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Boko Haram threatens to kill 176 Kwara kidnap victims in 7 days as 30 monarchs flee

The terrorists who abducted 176 women and children from the Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State have threatened to carry out a mass execution if the Nigerian government fails to meet their demands within one week.

In the meantime, Saturday PUNCH reported that not less than 30 traditional rulers across the southern area of Kwara State have fled their palaces following a sustained wave of kidnappings, killings and violent attacks.

The attackers —who took 176 women and children from the Woro community — suspected to be members of Boko Haram, reportedly issued the ultimatum through the abducted victims after a Jumu’ah prayer session on Friday, according to community members and families who spoke to The PUNCH.

The traditional ruler of the community, Salihu Bio, whose wife is among those held captive, confirmed the threat to journalists on Monday.

He explained that one of the abductees was allowed to contact her family and relay the message from the terrorists.

“The abductees told us that after the Jumu’ah prayer on Friday, the terrorists said the government was not taking the matter seriously and that if nothing is done within one week, they will begin to take drastic actions,” he said.

Bio added that the terrorists expressed frustration over what they described as the government’s lack of commitment to negotiations, despite the resources being used to keep the victims alive.

“The terrorists allowed one of the abductees to call her family on Saturday, and she confirmed that they were all fine. She also said the captors have been teaching them Arabic and Islamic knowledge,” he stated.

A community source who did not want to be named painted a grimmer picture of the terrorists’ intentions, saying the captors had threatened to marry off some of the girls and kill those they considered liabilities if no agreement is reached within the deadline.

“The Boko Haram fighters complained that they are spending money and resources to feed the abductees and that nothing is coming out of it. They said if nothing is agreed upon within one week, they will start marrying off some of the girls and kill those they consider liabilities.

“We are helpless. These are our wives and children. Now they are threatening to kill them or force them into marriage,” the source added.

In a video released by the terrorists, an armed militant claimed responsibility for the abduction and described the victims as having been indoctrinated.

“We are the ones who kidnapped the people of Woro and Kososo. We have indoctrinated them and changed their way of life. However, the victims have been begging us, and we have given them the opportunity so that their government can hear from them. We are giving them a final opportunity to appeal to the government,” the militant said.

Efforts to obtain an official reaction from the police were unsuccessful, as calls and text messages sent to the Command’s Public Relations Officer, Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, had not received a response as of press time.

30 Kwara kings flee palaces

Saturday PUNCH gathered from two credible community leaders that the affected monarchs were seeking refuge in urban centres, including Ilorin, Osogbo, Offa, and Lagos.

Findings show that some of the affected traditional rulers are from Omugo, Afin, Oreke, Oreke Oke-Igbo, Olohuntele, Alabe, Ganmu Ailehri, Ologanmo, and Igbo Agbon communities.

While some have been away from their domains for months, others have been out for nearly a year.

Their displacement, triggered by repeated attacks by armed groups, has created a leadership vacuum in their communities.

A resident of Omugo community, Wale Olasunkanmi, said his traditional ruler, known locally as Eesa, fled due to fear of abduction.

He said, “In the past, our traditional rulers were always around. They lived among us and provided leadership during crises. But now, they don’t stay here anymore. They only come occasionally for meetings or special occasions and leave immediately.

“When attacks became frequent, it was no longer safe for them to remain in the palace. Even ordinary residents are afraid, so you can imagine what it means for a king who is always a target.”

Olasunkanmi recalled that a major attack on the community in March 2026 marked a turning point.

“After the bandits attacked the church on March 22 and abducted about eight people, many families started leaving. The fear was too much. People abandoned their homes overnight,” he said.

He added that while there had been a slight improvement in security in recent weeks, the absence of traditional rulers continued to affect coordination and decision-making.

“Even as some people are trying to return, there is no strong leadership on the ground. That makes it difficult to rebuild confidence,” he stated.

According to him, Omugo is part of the larger Oro-Ago community, which comprises about 15 towns, including Ajegunle, Iragbon, Ago, Oke Ayin, Oyate, and Oke Daba, all of which have experienced varying degrees of attacks.

Further findings by Saturday PUNCH showed that Oreke and Oreke Oke-Igbo communities have been largely deserted since June 2025 following repeated bandit incursions.

The situation escalated after an attack on a marble mining site near Oreke-Okeigbo on June 4, 2025, where two police officers, Assistant Superintendent Haruna Watsai and Inspector Tukur Ogah, were killed.

A palace worker, Samuel Afolayan, said the attacks marked the beginning of mass displacement.

“Initially, they were just stealing food and livestock. But later, they started kidnapping and killing people. That was when everyone began to leave.

“As I speak to you, I have not been to Oreke since June last year. The king is not there, the palace is empty, and the entire community is deserted. Even neighbouring villages along that axis have been abandoned,” he stated.

Afolayan described the area as “completely isolated,” adding that basic social and economic activities had collapsed.

Similarly, the Oniwo of Afin, Oba Simeon Olaonipekun, has not returned to his domain since he was abducted alongside his son on New Year’s Eve.

Gunmen invaded his residence in December 2025 and kidnapped the monarch and his son, who is a corps member.

While the son was released after about 21 days, the monarch regained his freedom after a ransom reportedly exceeding N30m was paid.

A palace source said the monarch was still undergoing treatment.

“Kabiyesi went through a very traumatic experience. He spent almost a month in captivity under harsh conditions. Given his age, it affected him seriously,” the source said.

“Since his release, he has been receiving medical attention. Doctors advised that he should rest and avoid stressful situations. That is why he has not returned to the community.”

Across the affected communities, the impact of the attacks has been devastating.

Saturday PUNCH gathered that farms had been abandoned, schools shut down, and markets rendered inactive as residents fled to safer locations.

The latest gunmen attack occurred in Olayinka community in Ifelodun LGA, where armed men stormed the palace of the monarch, Oba Salman Olátúnjí Aweda, in the early hours of Saturday and abducted him alongside his wife and another resident.

Police authorities later confirmed the arrest of 42 suspected illegal miners in connection with the abduction, while sources disclosed that the kidnappers demanded about N400m ransom.

A resident, who identified himself simply as Tunde, recounted the attack.

“It was like a war scene,” he said.

“They came with guns and started shooting. People were running in different directions. Before we knew what was happening, Kabiyesi had been taken.”

Tunde added that the attackers appeared to have prior knowledge of activities in the palace.

“Earlier that day, some miners came to pay royalties to the king. So, when the attackers came at night, they demanded the money. Kabiyesi gave it to them, but they still took him away. After that incident, everyone fled. Nobody wants to stay there again,” he said.

Traditional rulers killed by gunmen

Beyond Olayinka community, a disturbing pattern has emerged across Kwara South, with traditional rulers increasingly becoming targets.

In September 2025, the Baale of Ogbayo in Oke-Ode was killed in his palace after gunmen invaded the community at dawn.

Earlier, in February 2024, the Olukoro of Koro-Ekiti, Oba Olusegun Aremu-Cole, was killed in his palace, while his wife and another person were abducted.

Sources said the kidnappers initially demanded N100m, which was later reduced to N40m.

In November 2025, the Ojibara of Bayagan-Ile, Oba Kamilu Salami, was abducted on his farm and released after about 25 days in captivity following the payment of ransom.

According to findings, ransom demands in recent cases have ranged between N40m and N400m.

A source involved in one of the negotiations said, “They usually start with outrageous figures, sometimes over N100m. After negotiations, it may come down, but it is still a huge burden.

“In many cases, families have to sell properties or borrow money to secure the release of their loved ones.”

‘Development disturbing’

The Coordinator of the Joint Security Watch in Kwara South, Olaitan Oyin-Zubair, said the signs of mass displacement were long ignored.

“There was a time we raised the alarm that communities were being deserted, but people did not take it seriously. The development is really troubling and disturbing” he said.

“Today, more than 28 communities with traditional rulers in Ifelodun have been abandoned. Places like Olayinka, Oro-Ago, Omugo, Ahun, Oke-Oyan, Owa-Kajola, Owa-Onire, and Oba have become ghost towns. Farms are abandoned, schools shut, markets dead. The reality we warned about has become undeniable,” he stated.

Residents said the crisis had severely disrupted agriculture and worsened food insecurity.

A trader from Oro-Ago, Bose Adeyemi, said she had relocated to Ilorin.

“I am a yam seller, but I cannot go back home. Nobody wants to farm anymore because it is too dangerous,” she said.

A retired civil servant, Janet Adebisi, said she had abandoned her investments.

“I used my gratuity to start farming, but I cannot even visit the farm now. My life is more important than any investment,” she said.

Traditional council under scrutiny

The wave of attacks has put the Kwara State Traditional Council under scrutiny, with many questioning its response to the crisis.

While sources within the council confirmed that meetings had been held with government officials and security agencies, critics say the response has not been visible enough.

A community leader in Ekiti LGA, Adebayo Ojo, said, “Our royal fathers must speak with one voice. People expect leadership at a time like this.”

However, a palace source who did not want to be named said engagements were ongoing behind the scenes.

“These issues are being discussed. The traditional rulers are engaging government and security agencies, but not everything can be made public,” the source said.

The crisis has also sparked debate over the role of traditional and spiritual methods in safeguarding communities.

A socio-political advocate in Kwara State, Abdul-Rahoof Bello-Labelabe, raised concerns over what he described as the worsening security situation in Kwara South.

He warned that residents were increasingly vulnerable to attacks and abductions across several communities.

Bello-Labelabe, who identified himself as the Advocate of Igbomina Liberty and Northern Yoruba Nationality, said there had been no meaningful improvement in security, particularly in Ifelodun LGA.

He disclosed that a wave of kidnappings recorded between Wednesday and Thursday affected multiple communities, leaving scores of residents abducted.

He also referenced the abduction of a traditional ruler in Olayinka community alongside his wife, noting that the kidnappers had demanded a ransom running into millions of naira.

The advocate claimed that many traditional rulers no longer resided in their domains due to safety concerns.

“Although not all traditional rulers have abandoned their communities, a significant number of them no longer live there. They only visit when necessary and leave immediately. Very few have the courage to remain. If any of them is still residing in their domain, let them come forward and state it openly,” he said.

Bello blamed abandonment of traditional practices.

“In the olden days, no one dared to touch a king. Today, our monarchs have abandoned traditional ways of protection.

“Our kings have their share of the blame. They harbour these bandits and criminals; they give them land; they know them, they cannot pretend they do not know them.

“They allow aliens to intermarry with the natives; they create markets for them; they install Seriki for them on Yoruba land. If security is made their responsibility, they will take it seriously,” he added.

The community leader linked the worsening insecurity to illegal mining activities and weak local structures.

Traditional rulers abandoned indigenous protection — Monarch

The monarch of Osi community in Akure North LGA, Oba David Olajide, also advised his colleagues to adopt measures to protect themselves and their subjects against criminal attacks.

Olajide, who once survived a bandit attack in his community, also lamented that some rulers had abandoned the traditions of their communities.

He said, “The issue of insecurity in the country is getting worse to the extent that bandits are attacking obas, but we traditional rulers are not resting on our oars. For instance, in my local government here, we are taking proactive measures both traditional and modern, but these are matters we can only discuss in the media cautiously because they are security issues.

“Another issue is that some obas are wrongly chosen in their communities. It is very absurd to hear that bandits are killing monarchs. Bandits cannot kill a real monarch; they cannot even go near where they are, let alone attack them. In the olden days, warriors used to be made obas, so how can you attack a warrior? It is not possible.

“But the problem we are having is that some obas were not chosen the way they should be chosen. They were selected based on connections in government or because they have money. Such persons would not take the tradition of the community seriously. Nowadays, we are having politicians as obas, and people who don’t understand tradition as obas. These are the problems.

“So, obas too need to reduce their flamboyant lifestyle. They should not be seen everywhere, at every ceremony, spraying money or moving in convoy. We obas should understand the issue of insecurity nowadays and reduce all these lifestyles.”

However, the monarch urged the government and security agencies to support efforts aimed at fighting crime and criminality in their domains.

Meanwhile, local vigilante groups say they are struggling to contain the situation due to poor equipment and limited support.

A vigilante member in Ifelodun, who identified himself as Musa, said armed groups had taken over forests in the area.

“We know these forests, but they have better weapons. Sometimes, before help comes, they are gone.

“Even with our local guns, we are always facing them without fear, but you know their superior firepower always gives them the upper hand,” he said.

He, however, called for stronger collaboration between vigilantes and formal security agencies, including better funding and equipment.

The Chairman of the Igbomina Professional Association, Bode Iranloye, described the situation as alarming.

“This menace has destroyed the peaceful nature of our communities. It has affected agriculture, commerce, and communal life,” he said.

Iranloye recommended improved intelligence gathering, deployment of surveillance technology, and stricter regulation of illegal mining activities.

A security analyst, Sadiq Lawal, said the trend was concerning.

He said, “When criminals begin to target traditional rulers, it is a clear indication that authority structures have collapsed. In many African societies, kings are seen as sacred and untouchable. Once they become targets, it means the criminals are no longer afraid of consequence.”

Abanobi V the state and the evil of kidnapping (1)

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

INTRODUCTION

According to the learned authors of Black’s Law Dictionary, kidnapping is “the crime of seizing and taking away a person by force or fraud, often with a demand for ransom (also manstealing).” For Collins English Dictionary, to kidnap is “to carry off and hold (a person), usually for ransom”. This is corroborated by the learned authors of Jowitt’s Dictionary of English Law as “the forcible abduction or stealing away of a person, whether a man, woman, or child. It is an offence punishable at common law by fine and imprisonment.” Morally speaking, it is wrong to steal anything, how much less a human being. In the ordinary course of events, the law frowns at the intent to take away something with the hope of depriving the owner thereof its permanent use.

To kidnap a person therefore connotes that the kidnapper intends to deprive the victim of the use of his or her life, which is why the law places the offence of kidnapping in the same status as murder, with some statutes prescribing the maximum penalty of death. When a 98-year-old great-grandmother is kidnapped, then there should be no remedy for the felon, because such a gruesome act borders on irredeemable depravity. There can be no justification for this heinous display of wickedness by the appellant and his gang, although I am well aware of the challenges faced by citizens in our present dispensation, especially the youth.

No matter the difficulties that people face or contend with, it cannot ground the seizure or theft of an old woman, subjecting her to such a traumatic experience of keeping her in the trunk of a car, with all the inconveniences and dangers to her life and safety. But for the police and the act of divine intervention, the poor woman would most probably have died from exhaustion and suffocation even before the criminals got to their evil destination. I join the call upon the government to do more in job creation and youth empowerment, but the youth too must embrace contentment, diligence and believe in honest endeavours as the surest means of lasting prosperity and human survival, and stop chasing miracle money and exploring shortcut options to attain sudden wealth.

THE FACTS OF THE CASE

The facts of this case are as reported in Abanobi v The State (2026) 5 NWLR (Pt.2037) 587. The appellant, acting in concert with his co-accused on 26th October 2014, kidnapped and took hostage one Madam Lydia Acho, a woman of 98 years old. She was purportedly abducted from her residence in Isuikwuato Local Government Area in Abia State. However, she was subsequently rescued on the same day within Ikuwano Local Government Area in Abia State following a car chase by the police. The appellant and the 2nd accused person were later apprehended at the locus criminis with the appellant having sustained gunshot wounds. PW2, during her testimony, left the witness box to identify the appellant and the co-accused person in the dock.

Under cross-examination, she stated that she was able to identify the appellant and his co-accused by the illumination from a flashlight. The police officer who led the patrol team that accosted the appellant and his co-marauders and rescued the victim testified as PW4. He gave evidence of how the appellant and the co-marauders were accosted by the patrol team while inside a Peugeot 406 wagon vehicle with which the victim was kidnapped.

The driver of the vehicle lost control and rammed it into a tree and the occupants, including the appellant ran into the surrounding bushes. The police shot at the occupants of the vehicle while they were trying to escape and noticed blood at the scene. Upon approaching the vehicle, the police rescued the victim from the boot of the vehicle and took her to the hospital. With the help of the community vigilantes, the appellant, with a bullet wound, and the 2nd accused person were arrested from the bush. The appellant’s two phone handsets were recovered from the vehicle.

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Following his apprehension, the appellant made a statement to the police, exhibit “B”, and was the sole witness in his defence. His story was that he too was kidnapped by the two passengers he carried in the Peugeot wagon on his way from his village in Anambra State to Aba. He admitted that he was in the vehicle with which the victim was kidnapped and taken away. He was there when the police led by PW4 accosted them, the vehicle rammed into a tree, the police shot at them and he bolted and ran inside the bush and slept there till the following morning for his safety. He further testified that on the following morning he came out from his purported concealment within the bush with the aim of reporting the incident of kidnapping at the police station.

However, contrary to his alleged intention, he was instead apprehended by the police and subsequently charged with the very act of kidnapping he intended to report. He stated that he was released by the fleeing kidnappers amidst a barrage of gunfire, one of which hit him. However, in his extra-judicial statement, he claimed that he remained in the trunk of the car while one of the two alleged hijackers stood guard over him. At the conclusion of trial, the trial court in its judgment convicted the appellant and sentenced him to death for the offence of kidnapping contrary to section 3(a) of the Prohibition of Terrorism, Kidnapping, Hostage-Taking, Use of Offensive Weapons or Explosives and Other

Threatening Behaviour Law No. 10 of Abia State, 2009. Dissatisfied, the appellant appealed to the Court of Appeal which affirmed the judgment of the trial court and dismissed his appeal. Still dissatisfied, the appellant appealed to the Supreme Court where he contended that the respondent failed to prove the offence charged as there was no evidence that he kidnapped the victim for the purpose of payment of ransom. In determining the appeal with final dismissal, the Supreme Court considered the provision of section 3(a) of the Prohibition of Terrorism, Kidnapping, Hostage-Taking, Use of Offensive Weapons or Explosives and Other Threatening Behaviour Law, No. 10 of Abia State, 2009, which states as follows:

“3(a) Any person who, for the purpose of payment of ransom, kidnaps and takes another hostage is guilty of an offence.”

What Constitutes Offence of Kidnapping:

Section 3(a) of the Prohibition of Terrorism, Kidnapping, Hostage-Taking, Use of Offensive Weapons or Explosives and Other Threatening Behaviour Law No. 10 of Abia State, 2009, prescribes that the kidnapping and taking another hostage must have been actuated by the intention to ask for or for the purposes of payment of ransom. It does not provide that for the offence of kidnapping to be complete, the ransom must have been paid. It only prescribes manifestation of an intention by the abductor to demand or obtain payment of ransom. What this postulates is that where the definition of kidnapping includes abduction for some specific purpose, the mens rea that the prosecution must prove in order to obtain a conviction must include the specific purpose.

Therefore, it is not enough to prove that the defendant intended to abduct the victim. In order to secure a conviction of the defendant, the prosecution must prove that the defendant abducted the victim with the specific intention of obtaining payment of ransom. There must be an indication on the part of the defendant of trying to obtain an advantage or holding the victim for ransom. The prosecution has to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the accused intended to detain the alleged victim in order to demand and obtain a sum of money for the alleged victim’s release. It does not matter whether the defendant in fact demanded money or whether the defendant succeeded in obtaining any money. There must be some overt act manifesting that intention.

In the instant case, it was clear that the intention of the appellant and his co-accused was to kidnap and take the victim for the purpose of payment of ransom. Contrary to the appellant’s submission, both the trial court and the Court of Appeal did not speculate on whether the victim was kidnapped for the purpose of ransom. The intention of the appellant and his co-accused person to demand ransom could be inferred from their conduct, given the overall circumstances of the case. The ingredients of the offence were established against the appellant.

The Probable Motivations for Kidnapping:

The jurisprudence of the offence of kidnapping extends beyond instances solely motivated by demand for payment of ransom. Criminals take hostages as a shield to help them escape from the scene of a crime. In addition, kidnapping could also be motivated by personal grudges.

Wetie, Òsá Eleye and 2027 warnings, By Suyi Ayodele

What Nigerians saw in Ibadan on Saturday and the reaction from Abuja were settled by Ifá, very long ago.

An Odù Ifá— Ogbè Ìresà, which, through ellipsis, can also take the morphological realisation of Ogbè’Sá.—speaks to it. You won’t have here every line of the Odù Ifá (Ifá Corpus), but I will make its essence clear through the Ese Ifá (Ifá Verse), Òsá Eleye.

Leaders of opposition political parties gathered in Ibadan last Saturday under the hosting of Governor Seyi Makinde. At the end of the meeting, they took a far-reaching decision: for the 2027 general elections, they would field a single presidential candidate against President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

I called an elderly friend of the government to discuss the development, drawing his attention to the communiqué—particularly the resolve “to work towards fielding one presidential candidate…to rescue our nation and her long-suffering masses.”

He responded with an esoteric dismissal: ““Fi wón sílè. Ìmò tú, ìmò jo; ìmò enini kìí bá enini dal.é” Let them be, he meant; plans made in the morning by dews disappear before nightfall. I told him he was being fatalistic. “That,” he replied, “is what the moment demands.”

I suggested the opposition might actually mean business. He disagreed. To him, the ruling party and President Bola Tinubu already have the field secured; no coalition, however grand, can upset the President’s political permutations.

I kept silent. When he pressed me, I told him he was ignoring history—particularly the lessons encoded in the Yoruba religion, Ifá. He sounded amused. “Then be specific,” he said. Heaven knows I dislike explaining our own culture to those who should guard it. Here is the story.

A people, oppressed by a powerful and unseen force, went to consult Orunmila. The victims were the Irúnmolè mókànlénírínwó—the 401 deities—tormented by the Eleye, the witches. One by one, they resisted. One by one, they were broken. Their children were taken, their strength drained, their labour turned into servitude. Disunity was their undoing.

When the burden became unbearable, they sought counsel. The leader of the deities spoke to the Òpèlè (divination chain), inaudibly, as all Ifá clients are wont to do. The old diviner cast the divination, studied it and uttered the following words: “Òsá Eleye kángun kàngun.” The uttered words are praise names of the Odù, which deals with the activities of witches and other wicked elements. Whenever our mothers show up in any divination, we were told in those days, they must be praised.

Ifá’s message was simple: what you cannot defeat alone, you confront together. They were told to return after ìtàdógún (seventeen days) to agree on a common front. Unity, Ifá, insisted, would make them like the elephant no sword dares confront.

They returned, resolved. Sacrifice was prescribed. Strategy was given. And one instruction stood out: when the enemy comes, speak with one voice.

Then came the turning point. Èsù, who was given a generous portion of the sacrificial items, carried his share of the sacrifice into the camp of the witches and planted distrust among them. How? With a single wrap of èko presented, he said it was 200; he thus provoked suspicion, envy, and rebellion. The once-cohesive force began to fracture from within.

The witches lost trust in each other. Betrayal and rebellion became the order of the day. Those who lost out in the sharing of the one wrap of èko mistaken for a basketful became suddenly bold and confronted the Àgbà Eleye (the lead witch). Members of Àgbà Eleye’s kitchen cabinet left her and joined the 401 deities. There, they leaked all the secrets of the Eleye to the deities.

By the time Àgbà Eleye knew what was happening, it was too late. Whenever the witches tried to attack the 401 deities, there was always a renegade Eleye to tell the deities the secrets behind the moves, and the deities would be ready with the antidote. The biggest of Àgbà Eleye’s lieutenants who joined the deities was the one called Emèrè (the spirit child, intimate with both worlds). Our elders knew, from time immemorial, that Emèrè ni oko àjé (Emèrè is the husband of the witch).

Emèrè did incalculable damage to the Eleyes. This is why, to date, among the real Babalawos, whenever the Odù on witches surfaces on the divination board, Emèrè is the messenger that will be sent to go and confront the witches. This is so because it is axiomatic that: omo iná làá rán sí iná (it is the child familiar with a furnace that is sent to combat combustion).

The defections from the camp of the witches were devastating. Secrets were leaked. Emèrè’s defection became the decisive advantage. What force could not achieve, fracture did. The hunters became the hunted.

By the time the witches understood what was happening, it was too late. Against a united front, weakened by internal betrayal, they had lost.

My interlocutor asked me who among the opposition leaders the Emèrè is. I politely asked him to figure it out. He never liked it. But I reminded him that a diviner’s job ends after reciting the panegyrics of the Odù on the divination board. I could not have contravened the practice of our fathers of old!

Nigerians are groaning under the yoke of the present administration. The opposition is daily deliberately depleted. The common man looks up to the heavens for succour. Only a collective will of the people can change the current political (dis)order!

So, the coming together of the opposition parties in Ibadan is too significant to be ignored. That move alone points at something: Nigerians would not fold their arms while the ruling party and the President make Nigeria of 2027 like the Nigeria of 1964-1965, when the then Western Nigeria Regional Government and the Central Government introduced a strange fire of ‘unopposed candidates’ on the sacred altar of democracy.

That was what the Ibadan Opposition Political Parties National Summit foregrounded, to wit: “That we shall resist all machinations by the APC to foist a one-party state on Nigeria and fight for the survival of multi-party democracy in our country.” There was no prevarication there. That, to me, is a strong message for the ruling party and President Tinubu to take a second look at their political strategies for 2027. The only option that Nigerians will embrace is participatory democracy!

Again, that thinking, I presume, informed why Governor Makinde, in his remarks at the summit, warned that: “For those that are carrying on as if there’s no tomorrow, they should remember that ‘Operation Wetie’ started from here. This is the same Wild Wild West.”

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Makinde’s remarks have since generated heated debates. The ruling party and its supporters and sympathisers labelled it an incitement. I don’t think they are right. Governor Makinde’s statement does not come across as an incitement. It is more of a warning, warning against the calamity that may follow should anyone attempt to alter the political structure of a multi-party system to a sole candidacy of the incumbent President. The summit said that it would not work. Makinde merely re-echoed it with the warning of the dire consequences of such an anomaly!

We need to get a deeper understanding of ‘Operation Wetie’. The 1964-1965 political conflagration known as ‘Operation Wetie’ was the reaction of the Western Region people to the involvement of the then Central Government of Sir Tafawa Balewa and the ruling party at the centre, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), in the crisis of the Action Group (AG), led by the Avatar, Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

What triggered the political inferno was the unholy collision between the then electoral commission and the ruling party at the central and regional levels, imposing candidates on the people of the Western Region by declaring the candidates unopposed.

This is exactly what the APC is building its present electoral permutations on. It is useless denying the fact that the APC, in active collusion with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the supple National Assembly under the pathetic leadership of Godswill Akpabio, wants President Tinubu as the sole candidate for the 2027 presidential election! Tinubu and APC want a coronation and not an election.

The telltales are all over the place. The inherent dangers in such a political heist stare us all in the face. That is what Makinde’s warning is all about. A sole presidential candidacy will set the nation on fire. It happened over 60 years ago. Ibadan rose to the occasion and defended multi-party democracy. It is instructive that the opposition parties also chose Ibadan to issue the warning. All Tinubu, the APC, INEC and the Alájobí political philosophers have to do is to allow the dog and the red monkey to go a-hunting! The sky should be wide enough for birds of all plumage to fly without hindrances.

Operation Wetie was a dark period in the political history of the Western Region, in particular, and Nigeria in general. It was Wetie that set the stage for everything that is wrong with Nigeria – from the coups, to the civil war, to the failure of Nigeria to get its leadership right for over 60 years!

It is because we don’t want Operation Wetie that is why we are shouting that the ruling party should not ask its supporters to go and scatter opposition like Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff to President Tinubu, asked Leke Abejide, the House of Representatives member representing Yagba Federal Constituency, to do. Gbajabiamila, at Abejide’s wife’s 50th birthday ceremony, told him to remain in the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and “fight and scatter” it.

That was why we frowned on the un-presidential and un-statesmanlike charge of President Tinubu to the Senate President, Akpabio, to go and scatter the other side! We are loud enough: President Tinubu, the APC and INEC should not use the template of 1964-1965 of returning their candidates unopposed for the 2027 elections. If Tinubu has done creditably well, let his works speak for him. If the President believes that he has given his best, let his hawk strike in the open!

No candidate or party should be prevented from submitting either nomination forms or a list of candidates, as the case may be. The umpire, INEC, should not only be unbiased, it must be seen to be unbiased. This is why the clamour for the removal of Professor Joash Ojo Àmúpìtàn, the INEC Chairman, would not go away easily. It is fatal to license a compulsive murderer to perform surgeries.

The Western Regional Government and the ruling Central Government of 1964-1965 did exactly the same thing APC, INEC and Tinubu are planning or doing now, before all the genies of Operation Wetie were released from their bottle!

The appeal to Alájobí sentiment would not hold water. The proponents of Alájobí philosophy of ethnic loyalty should not forget that the economic crises created by the perfidious Tinubu administration spare no tribe and respect no clan. It is like the rain; it has neither foes nor friends!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Jailed for Trash: Lagos convicts 8 as Nigeria’s prisons overflow

Lagos, Nigeria — Eight residents of Lagos have been sentenced to one month in prison for indiscriminate waste disposal, a move that has reignited debate over Nigeria’s strained correctional system and its reliance on incarceration for minor offenses.

The convicts — Suraju Mukiari, Tukur Muhammed, Seidu Umar, Ishola Jimoh, Goodluck Osigbo, Yusuf Abubakar, Mustapha Musa, and Immam Muhammed — were arraigned on Sunday at a magistrate court in Bolade, Oshodi. According to Lagos State Commissioner for Environment and Water Resources Tokunbo Wahab, all eight defendants pleaded guilty and were immediately convicted and sentenced.

The swift sentencing has drawn renewed scrutiny to Lagos State’s aggressive sanitation enforcement policies, which authorities say are necessary to combat widespread environmental violations in Africa’s most populous city.

But the case has also exposed deeper tensions within Nigeria’s criminal justice system — particularly the heavy reliance on custodial sentences for low-level offenses at a time when the country’s prisons are already buckling under severe overcrowding.

A Prison System Under Extreme Pressure

Nigeria’s correctional facilities currently hold more than 80,000 inmates nationwide, according to 2026 figures, with an estimated 64 to 67 percent awaiting trial — some for years without conviction.

Reports from the Nigeria Correctional Service (NCoS) paint a stark picture of systemic collapse: facilities designed for far fewer occupants are routinely stretched far beyond capacity, forcing inmates into extreme living conditions, including sleeping in shifts or standing due to lack of space.

In some facilities, overcrowding has reached such levels that basic hygiene and healthcare are severely compromised, contributing to disease outbreaks and elevated mortality risks. Funding shortages have also left daily feeding allowances for inmates critically low, further intensifying concerns about humane treatment standards.

Critics Question Justice Priorities

The Lagos convictions have intensified criticism from legal observers and rights advocates, who argue that Nigeria’s justice system is increasingly punitive toward petty offenders while failing to adequately prosecute more serious economic and corruption-related crimes.

Some critics say this imbalance reflects a deeper systemic failure — one in which non-custodial sentencing options such as community service, fines, or restorative justice programs are underutilized, despite being designed specifically to ease prison congestion.

They warn that sending low-level offenders into already overcrowded prisons risks hardening minor offenders while worsening institutional strain.

At the same time, broader public frustration persists over perceptions that major financial crimes and alleged corruption cases often move slowly through the courts, or result in delayed accountability.

A System at a Breaking Point

With more than half of Nigeria’s prison population awaiting trial and infrastructure operating far beyond intended capacity, the country’s correctional system is widely viewed as overstretched and under-resourced.

Officials have acknowledged the pressure, with the Nigeria Correctional Service seeking increased funding to upgrade facilities and manage rising inmate numbers. But reform advocates argue that without faster judicial processes and wider adoption of non-custodial sentencing, overcrowding will continue to worsen.

For now, cases like the Lagos convictions underscore a growing national dilemma: how to enforce urban order without further burdening a prison system already nearing breaking point.

Eight sentenced to one month imprison for indiscriminate dumping of refuse

From Exclusion to Excellence: Female cadet emerges NDA’s best in historic first-class finish

A decade after Nigeria opened its premier military academy to women, a new milestone is drawing national attention, and underscoring how far that policy shift has gone.

Uchechi Promise Echefu has emerged as the best graduating cadet at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA), earning First Class Honours in Computer Science and sweeping multiple top awards in a performance that is being hailed as historic.

Her achievement comes years after a major policy change under former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, who in 2010 approved the admission of women into the NDA as regular combat cadets, ending decades of male-only restrictions for officer training.

Before that decision, women in Nigeria’s armed forces were largely confined to roles through Short Service or Direct Short Service Commissions, typically in medical, administrative, and educational fields. Combat training—and the path to senior military leadership—remained out of reach.

The shift was strongly championed by former First Lady Patience Jonathan, whose advocacy helped push for the inclusion of women in full military training programs.

The first cohort of female cadets—dubbed “Jonathan’s Queens”—entered the academy in 2011 as part of the 63rd Regular Course, marking a turning point in Nigeria’s military history. The reform aimed to expand opportunity, strengthen the armed forces, and create a pipeline for women to rise to top command positions.

Since then, female cadets have steadily broken barriers, moving into roles once considered exclusively male, including combat positions and aviation.

Echefu’s performance is being seen as a defining moment in that evolution. In addition to graduating top of her class, she received multiple honors, including the Commander-in-Chief’s Award for Best Graduating Cadet, the Chief of Defence Staff Award, and the Commandant’s Award for Computer Science. She was also recognized as the best graduating cadet in the Navy.

Military observers say her achievement reflects not only individual excellence but also the long-term impact of policy reforms that expanded access for women in the armed forces.

As Nigeria continues to modernize its military and institutions, Echefu’s rise is likely to be viewed as both a symbol of progress—and a signal of what the next generation of officers may look like.

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The Chinese sports brand taking on Nike and Adidas

China’s economy was just starting to open up in the late 1980s when a determined high school dropout made his way to Beijing with 600 pairs of shoes.

Ding Shizhong had them made in a relative’s factory and now he was going to sell them. The money he earned paid for his first workshop where he began making footwear for other companies.

The 17-year-old was one of China’s many newly minted entrepreneurs as capitalism took off under the watchful eye of its Communist Party rulers.

Click here to contgimnue reading.

Putting to rest the controversy surrounding the status of Central Bank of Nigeria as a public officer for the purpose of Section 84 of the Sheriff and Civil Process Act CAP S6 LFN, 2004

By O.W.Bamigbaiye .Esq.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria, in it’s recent landmark judgement delivered on 16th of January 2026 in CENTRAL BANK OF NIGERIA v.LIDAN ENGINEERING LIMITED & 6 ORS. ( SC/ CV/82/2021) has authoritatively settled a lingering controversy regarding the status of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in garnishee proceedings.

The apex Court emphatically affirmed that the CBN, when acting in it’s capacity as a banker to government agencies, does not stand as a ” public officer” within the contemplation of Section 84 of the Sheriff and Civil Process Act, Cap. S6, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria. 2004 (SCPA). This decision has profound implications for judgement enforcement and the dynamics of garnishee proceedings involving federal government funds.

This position truly and correctly interprets and reflects the real and true intentions of the law makers. I really think the law need to be amended to reflect the law makers real motives and objectives behind the law ,which is that, as explained in plethora of authorities especially CBN v. INTERSTELLAR, is to prevent causing embarrassment to the government by preventing a situation where the government is being compelled or ordered to pay a judgement debt with the use of special funds kept for special purposes, and all that is required to achieve this is to give notice to the government through the Attorney Generals and not to use the section as a weapon to shield government agencies and public officer from fulfilling their debt obligations as now been done by public agency judgement debtors , with the aid of CBN and allowed by the Courts out in most cases.

I have not come across any record anywhere that the Attorney Generals of the Federation or any state actually granted consent to judgement creditor to pursue a garnishee proceedings pursuant to S. 84 of SCPA.

To me, the wordings of Section 84 of the SCPA is more than clear as to it’s intentions, contemplation and application . It’s application was clearly and deliberate was deliberately spelt with conditions under which it will apply , which clearly excludes the Central Bank acting in it’s capacity as a banker, when it said ….in it’s capacity as a public officer , and if you juxtapose this with Section 2( e ) which describes the role and position of the Central Bank in respect of funds belonging to government and it’s agencies in it’s custody as their banker , then it makes the position as clear as day.

I am of the believe the public agencies the section contemplates for it’s purpose are agencies like Accountant General of the Federation, RMARFC , and other agencies who may hold government fund in their capacity as public agencies but not as bankers . It is my opinion that the Law should be amended to be more specific in respect of the CBN.

The true position of the law as canvassed by his Lordship , Honourable Justice Ogunwumiju JSC , that Section 84 of the SCPA is inconsistent with the provision of Section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal republic of Nigeria (as amended) and therefore void to the
extent of it’s inconsistency, as it denies the right of litigants to seek remedy in Court.

O.W.Bamigbaiye
Principal Partner
Corpora

Is the right to liberty undermined by section 296 of the ACJA? Is there a need to review or regulate its enforcement in Nigeria

By M. O. Idam, Esq.

It is correct to say that no provision of law in Nigeria has received as much publicity or public sensitization as Section 35 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,1999 (as amended).

The section provides that:

“A person who is arrested must be brought before a court of law within a reasonable time.”

The proviso (sub 5), in explaining ‘reasonable time’ provides:

In subsection (4) of this section, the expression “a reasonable time” means –

in the case of an arrest or detention in any place where there is a court of competent jurisdiction within a radius of forty kilometres, a period of one day; and

in any other case, a period of two days or such longer period as in the circumstances may be considered by the court to be reasonable.

Sadly, despite the safeguards for personal liberty provided under Section 35 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, certain legislative measures have proven counterproductive, undermining—or even rendering ineffective—the potency of this constitutional protection against violations of human liberty by state actors, as exemplified in the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015.

These statutory provisions, whether by design or in operation, have the practical effect of enabling and legitimising the very abuses of personal liberty that the Constitution seeks to prevent. Consequently, the constitutional guarantee of personal liberty is, in many instances, rendered ineffective as a reliable safeguard against prolonged pre-trial detention.This subversive, ouster-oriented legislative framework is poignantly reflected in Sections 293–299 of the ACJA, 2015, which permit the remand of a suspect in custody for a cumulative period of up to 56 days without trial before a court of competent jurisdiction, ostensibly to facilitate police investigation.

According to Section 296 of the ACJA 2015, a remand warrant issued under section 293 can initially last for 14 days and be renewed for another 14 days, totaling 28 days. After the expiration of 28 days, the Magistrate Court is required to invite the Attorney General of the Federation, the detaining authority, and the suspect to address the court on whether the remand order should be vacated or the suspect released unconditionally.

At this stage, the Magistrate is afforded 14 days to determine whether to extend the remand order or release the suspect unconditionally. This phase constitutes a cumulative period of 42 days. Where, after hearing the parties, the Magistrate is satisfied that continued detention is justified, the remand order may be further extended for an additional 14 days, bringing the total period of detention to 56 days.

This prolonged, legally sanctioned detention arguably amounts in my mind, to an unjustified disregard for the constitutional guarantee of personal liberty, thereby reducing the much-cherished right to be brought before a court within 24 or 48 hours (depending on proximity) to a mere cosmetic safeguard—one that is rendered ineffective where a law enforcement officer, acting in bad faith, relies on the provisions of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act to facilitate willful and prolonged detention without meaningful consequences.

CONCLUSION

It is my view, therefore, without prejudice to the provisions of section 46 of the Constitution, that the leeway for prolonged pre-trial detention created by section 296 of the ACJA, 2015 is frequently abused by law enforcement officers, thereby necessitating an urgent review of the provision or stricter regulation of its enforcement in Nigeria; otherwise, pre-trial detention under section 296, will continue to serve primarily the interests of oppressive complainants and, in some instances, overzealous law enforcement officers, to the detriment of even potentially innocent suspects.  

M. O. Idam

Paid but Not Registered: Lawyer drags CAC to court over missing payment, defective portal

A Nigerian lawyer has filed a high-stakes lawsuit against the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), alleging systemic failure and negligence in the operation of its online business registration portal.

Prince Ezeabata Chibuzor, managing partner of Princeston Law Firm, brought the suit before the Federal High Court in Abuja, accusing the commission of breaching its statutory and constitutional obligations after a business registration process stalled despite full payment.

According to court filings, Chibuzor initiated the upgrade of a business name to a private company limited by shares via the CAC’s official portal. He said he completed all required steps and paid the prescribed fees, including stamp duties processed through the federal government’s payment platform, Remita.

However, the CAC allegedly failed to reflect the payment or finalize the registration. Instead, the system reportedly continued to display a “no payment information found” status, leaving the application in limbo.

Chibuzor told the court that repeated attempts to resolve the issue, including formal complaints, visits to CAC offices in Abuja, and direct engagement with officials, yielded no solution. In one instance, he claims, a staff member suggested he simply “pay again.”

The lawsuit raises broader questions about accountability in Nigeria’s digital public services. At its core is whether the CAC, established under the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) 2020, is legally obligated to ensure that payments made through its electronic platform are properly processed and acted upon within a reasonable timeframe.

The plaintiff argues that the commission’s failure amounts to negligence, breach of statutory duty, and a violation of constitutional principles of transparency and administrative fairness.

He also alleges that continuing to accept payments on a malfunctioning platform exposes users to financial loss and business disruption, describing it as “gross administrative misconduct.”

Chibuzor is seeking multiple declaratory reliefs, including a court ruling affirming the CAC’s duty to process payments efficiently, a finding that the commission breached its legal obligations, and a declaration that such failures violate protections under Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution.

He further asks the court to rule that the CAC cannot rely on immunity under the Public Officers Protection Act in cases involving negligence and breach of duty.

The lawyer said the stalled registration has had significant consequences for his work, including preventing him from commencing operations, opening a corporate bank account, and securing contracts requiring company status. He also cited reputational damage and lost business opportunities.

Legal analysts say the case could set a precedent for how Nigerian courts interpret the responsibilities of government agencies in an increasingly digital economy.

The matter has been assigned to Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court, Abuja, with a hearing scheduled for June 1.

The outcome may test the extent to which public institutions can be held accountable for service failures in the digital age—and what remedies are available to citizens when government systems break down.

Abuja court clears woman detained after refusing sexual advances, dismisses blackmail case

A Chief District Court in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, has struck out a criminal case against a woman, Mrs. Ngozi Ishola Umunna, and ordered her immediate discharge.

This followed a directive from the Attorney-General of the Federation to withdraw the matter.

The ruling, delivered at the Dutse Alhaji division of the court, brought an end to the case marked CR/DUT/1578/2025, instituted by the Commissioner of Police against the defendant.

In the discharge order dated April 1, 2026, obtained by SaharaReporters on Monday, the presiding magistrate, His Worship Ibrahim Yusuf Alkali, granted the application for withdrawal made by counsel representing the Attorney-General of the Federation.

“I have listened to the application as prayed by the learned counsel for the Attorney-General of the Federation. It is the state’s case; the application is granted as prayed,” the magistrate ruled.

“This case NO. CR/DUT/1578/25 is hereby struck out and the defendant Ngozi Ishola Umunna is discharged,” the court added.

COURT DOCUMENT

The court further directed the police commissioner “to release to Mrs. Ngozi Umunna all her items that were recovered from her in the course of this case”.

The discharge comes amid serious allegations of rights violations raised earlier by a civil society organisation, the Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC), which had petitioned the FCT Police Command over the handling of the case.

In a petition dated January 20, 2026, and copied to the Police Service Commission, the group accused officers at Garki Police Station, including Divisional Police Officer Mr. Ahmodu Mohammed, of “grave abuse of police powers.”

According to the organisation, Mrs. Ishola was arrested late on December 10, 2025, at her residence in Area 11, Abuja, under circumstances it described as unlawful and degrading.

“At the time of her arrest, she was on her menstrual cycle, unwell, and leaving behind two very young children aged four and two, both with special needs, without any arrangement for their care,” RULAAC stated in the petition.

The group alleged that the defendant was detained for “two nights and three days without access to legal counsel, family, food, water, or her prescribed medication,” describing the process as “arbitrary, punitive, and manifestly unlawful.”

RULAAC further claimed that the case stemmed from allegations made by a complainant, Mr. James Asika Onwordi, following what it described as the woman’s refusal of sexual advances.

“She was later informed that she was accused of blackmailing the complainant with a purported sex video after she allegedly rejected his sexual advances,” the petition said.

The organisation accused police officers of siding with the complainant and using the criminal justice process to intimidate the defendant.

“Officers acted not as impartial law enforcement officers but as agents of the complainant,” RULAAC alleged.

The petition also detailed claims of prolonged detention, noting that Mrs. Ishola was remanded at Suleja Correctional Centre for over a month, from December 12, 2025, to January 19, 2026, before being released.

“During this period, her two young children aged 4 and 2 years respectively were left vulnerable and unattended for over one month and one week,” the group said, warning of potential emotional and social consequences.

It further alleged that the defendant was subjected to degrading treatment, including being detained alongside male suspects, verbally abused, and pressured to withdraw money from her bank account.

“When she resisted and demanded to write her statement instead, she was returned to the cell as punishment,” RULAAC stated, adding that the DPO allegedly threatened her with imprisonment if she failed to comply.

The organisation also raised concerns about possible digital intrusion, alleging that the defendant received multiple security alerts indicating attempts to access her mobile devices while in police custody.

SaharaReporters

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