Nigerian State has become complicit in its own retrenchment under the watch of a president who promised different.

The period since the Easter week-end has witnessed intense and brutal slaughter across the landscape of northern Nigeria, including in Benue, Borno, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Kwara, Niger, Plateau and Zamfara States.

Rather than worry about the protection of Nigerians exposed to this pattern of murderous insecurity, Defence Minister, Chris Musa, a recently retired General of the Nigerian Army and an even more recent recruit into the ranks of the ruling party, flamboyantly busied himself with the defence and security of the party political convention of the ruling APC.

Far from making a priority of fulfilling his campaign promise to improve the protection and security of communities across the country, President Bola Tinubu appears more invested in the creature comforts of himself and his most loyal acolytes. In response to the widening field of slaughter in northern Nigeria, the government increasingly defaults to propaganda and falsehood.

On Easter Sunday, for instance, armed terrorists attacked two places of worship in Ariko Community in Awon Ward, Kachia Local Government Area, of Kaduna State. In separate attacks on the First ECWA Church and Saint Augustine’s Catholic Church in the village, they killed at least five worshippers and abducted another 38 into the surrounding foliage.

In response, the Army promptly issued a statement claiming that it had “rescued” 31 of the abductees. Nothing of the sort happened. The following day, the community leadership issued a public statement firmly refuting this claim.

This was not a first. On 18 January 2026, after terrorists abducted 177 worshippers from three churches in Kurmin Wali, Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State, the Nigeria Police Force and the Chairman of the Local Government publicly denied the abductions. They only reluctantly walked back their denials after public pressure. Those who called attention to this pattern of institutional mendacity have suffered persecution and intimidation.

As the insecurity has intensified, the response of the Bola Tinubu administration has evolved from complicit indifference and now verges on criminal cynicism. North-central and north-west Nigeria, the sites of this intensification of insecurity, happen also to be the most fertile sites of votes in Nigeria.

While the communities in these parts of the country get emptied into mass graves or internal displacement camps, and the uniformed security agents sent to defend them pay with their lives in impermissible numbers, the politicians are busy recruiting political defections or fomenting political disaffection.

The only thing that counts these days is not the security and wellbeing of the voters but the promise of assured return for the ruling party in the invention of a contingent electoral landslide in January 2026. In the nature of these things in Nigeria, even as most of their members now inhabit mass graves or IDP camps in far flung places, these empty communities will, nevertheless, report a fulsome turnout of ghosts in the presidential election in 2027 in favour of the ruling party.

Shiroro is a testing ground.

Hunters for happy endings are likely to create a squatter camp around this concluding paragraph, looking for recommendations or suggestions. I have none. A government that encourages lies against its own citizens in mass graves or under the thrall of atrocity abduction does not need recommendations to reverse its commitment to renewed dystopia. To the citizens and communities caught in this, however, we owe acknowledgement and solidarity. This is the beginning.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Prison Scandal in Yobe: Inmate gives birth, officer accused of impregnating her

An inmate of the Potiskum Correctional Centre in Yobe State, Blessing Sunday—who was allegedly impregnated by a correctional officer, Sani Saleh-Bodejo—has delivered a baby boy.

A source confirmed that the inmate recently gave birth at the Potiskum Specialist Hospital, adding that both mother and child are in stable condition.

The case first came to light in November 2025 when Saleh-Bodejo, an Assistant Superintendent of the Nigerian Correctional Service and yardmaster of the facility, had sexually assaulted and impregnated the inmate with the alleged support of some female staff.

Sources had claimed that the officer gained unauthorized access to the female inmates’ section late at night.

He was also accused of sexually assaulting another convicted inmate, identified as Salma.

Following public outcry, the Nigerian Correctional Service confirmed the allegations and suspended Mr Saleh-Bodejo along with other officers connected to the case.

In a statement issued in December, the service’s spokesperson, J. N. Osuji, described their actions as “unprofessional conduct with inmates,” noting that queries and charge sheets had been issued to additional personnel to determine the extent of their involvement.

The suspension was approved by the Chairman of the Civil Defence, Correctional, Fire and Immigration Services Board and Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, after reviewing a preliminary investigation report.

The statement stressed the service’s zero-tolerance stance on misconduct and inappropriate relationships between staff and inmates, warning that any officer found culpable would face disciplinary and possibly legal action.

Credit: The Conclave except headline.

Our laws and democracy must be protected at all times — NBA President

The Nigerian Bar Association @NigBarAssoc has closely monitored recent political and legal developments as the nation gradually approaches the 2027 General Elections. These developments, particularly those arising from the interpretation and potential application of provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, raise serious constitutional, democratic, and rule-of-law concerns that require immediate intervention.

We particularly deprecate the disturbing involvement by lawyers and courts in the internal affairs of political parties despite the clear provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026, which stipulates in Section 83 of the Act that “No court in Nigeria shall entertain jurisdiction over any suit or matter pertaining to the internal affairs of a political party.”

Not only are courts denied jurisdiction to entertain any matter pertaining to the internal affairs of a political party, but they are also precluded from granting any interim or interlocutory injunction even where any action has been brought in violation of the Act. The section further provides that “Where such an action is brought in negation of this provision, no interim or interlocutory injunction shall be entertained by the Court, but the Court shall suspend its ruling and deliver it at the stage of final judgment and shall give accelerated hearing to the matter”.

What we now see are situations where actions are not only instituted in Courts by lawyers in clear violation of the Act, but Courts purportedly grant interim and/or interlocutory injunctions in clear contempt of statutory provisions of the law. This does not augur well for our democracy. Democracy will not thrive in a situation where lawyers and courts take actions and decisions that not only negate our laws but also do violence to them.

This emerging trend of subverting the clear letters of the Electoral Act and dragging courts into the internal affairs of political parties through disingenuous litigation, forum shopping, and malafide applications designed to secure undemocratic political advantage, bodes no good for our democracy. Such practices, if not immediately curbed, would directly contradict the clear intendment of the Electoral Act and risk transforming the judicial processes into avenues for political score-settling or electoral manipulation.

We must reiterate that these provisions were clearly designed to curb abuse of court processes and discourage forum shopping in political disputes. This is therefore why the NBA is concerned that the abuse, misapplication, or selective deployment of these provisions may create opportunities for manipulation capable of undermining democratic competition and shrinking the political space.

Members of the Bar are reminded that they are Ministers in the Temple of Justice and not political agents seeking judicial endorsement of partisan objectives. The filing of actions intended to draw courts into internal political party disputes, particularly where jurisdiction is expressly excluded, constitutes an abuse of court process and a violation of professional responsibility.

The NBA will take firm steps to deter such conduct. Lawyers who deliberately file actions aimed at procuring judicial interference in intra-party affairs, or who seek ex parte or interlocutory orders in clear violation of statutory provisions, risk facing disciplinary proceedings. We will not hesitate to present petitions before the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) against any Legal Practitioner found to be engaging in such conduct. This will be pursued decisively to serve as a deterrent and to preserve the sanctity of the judicial process.

The Nigerian judiciary must stay vigilant and resist being drawn into political theatrics. Courts should firmly decline invitations, no matter how artfully crafted, to intervene in matters the law explicitly bars them from.
When statutes limit judicial meddling in party affairs, judges must show restraint, adhere to the law, and focus on cases properly before them.

We call on the National Judicial Council to make regulations that will sanction any judge who knowingly assumes jurisdiction in matters clearly barred by law, grants orders in respect of intra-party disputes in violation of statutory provisions, or lends the authority of the court to partisan political maneuvering. The NBA will not shy away from drawing the NJC’s attention to the actions of any judicial officer found to have acted in a manner inconsistent with the judicial oath, constitutional responsibilities, and the preservation of public confidence in the courts. The NBA will not hesitate to activate its constitutional responsibility to protect the integrity of the justice system.

The NBA calls on the Independent National Electoral Commission to exercise its expanded supervisory powers with utmost neutrality, independence, and fidelity to democratic values. The Commission must not, under any circumstances, be perceived as a participant in political engineering or as an institution whose regulatory authority is deployed in a manner that weakens political pluralism.

The Chairman of INEC, being a distinguished Professor of Law and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, is uniquely positioned to appreciate the constitutional implications of these developments. The NBA expects that the Commission, under his leadership, will ensure that its actions reflect independence, fairness, and strict adherence to democratic norms. The Bar is closely watching the conduct of the Commission and expects that its regulatory role will strengthen, not diminish, confidence in Nigeria’s democratic process.

The Bar will deploy all lawful mechanisms, engagement, advisory opinions, strategic litigation, and disciplinary processes, to ensure that lawyers do not weaponize the legal process so that the judiciary is not misused. Lawyers must remain officers of the court, not architects of procedural manipulation. Nigeria’s democracy must not be weakened by legal maneuvering, institutional capture, or the misuse of judicial authority. The courts must remain arbiters of justice, not instruments of political advantage. Electoral institutions must remain neutral umpires, not participants in political contests.

The electoral institutions must operate within the bounds of constitutional democracy.

MAZI AFAM OSIGWE, SAN
PRESIDENT

How did April Fools’ Day begin? Here’s the history behind its mysterious origins

On April 1 every year, millions of people relish in the opportunity to pull harmless pranks and practical jokes. But how did the holiday emerge? 

Though April Fools’ Day is widely celebrated throughout the English-speaking world, historians haven’t yet pinned down a definitive date or time for its emergence. Though it’s clear the holiday has existed in some form since at least the 1500s, competing theories attribute the holiday to medieval England or more modern France. Others insist the holiday is rooted in even older celebrations of spring in ancient Rome and elsewhere. Here’s why the holiday remains a merry mystery despite competing theories on its origins. 

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Disbarred in UK and Canada, ex-law dean wanted over $670K fraud as arrest warrant issued

A former University of Manitoba law school dean found to have misspent more than $600,000 from publicly-funded university coffers and is wanted by Winnipeg police on a Canada-wide arrest warrant, has been disbarred from practising law in his native United Kingdom, UK.

Just over two years after the Law Society of Manitoba (LSM) disbarred Jonathan Black-Branch following an internal probe into his “professional misconduct,” a Bar and Standards Board (BSB) for England and Wales disciplinary tribunal said in February that he failed to report any of what occurred in Canada when he returned to England.

Citing and relying heavily on the LSM’s 2023 conduct hearing, the board said it decided banishment was the only possible sanction for Black-Branch’s “blatant and sustained dishonesty,” which it said risked undermining public trust and confidence in the legal profession.

In a statement to National Post, the Manitoba law society said BSB took appropriate action in response to Black-Branch’s transgressions in Canada and his lack of disclosure.

“To maintain confidence in the regulation of the legal profession, such conduct should result in significant consequences,” the LSM wrote.

BSB also fined him £2,670 (CAD$4,961), adding to the $36,000 penalty already levied by the LSM.

The University of Manitoba sued Black-Branch in 2024, and last year, the Court of King’s Bench of Manitoba granted a summary judgement, ordering him to repay the school $679,269.98, as reported by the Penticton Herald. At the behest of other law faculty members, the school later asked police to investigate in 2023.

A spokesperson for the Winnipeg Police Service would only tell National Post that their investigation is ongoing and Black-Branch remains wanted for alleged fraud over $5,000.

The report from the 2023 LSM conduct hearing, which formed the basis for the school’s lawsuit and ultimately led the university to engage police, paints a detailed picture of the regulatory body’s proven civil charges against Black-Branch.

First called to his homeland’s Bar in 1998, he taught at the University of Oxford, then relocated to Canada to take on the leadership role at U of M’s Robson Hall in 2016, becoming chair and director of its privately endowed Marcel A. Desautels Centre for Private Enterprise and the Law the following year. That entity was his primary slush fund, according to affidavits filed during the LSM complaints committee investigation.

An internal audit of his transactions proved that he spent $518,723 on non-degree programs at Harvard and Yale universities between April 2017 and February 2020. More than $472,000 of the expenses were charged to Desautels, which violated the fund’s terms, the school’s conflict-of-interest policy, and “fundamental principles of integrity,” the three-member Manitoba law society discipline committee panel wrote.

While attending the Ivy League courses, he also billed the university over $8,300 for food and lodging, even though it was included in the tuition, they added.

LSM pointed out that expenses charged to the school by all other faculty members combined over the same period amounted to less than $19,000.

Moreover, the society said Black-Branch didn’t seek approval from the Provost to make such expenditures and explicitly routed them through an internal invoice program that essentially allowed him to approve his own expenses.

When staffers asked him about the expenditures, one was told to “stop asking questions and to just pay the amounts.”

“This is the behaviour of a person who was clearly attempting to avoid detection for improper spending,” the panel wrote in Black-Branch’s conduct hearing report.

Not long before his suspected malfeasance came to a head, thanks to whistleblowers who alerted university administration in 2020, he used the system to funnel $75,000 of Desautels funds to the International Society of Law and Nuclear Disarmament (ISLAND), an organization he founded and served as president of its board of trustees while at U of M, the panel wrote. It was the first of three planned annual payments.

Under testimony, one staffer said he instructed her to use Swiss bank accounts, according to The Canadian Press.

Black-Branch was also proven through the school’s audit and subsequent investigation to have spent $50,000 for membership and 201 meals at The Manitoba Club, the first and oldest private club in Western Canada, regularly claiming they were business meetings, despite it being found that he almost always dined alone based on restaurant records.

One local lawyer, whom he claimed had supped with him over university business on 15 occasions, filed an affidavit stating no such meetings ever took place. Another lawyer, whose name appeared on 45 invoices, testified that he dined with Black-Branch only six to eight times, none of which involved U of M or Desautels, and that he paid for the meals several times.

By implicating others in these fraudulent claims, he made himself even more culpable.

He also expended close to $3,800 for meals at a board game cafe, which he documented as visits to “research startup ventures” on 44 of the 62 claims, per the LSM tribunal. Black-Branch ceased making any claims when the Provost challenged their validity.

“That the Member would have engaged in this misconduct to this extent, for this length of time, on this many occasions, in this many forms, and involving this many others in the processing of his improper claims is a particular concern,” and increases the seriousness of the allegations, the panel wrote in mid-December 2023.

The University, in a statement to National Post, said it immediately “replenished the endowment fund via self-insurance.”

Having left Canada for England shortly after an abrupt resignation in spring 2020, Black-Branch never appeared before the LSM, not even virtually, though he did file repeated motions to have it adjourned based on mental health trouble. The LSM said no response ever came to repeated requests that he provide evidence to support that assertion.

He also didn’t appear at the BSB hearing, but his absence means he can request another at a later date.

Black-Branch’s arrest and financial restitution to the school are proving problematic because his precise whereabouts are unknown. According to CTV, his last known address was in Oxford, but court records from the civil suit indicate that he could be in Switzerland.

The University said efforts to recover its funds are “ongoing.”

“Accountability is very important to the university, and UM intends to pursue all available collection remedies to secure payment of the judgment,” the University wrote.

The school has also tightened oversight by adopting a formal fraud-reporting policing, requiring a financial-ethics course for staff and faculty and instituting quarterly audits of all deans’ expenses.

National Post has not been able to locate any contact information for Black-Branch.

Comment *Credit: National Post (except headline)

Jailed paramedic who killed his pregnant lover’s unborn baby by injecting her with abortion pills is struck off

Stephen Doohan was jailed for more than ten years and struck off from working in the health service

A married paramedic who secretly killed his pregnant lover’s unborn child by injecting her with an abortion drug has been jailed for ten years and struck off from the health service.

Stephen Doohan, formerly a clinical team leader in the Scottish Ambulance Service, used a syringe to inject misoprostol into the woman’s vagina in March 2023.

Doohan, who was married at the time, researched the drug using his work account before committing the ‘calculating and heinous’ crime.

Read Also: Horror in Delta: Man accused of torturing wife to death so he could marry pregnant side chick

After turning himself in, he was jailed and struck off from working in the health service.

Doohan, from Edinburgh, met the victim while on holiday in Ibiza – they met around once a month thereafter.

She later received a positive pregnancy test result and said Doohan was the father.

They agreed to keep the baby after she travelled to Edinburgh to visit him – Doohan had separated from his wife by this time.

In March 2023 he penetrated her vagina without consent and inserted a syringe containing the common abortion drug misoprostol.

It later emerged he had looked up information on the drug using a work system while off-duty two days before.

He had begun to research abortion online when the woman told him of her pregnancy.

When he injected her the woman said she ‘felt something hard’ being pushed into her and assumed it was a sex toy.

But the next day a white substance began to come out of her and she had stomach cramps, for which she took diazepam.

Two days later he placed more of the drug in her vagina in similar circumstances.

The NHS advises that a further dose of misoprostol may be needed if the pregnancy does not ‘come out completely’ after the first.

When the woman confronted Doohan he initially denied his role before admitting it to her.

But he said he would be arrested if she told anyone – the pair rehearsed what they would tell others to explain the miscarriage.

The following morning she fell unconscious after taking a shower and noticed heavier bleeding.

After going to hospital with Doohan she was told she was having a miscarriage.

He later sent her gifts including perfume, socks, facial cleansing oil, money for a hair appointment and bought tickets for them to attend a football match.

In May 2025 Doohan appeared at Glasgow’s High Court where he was convicted of assaulting and sexually assaulting a pregnant woman.

Having pleaded guilty, he was jailed for 10 years and six months and added to the sex offenders register.

He was also hit with a non-harassment order banning him from contacting the victim for an indefinite period.

The ex-paramedic was then struck off from working in the profession by a Health & Care Professions Tribunal Service (HCPTS) hearing, which he did not attend.

At the hearing, its chair said Doohan’s actions caused the victim ‘not only physical harm but also ongoing emotional and psychological harm’.

They said she now lived with the ‘anguish’ of her miscarriage and Doohan’s ‘breach of trust’.

The HCPTS panel found Doohan ‘planned an illegal abortion by using unauthorised access to medical information via his workplace’.

He then ‘deliberately and intentionally sexually assaulted’ the woman ‘to abort their unborn child’ and ‘later attempted to persuade her to take the blame for the illegal abortion’.

After his conviction in May 2025, Fiona Kirkby, procurator fiscal for High Court sexual offences, said Doohan’s ‘calculated and heinous actions caused the loss of the victim’s pregnancy, robbing her of plans she had for the future’.

She added: ‘He has now been held accountable for this fundamental breach of trust. While offences like this are thankfully rare, I hope this prosecution sends a clear message to all those who seek to inflict sexual harm towards women.

‘Our thoughts remain with the victim, who must be commended for reporting her experience and seeking justice.

‘We recognise that reporting sexual offending can be difficult but would urge anyone affected to come forward and seek support when they feel ready to do so.’

Show Your Cooler Before Defense: Ritual, coercion and the misnomer in Nigeria’s ivory tower

By Adéyẹmí Johnson Ademọwọ

Sometime in late 2025, during a conversation with a colleague teaching in a federal university in Southwest Nigeria, a troubling phrase surfaced “defense list.” It sounded innocuous at first, almost administrative. But beneath that seeming harmless bureaucratic veneer lies a deeply troubling practice that now demands interrogation.

Two issues arose in that discussion. The first was the creeping commodification of data, where analysts increasingly “assist” postgraduate students by effectively producing Chapters Three, Four, and Five. That is a matter for another day (one that requires careful empirical investigation on my part). The second, however, is more immediate, more visible, and perhaps more insidious in its normalization across both MSc and PhD programmes.

It is what I have come to describe as: “Show your cooler before defense” academic scandal.

Across some Nigerian universities, postgraduate candidates, whether at the MSc or PhD level, are now handed a MANDATORY “defense list.” This list does not contain scholarly requirements or intellectual benchmarks. Rather, it itemises consumables: wraps of pounded yam, varieties of rice (jollof or fried), assorted meats and crates of drinks. In some instances, the defense date is not even fixed until this culinary obligation is satisfied.

Let us be clear: when did academic rigor become contingent on catering logistics?

What was once an informal, voluntary gesture of appreciation has now hardened into a coercive condition. It is no longer hospitality; it is institutionalized expectation. And expectations, when tied to academic progression, easily mutate into quiet extortion.

The ethical implications are profound.

First, it raises the question of fairness and evaluative integrity. How do we convincingly separate academic judgment from social indebtedness when a candidate has obviously been tasked to provide ASSORTED food items to host the very panel tasked with assessing them? Even if no explicit bias occurs, the optics alone erode confidence in the credibility of the process. A system that permits such entanglement invites suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive to institutional legitimacy.

Second, it deepens the already harsh realities of postgraduate education in Nigeria. Unlike many global contexts, our MSc and PhD programmes are largely self-funded. Candidates navigate tuition, research costs, fieldwork logistics and in many cases, basic survival (often without institutional funding support). Many are unemployed or underemployed, pursuing advanced degrees as pathways to uncertain futures.

To now impose an additional, non-academic financial burden (under the guise of a “warped” tradition) is not only insensitive; it is structurally exploitative.

Third, and perhaps most troubling, is the normalisation of this practice. What begins as an exception quietly becomes a rule; what is questioned today becomes unquestionable tomorrow. This is how institutions drift, not through grand policy shifts, but through accumulated silences around small ethical compromises.

Some may argue that such practices foster collegiality, build community, or reflect cultural values of hospitality. But culture must not be weaponized against ethics. Hospitality loses its moral meaning when it is demanded. A gift that is compelled ceases to be a gift.

The university, at its core, is meant to be a space of intellectual discipline, ethical formation, and critical inquiry. It must resist the infiltration of practices that reduce scholarly rites to transactional exchanges. A defense, whether PGD, MSc, MPhil or PhD, is not a wedding reception. It is not a naming ceremony. It is a rigorous intellectual exercise meant to test the originality, depth and contribution of a candidate’s research.

Anything that compromises, or appears to compromise, that sanctity must be firmly rejected.

This is not a call for asceticism or the elimination of all forms of celebration. Departments may, if they so wish, create optional, collectively funded post-defense receptions that do not place the burden on candidates. Better still, institutions should begin to think seriously about structured funding for postgraduate studies, however modest.

But the current trajectory where a “defense list” becomes a prerequisite for academic evaluation is untenable and needs to be frankly addressed immediately.

If left unchecked, we risk producing not just graduates, but a generation socialized into the logic that success is negotiated not only through merit, but through material appeasement.

And that would be a far more dangerous thesis than any candidate could ever defend.

As the Yoruba might caution, àṣà tí a ko bá to lẹsẹsẹ, á máa bàjẹ́ ni ọwọ́ ẹni (a culture we fail to guide with care will decay in our hands)

This “cooler before defense” culture does not fit. It must be questioned, resisted and ultimately dismantled as soon as possible.

Mo wi t’ẹ́mi o.
Ire o.

Adéyẹmí Johnson Ademọwọ is professor of social anthropology and African studies in the department of Sociology, Afe Babalola University Ado-Ekiti [email protected]

2006 plane crash child hero becomes army captain, ties the knot in inspiring journey

By Moses Akaigwe

Do you remember Detimbir Chia, the 13-year-old village boy whose bravery in 2006 saved five lives after he witnessed a Nigerian Air Force Dornier 228 aircraft carrying 18 passengers crash in the Ngokugh Hills of Benue State?Well, a lot has happened over the past 20 years to transform that young hero into a Nigerian Army officer.

One of the passengers he helped rescue from the wreckage, General Nuhu Bala Angbazo, later mentored him through his education up to the Nigerian Defence Academy.
Today, he is Captain Detimbir Chia. Two days ago, on Saturday, April 4, 2026, he got married to a beautiful bride, with General Angbazo still standing by his side. Other prominent personalities, including a former Governor of Benue State, were also in attendance at the wedding.

Following the wedding in Makurdi, the Venue State capital, General Angbazo recalled in a statement:
“On September 17, 2006, I survived a tragic Nigerian Army aircraft crash over the Benue Valley. In that moment of uncertainty, help came from the most unexpected place—a 13-year-old boy from Mbakunu in Kwande Local Government Area of Benue State, Detimbir Chia…

“Untrained and unprepared, yet courageous, he played a critical role in saving my life that day. I made a decision then: such courage must not go unnoticed. I took responsibility for his future and supported his journey into the Nigerian Army. Yesterday, April 4, 2026, I stood in honour as that same young boy—now Captain Chia—got married. I am proud of the man he has become.

“I was also glad to share this special moment with distinguished personalities, including former Governor of Benue State, Gabriel Suswam.”

Detimbir became a hero at just 13 on that fateful day 20 years ago. He was farming in his village, Mbakunu, when he witnessed the Nigerian Air Force Dornier 228 crash into the Ngokugh Hills with 18 passengers on board.

The curious boy ran to the crash site, discovered the wreckage, and used a mobile phone belonging to a surviving officer to call his father. Together, they initiated the rescue of the five survivors.

It was a tragic incident for the Nigerian Air force and his community—one that ultimately changed his life for good.

Demoted for It, Celebrated for It: Oprah Winfrey’s remarkable turnaround story

“I was demoted to daytime television, and that demotion turned out to be the best thing that ever happened to me.”

Oprah Winfrey was removed from a news desk because she cried during a story about a house fire. The station called her too emotional for television news and reassigned her to a daytime talk show as a demotion. That demotion became the foundation of a $3 billion media empire.

The news director had a file. Inside the file were incident reports. Winfrey had cried on air during a story about a family that lost their home in a fire. She had left the anchor desk during a commercial break to hug a guest who had started weeping. She had ad-libbed questions during an interview because the teleprompter copy felt wrong to her. She had mispronounced a name and corrected herself on camera instead of moving past it, which violated the station’s policy of never acknowledging errors on air.

The news director closed the file and told Winfrey she was too emotional for television news. The word he used was “unfit.” He told her the station was reassigning her to a daytime talk show called People Are Talking. The assignment was a contract management strategy. WJZ could not fire her. They could move her somewhere quiet and let the contract expire.

Winfrey walked out of the office and sat in her car in the parking lot. She did not drive home immediately. She sat with the engine off and the window down and stared at the building where she had just been told her career in television news was over. She was twenty-three. She had moved to Baltimore from Nashville, where she had been the youngest and first Black female news anchor at WTVF. Baltimore was supposed to be the next step. Instead it was the last one.

The People Are Talking studio was smaller than the news set. The chairs were softer. The lights were warmer. There was no teleprompter. Winfrey sat across from her first guest on the first episode in August 1978 and did the thing the news director had written up in his file. She asked a personal question. The guest answered. Winfrey leaned forward. She reacted. The camera stayed on her face and the audience at home saw something the anchor desk had been designed to prevent. A person who was genuinely interested in another person.

The ratings tripled in a month. Within a year, People Are Talking outperformed Phil Donahue in the Baltimore market.

The quality that had disqualified Winfrey from news was the mechanism that made the talk show work. The anchor desk required a wall between the presenter and the story. The talk show required the wall to come down. The tears that ended her news career were the same tears that connected her to 12 million daily viewers when the show went national.

In 1983, she moved to Chicago to host a struggling morning show called AM Chicago. Within a year, it was the highest-rated talk show in the market. The show was renamed The Oprah Winfrey Show in 1986 and went into national syndication. For the next twenty-five years, it was the most-watched daytime programme in American television. The production company she built, Harpo Studios, generated revenue that funded a network, a magazine, and philanthropic work spanning two decades. Forbes estimated her net worth at over $3 billion.

The news director in Baltimore who told Winfrey she was unfit for television was never publicly identified. The station that demoted her eventually became an affiliate that broadcast her nationally syndicated show into the same market that had tried to hide her in daytime.

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