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How Mackenzie Scott, ex-wife of Jeff Bezos, donated $26.3 billion to charity

A young woman graduated from Princeton in 1992 with a degree in English literature. Toni Morrison had been her professor — and later said she was one of the best creative writing students she had ever taught.

Her name was MacKenzie Tuttle. She took a job at a hedge fund in New York. It was a practical choice — she was good with language and good with numbers, and she needed to earn a living.

Then she met a man named Jeff Bezos who had an idea about selling books on the internet.

She did not dismiss it.

In 1993 they married. In 1994 they drove across the country to the Seattle area with their belongings in a car. They rented a garage. They set up computers. They had no large budget, no team, no investors confirmed, and no guarantee that anyone would buy a single book.

MacKenzie handled the accounting. She wrote business materials. She answered customer calls. She packed boxes.

Amazon’s first year of revenue was $511,000. She was there for all of it.

As Amazon grew, MacKenzie stepped back. They had four children. She focused on raising them and on her own writing. In 2006 her debut novel won the American Book Award. She published a second novel in 2013. She taught writing.

For the next two decades, the story of Amazon was told without her in it.

Jeff Bezos became one of the most recognized names on earth. The garage became a founding myth. Her name appeared in that myth occasionally, briefly, usually in a subordinate clause.

She did not correct this publicly. She did not correct it at all.

What most people do not know is that MacKenzie Scott did not grow up wealthy. Her family filed for bankruptcy during her final year at boarding school. At Princeton she struggled to pay tuition. A roommate once loaned her a thousand dollars when she was close to dropping out. A local dentist gave her free dental work after seeing her use denture glue on a broken tooth because she couldn’t afford to fix it properly.

She has said she never forgot either of those people.

In January 2019, Jeff Bezos announced their divorce. The settlement gave her approximately four percent of Amazon’s shares — worth roughly $36 to $38 billion. She was forty-eight years old.

Within months she signed the Giving Pledge, committing to donate the majority of her wealth during her lifetime. Then she built a small team and created a philanthropic initiative unlike anything at that scale. No lengthy applications. No required progress reports. No conditions attached. No press releases in her name. Her team identified organizations doing serious work in overlooked communities and simply called them.

Many recipients thought it was a scam. Some asked the caller to repeat the number. Others wept.

She gave $436 million to Habitat for Humanity. She sent the largest single gifts in the institutional histories of multiple Historically Black Colleges and Universities. She directed hundreds of millions to food banks, climate organizations, rural communities, tribal colleges, women’s health initiatives, and prison reform programs — causes larger, more image-conscious donors had often considered too unglamorous or too complicated.

In 2025 alone she donated $7.17 billion to 186 organizations. By most public accounts, that single year exceeded her former husband’s entire lifetime giving.

Her total since 2019: $26.3 billion. More than 2,700 organizations. No named buildings. No branded foundation. No galas held in her honor.

Forbes now ranks her third among all living philanthropists, behind only Warren Buffett and Bill Gates. She reached that position in six years.

She packed the first boxes. She ran the first numbers. She answered the first calls.

The company that came out of that garage is now worth more than $2 trillion.

The garage still stands in the Seattle area. It is a documented address. Her name is not on it.

What she did with the money that came from it is now a matter of public record — $26.3 billion distributed quietly, without fanfare, without expectation, the same way a dentist once fixed a broken tooth for a college student who couldn’t pay.

She described herself, in a 2025 essay, as one small part of a much larger story.

The number says otherwise.

She went from building Amazon in a garage to giving away billions in silence—what she did next will surprise you 👉 https://ifeg.info/2026/07/01/the-woman-in-the-garage-who-became-one-of-the-quietest-forces-of-power-in-the-modern-world/

Changing of the Guard: Judiciary appoints new Master of the Rolls and King’s Bench President

Sir Colin Birss has been announced as the new master of the rolls while Lord Justice Warby has been appointed the new president of the King’s Bench Division.

Birss’ appointment will follow the retirement of Sir Geoffrey Vos, who steps down on 31 October after five years in the role.

Sir Colin was called to the bar in 1990, specialising in intellectual property and took silk in 2008. He started his judicial career as a deputy chair of the Copyright Tribunal in 2009. He is currently the chancellor of the High Court. In 2023, he became lead judge for artificial intelligence – which suggests that he will continue his predecessor’s focus on the technology’s potential. 

The lady chief justice said: ‘I am delighted that, today, the king has appointed Sir Colin Birss as the master of the rolls. ‘His judicial and leadership experience, alongside his technological and digital expertise, make him ideally placed to take on this important role.’

Lord Justice Warby’s appointment as president of the King’s Bench division will follow the retirement of Dame Victoria Sharp, who announced earlier this year that she would be leave the judiciary in October.

The lady chief justice said: ‘Lord Justice Warby has extensive experience in this jurisdiction as the judge in charge of the media and communications list, director of training for the senior judiciary, and former chair of the High Court Judges’ Association. He takes up the role at a time of change, with the creation of the Business and Property Division. He will be able to draw upon his leadership expertise to ensure that the judges of the King’s Bench Division, the largest division of the High Court, are supported in continuing to uphold the rule of law and deliver timely and fair resolution of the disputes that they decide.’

Warby was called to bar in 1981 and took silk in 2002. He was appointed as a recorder in 2009 and in 2021 was appointed to the Court of Appeal. He also served as the vice chair of the JAC between 2023 and 2026.

Birss’ appointment as master of the rolls, the second in judicial importance to the lady chief justice, and Warby as president of the King’s bench division was made by the king on the advice of the lord chancellor, following the recommendation of an independent selection panel chaired by the lady chief justice Baroness Carr of Walton-on-the-Hill.

The other panel members were Lord Sales, deputy president of the Supreme Court; lay Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) commissioners professor Clare McGlynn and Siwan Davies and professional JAC commissioner Tom Cross KC.

The appointments follow the announcement of Lord Justice Cobb heading the family division as the new president, following Sir Andrew McFarlane’s retirement in April this year. 

Credits: Law Gazette

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SPECIAL REPORT: Who Will Police the State Police? Nigeria’s biggest security reform faces its toughest constitutional test

By Ladidi Sabo

As support grows for decentralised policing, constitutional lawyers warn that the real challenge is no longer whether states should have police forces, but how to stop them from becoming instruments of political power.

For years, the argument for state police seemed straightforward.

Nigeria’s security challenges had outgrown a policing system directed almost entirely from Abuja. Communities battling terrorism, kidnapping, banditry and violent crime often waited for decisions from a command structure hundreds of kilometres away. Governors, despite being described as the chief security officers of their states, repeatedly complained that they lacked operational authority over police formations working within their territories.

The case for decentralisation gathered momentum because the existing arrangement was struggling to keep pace with reality.

Today, that conversation has changed.

Few serious observers still question whether Nigeria needs policing reforms. The sharper question now is whether the country can devolve policing powers without also creating new opportunities for political abuse.

That concern has become the defining fault line in the constitutional debate now unfolding in the National Assembly.

Former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Professor Chidi Odinkalu, believes the danger lies not in the idea of state police itself but in the way it is currently being pursued.

Speaking during a July appearance on Arise Television, he described the present proposal as “an invitation to anarchy,” arguing that the country appears ready to transfer enormous coercive powers to state governments without first building the constitutional restraints that should accompany them.

Odinkalu’s intervention was striking because he did not reject decentralised policing outright.

Instead, he questioned the circumstances surrounding the proposed constitutional amendment.

Introducing such sweeping powers close to another election cycle, he argued, inevitably raises questions about motive. In his view, policing should never become another weapon in Nigeria’s already fiercely contested electoral politics.

He also criticised what he described as the absence of meaningful public participation.

Although several versions of the proposed constitutional amendment are reportedly circulating within the National Assembly, Nigerians have had little opportunity to study them or debate the implications before lawmakers proceed further.

For a reform that would fundamentally reshape policing in Africa’s largest democracy, that lack of openness troubles many constitutional scholars.

Odinkalu also pointed to another weakness.

Creating new police organisations is relatively easy on paper. Building institutions capable of exercising those powers fairly is considerably harder.

Questions about recruitment standards, operational independence, disciplinary procedures, civilian oversight and inter-agency coordination remain largely unanswered.

Without those foundations, he warned, decentralisation could simply replace one set of problems with another. His criticism extends beyond policing itself.

No police system, he argued, can function effectively if the institutions responsible for justice remain weak.

Across many states, Ministries of Justice continue to struggle with inadequate funding, shortages of prosecutors and delays in criminal trials. Courts are overburdened. Correctional facilities remain overcrowded.

Strengthening the police without strengthening the justice system, he suggested, risks producing more arrests without necessarily producing more justice.

Perhaps his most provocative argument concerned Nigeria’s elections. According to Odinkalu, insecurity cannot be separated from public confidence in democratic institutions.

Where citizens believe elections are manipulated, political grievances often deepen into violence, creating pressures that no policing structure—whether federal or state—can resolve on its own.

Interestingly, his concerns are finding echoes among politicians who otherwise support policing reforms.

At the Building a National Consensus for State Police and National Security Conference organised by Arise News and THISDAY in Abuja, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan urged lawmakers to ensure that any state police system remains insulated from partisan control.

“State police should never become an instrument of political oppression or executive intimidation,” she said.

Her concern was not with decentralisation itself but with the possibility that governors could exercise unchecked influence over policing if constitutional safeguards prove inadequate.

She also drew attention to an issue that rarely receives the same attention as constitutional design: money.

Creating police organisations without sustainable funding, she warned, would leave them poorly equipped, poorly trained and vulnerable to corruption.

Her intervention reflected a growing consensus that the success of state police will depend as much on governance as on legislation.

Lessons Beyond Nigeria

The fears surrounding state police are understandable.

Nigeria has experienced repeated allegations of political interference in security institutions, particularly during elections.

Yet experience elsewhere suggests that decentralised policing does not inevitably produce authoritarianism.

The United States operates thousands of state, county and municipal police agencies alongside federal law enforcement. Canada divides policing responsibilities between federal, provincial and municipal authorities. Germany entrusts most policing functions to its sixteen states, while Australia follows a similar federal model.

India, another large and diverse federation, constitutionally assigns policing to state governments.

These systems are far from perfect. Political interference still occurs.

What distinguishes them is not simply that policing is decentralised, but that political power is constrained.

Independent police commissions oversee appointments and discipline.

Courts possess real authority to review executive actions.

Legislatures conduct oversight.

Citizens have functioning complaints mechanisms.

The media remains free to scrutinise abuses.

Those institutions—not the existence of state police—are what reduce the risk of political capture.

That is the lesson many constitutional lawyers believe Nigeria should heed.

If state police eventually becomes part of Nigeria’s constitutional architecture, the legislation will have to answer difficult questions before the first officer is recruited.

Who appoints state police commissioners?

Can governors direct criminal investigations?

Who disciplines officers?

Who investigates complaints against them?

How are disputes between federal and state police resolved?

Can citizens challenge political interference quickly and effectively?

Those answers may prove far more important than the debate over whether state police should exist.

Nigeria’s security crisis demands fresh thinking. The centralised model has struggled against increasingly localised threats. Communities want faster responses, better intelligence and officers who understand local realities.

State police may well become part of that solution. But history, in Nigeria and elsewhere, offers a simple reminder. Democracies are rarely weakened because institutions receive new powers.

They are weakened when those powers are granted without equally strong mechanisms to restrain them. That is the constitutional test now before the National Assembly.

If lawmakers get it right, state police could become one of the most consequential reforms since the return to democratic rule in 1999.

If they get it wrong, Nigeria may simply exchange one policing problem for another.

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Love, Lies… and a £35,000 Diamond? CCTV captures man swallowing engagement ring in daring jewellery heist

Jewellers say suspect spent hours posing as a genuine customer before allegedly hiding the diamond in the most unexpected place.

For centuries, people have gone to extraordinary lengths to win someone’s heart. But if allegations by a London jeweller are anything to go by, one man may have taken that desperation to an astonishing new level.

A jewellery store in London’s famous Hatton Garden has released dramatic CCTV footage which it says captures the moment a customer swallowed a £35,000 (about ₦75 million) diamond engagement ring in a bizarre attempt to steal it.

According to Elegance Jewellers, the incident unfolded in June 2025 after a man spent nearly two hours carefully examining engagement rings, apparently posing as a serious buyer before one of the expensive pieces mysteriously vanished.

Staff said they had shown him three rings, including a princess-cut diamond engagement ring valued at about £35,000, before realising one was missing.

Initially baffled, employees reviewed security footage to determine what had happened.

What they claim they discovered stunned even seasoned jewellers.

According to the family-run business, the CCTV footage allegedly shows the customer placing the ring into his mouth before swallowing it and calmly attempting to walk out of the store.

When challenged by staff, the man allegedly denied taking the jewellery and even invited employees to search his pockets, insisting he had nothing to hide.

But repeated reviews of the surveillance footage, the jewellers said, appeared to reveal the moment the ring disappeared—straight down his throat.

Store manager Junaid Hassan, 28, said staff confronted the suspect and demanded the ring be returned.

According to the jewellers, the man eventually forced himself to vomit, recovered the diamond ring and handed it back before security personnel escorted him from the premises.

“This is something we’ve never experienced in more than 30 years of business,” Hassan said, describing the incident as unlike any attempted theft the family had previously encountered.

His father, Syed Hassan, who attended to the customer, recalled that the man arrived shortly before closing time, claiming he intended to return the next day to complete the purchase.

Instead, the jewellers allege, he attempted to leave with the ring concealed inside his body.

The recovered piece was a platinum engagement ring featuring a large princess-cut diamond surrounded by smaller stones.

The family also believes the suspect may have been familiar with sophisticated distraction tactics.

During the confrontation, they claim he telephoned a contact saved in his mobile phone as “999”—the UK’s emergency number—in what they suspect was an attempt to pressure staff into allowing him to leave before police could become involved.

To warn other jewellery retailers, Elegance Jewellers later released the CCTV footage online.

The extraordinary video has since attracted millions of views across social media, with many viewers expressing disbelief and questioning whether the incident was genuine.

The jewellers, however, insist the footage is authentic, saying they made it public to alert colleagues to increasingly unusual methods allegedly being employed by suspected jewellery thieves.

Whether motivated by love, greed or sheer opportunism, the alleged attempt has become one of the most talked-about jewellery theft stories to emerge from London’s historic diamond district in recent years.

Watch the video here.

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Nigeria has the sun, the gas, the coal—and now the law. So why is the country still in darkness?

LAW & SOCIETY MAGAZINE SPECIAL REPORT

As REA predicts solar could account for half of Nigeria’s electricity supply by 2029, the bigger question is why abundant energy resources and sweeping legal reforms have yet to translate into reliable power for millions of Nigerians.

When the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) announced this week that solar energy could provide as much as half of Nigeria’s electricity supply within the next few years, the projection sounded like the kind of breakthrough many Nigerians have waited decades to hear.

The agency says solar already contributes about 20 per cent of the country’s electricity mix. Manufacturing plants are springing up around the Lagos-Sagamu industrial corridor, while private investors are putting more money into renewable energy than ever before.

On the surface, the signs are encouraging.

Yet for millions of Nigerians, the daily reality remains stubbornly familiar. Shops still fall silent when generators run out of fuel. Manufacturers continue to spend a sizeable portion of their operating costs producing electricity for themselves. Families plan their evenings around power outages rather than the clock.

It is a contradiction that has defined Nigeria for decades.

The country has some of Africa’s largest natural gas reserves. It receives abundant sunshine across much of its territory, particularly in the North, where solar generation has enormous potential. Rivers capable of supporting hydroelectric projects flow across several states. Coal deposits remain largely untapped in places such as Enugu and Kogi.

Few countries possess such a broad mix of energy resources.

Even fewer have struggled for so long to convert that wealth into dependable electricity.

The irony has become even more striking since the Electricity Act came into force in 2023.

The legislation fundamentally altered Nigeria’s electricity sector by allowing states to establish their own electricity markets, issue licences and develop generation, transmission and distribution projects within their jurisdictions. It was one of the most significant reforms in the industry’s history, ending decades in which electricity development was concentrated almost entirely at the federal level.

The expectation was straightforward: states with comparative advantages would begin exploiting them.

Enugu, whose identity has long been tied to coal mining, could build an integrated energy economy around its coal reserves while taking advantage of expanding gas infrastructure. Niger State, home to some of the country’s largest hydroelectric assets, could deepen its role as a power-producing state. Northern states blessed with intense year-round sunshine could become centres of solar generation. Oil-producing states with abundant gas could develop embedded power plants to serve industries and households closer to where the fuel is produced.

Instead, progress has been uneven.

Some states have begun establishing electricity regulatory commissions and drafting market rules. Others are negotiating with private investors or developing mini-grid projects. But in many parts of the country, the legal reforms have yet to produce the visible improvements consumers expected.

That is because Nigeria’s electricity challenge extends well beyond generation.

Power experts have long argued that the country suffers from weaknesses across the entire value chain. Even where generation capacity exists, electricity often cannot be transmitted efficiently because of ageing infrastructure and limited grid capacity. Distribution networks in many areas remain poorly equipped to deliver available power to consumers, while inadequate metering and commercial losses continue to undermine investment.

In other words, generating more electricity is only part of the solution. Getting that electricity reliably into homes, hospitals, schools and factories is an equally difficult challenge.

That explains why the REA’s optimism about solar was accompanied by a note of caution.

Speaking during the Nigerian Oil and Gas Energy Week in Abuja, REA Managing Director Abba Abubakar Aliyu said solar deployment was accelerating rapidly and could account for about 50 per cent of Nigeria’s electricity generation mix by 2029 if current investment trends continue.

He also pointed to the emergence of local manufacturing, saying companies along the Lagos-Sagamu corridor are now producing solar photovoltaic panels for domestic use and export across West Africa, with about 3.7 gigawatts of additional manufacturing capacity under development.

But even as renewable energy gathers momentum, industry leaders insist Nigeria cannot afford to abandon gas.

Vincent Ozoude, Managing Director of Transafam Power Limited, argued that gas-fired plants remain indispensable because they provide the stable base load needed to complement intermittent renewable sources such as solar.

His point reflects a growing consensus within the energy industry: Nigeria’s future is unlikely to be built on a choice between gas and renewables. It will require both.

The country’s natural gas reserves remain among the largest in the world, while its solar potential is equally significant. Harnessing one without the other would leave gaps that neither technology can fully address on its own.

Ultimately, however, neither abundant sunshine nor vast gas reserves will solve Nigeria’s electricity crisis without sustained political commitment.

The Electricity Act has already removed one of the biggest legal obstacles by empowering states to take greater responsibility for their own power sectors. Whether that opportunity translates into reliable electricity now depends less on legislation than on execution—on whether governments can attract investment, strengthen regulation, expand transmission infrastructure and deliver projects that move beyond announcements.

For ordinary Nigerians, the debate is not really about megawatts or energy mixes.

It is about whether businesses can remain open without diesel generators, whether hospitals can operate uninterrupted, whether students can study after sunset and whether electricity finally becomes a dependable public service rather than a daily gamble.

The resources have always been there.

The legal framework now exists.

The question Nigeria must answer is why reliable electricity remains so difficult to deliver.

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‘Al Jazeera apologised but refused to go public’—Tinubu’s Aide Bwala claims as UK court showdown looms

The Presidential spokesman alleges broadcaster edited out key context from his explosive Mehdi Hasan interview, says defamation suit is now before an English court.

Daniel Bwala, Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Policy Communication, has alleged that international broadcaster Al Jazeera privately apologised to him over a controversial televised interview that went viral earlier this year but declined to make the apology public for fear of damaging its own credibility.

Bwala also disclosed that the dispute has escalated into a legal battle in England, where he said his lawyers have filed a defamation case against the Qatar-based media organisation.

Speaking during an appearance on The Morayo Show, the presidential aide claimed Al Jazeera later acknowledged that it should have informed him beforehand that his credibility and previous criticism of President Bola Tinubu—not government policy—would become the central focus of the interview.

According to Bwala, the broadcaster conveyed its apology privately after the programme aired.

“They apologised to me privately. I said they should put it on social media. They said they would not because it would affect their credibility,” he said.

Bwala appeared on Al Jazeera’s Head to Head programme in March, where host Mehdi Hasan repeatedly confronted him with archived video clips and public statements from his time as spokesperson for former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s 2023 presidential campaign.

Throughout the interview, Hasan challenged Bwala over his past criticisms of Tinubu and pressed him to explain his political transition from one of the President’s fiercest critics to one of his closest advisers. The tense exchange quickly gained traction online, generating widespread debate across social media.

However, Bwala now contends that the programme viewers watched was materially different from the interview he gave.

He alleged that Al Jazeera’s producers edited out a crucial opening exchange in which he acknowledged making the earlier remarks about Tinubu but informed the interviewer that those comments fell outside the scope of the interview that had been agreed in advance.

According to him, removing that segment fundamentally altered the context of his answers and created the false impression that he was denying making the earlier statements.

Bwala said the alleged editing damaged his reputation and prompted him to seek legal redress in England.

“My advisers in England said it is a case of defamation of character,” he said, adding that the matter is now before an English court.

Neither Al Jazeera nor the programme’s host, Mehdi Hasan, had publicly responded to Bwala’s latest claims at the time of this report.

If confirmed, the case could test the legal boundaries between editorial discretion and alleged reputational harm in high-profile political interviews, particularly where disputes arise over selective editing and the presentation of recorded exchanges.

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NBA-SPIDEL sets ambitious reform agenda as new committees begin work

Media Network inaugurated ahead of Friday’s formal swearing-in as Section unveils specialised teams to drive public interest litigation, detention monitoring, electoral reforms and access to justice

The Nigerian Bar Association’s Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL) has commenced the implementation of what many lawyers describe as one of its most ambitious institutional reforms in recent years, with newly constituted committees beginning work ahead of their formal inauguration on Friday.

The official inauguration of the leadership of the newly established NBA-SPIDEL committees, task teams and special mechanisms is scheduled to hold virtually on Friday, July 10, 2026, between 7 p.m. and 9 p.m., marking the commencement of a broad programme aimed at strengthening public interest advocacy, strategic litigation, legislative reforms, governance accountability and access to justice across Nigeria.

The process effectively got underway on Wednesday when the newly constituted NBA-SPIDEL Public Interest and Development Law Media Network held its inaugural meeting under the chairmanship of former NBA Second Vice-President, Dr. Monday Ubani, SAN. The meeting was attended by the committee’s Secretary, Lilian Okenwa, and Assistant Secretary, Gloria Ireka, who joined discussions on the committee’s immediate priorities ahead of Friday’s formal inauguration.

The Media Network is one of several specialised structures established by the Section to strengthen public engagement with issues of constitutionalism, human rights, governance and the rule of law. Under its approved Terms of Reference, the committee is expected to coordinate media relations, promote public awareness of SPIDEL’s interventions, develop public education campaigns, strengthen relationships with media organisations and produce information materials that advance public interest and development law. It will also coordinate NBA-SPIDEL’s media exhibitions and annual media awards.

Beyond communications, the newly approved structure represents a significant expansion of NBA-SPIDEL’s institutional capacity.

Among the statutory committees are a Public Interest Litigation Committee, mandated to identify and prosecute strategic cases on constitutionalism, human rights, environmental justice, accountability, governance and access to justice, and a Development Committee, which will monitor governance systems, Sustainable Development Goals implementation, integrity in public institutions, electoral reforms and climate justice initiatives.

The Section has also established several new specialised mechanisms expected to broaden its national interventions. These include a National Legal Aid Strategy Implementation Monitoring Committee to assess access to legal aid and identify implementation gaps nationwide; a Detention Monitoring Committee tasked with monitoring detention facilities, identifying unlawful detention and promoting compliance with constitutional safeguards; a Research and Policy Committee to produce evidence-based legal reforms; a Capacity Building, Knowledge Management and Mentoring Committee to strengthen professional development and mentor young lawyers; and a Legislative Reforms and Liaison Committee, which will engage lawmakers, prepare reform proposals and monitor legislation affecting public interest law.

The committee structure also establishes regional representatives for the North, East and West to coordinate SPIDEL programmes across the country and strengthen collaboration with NBA branches, civil society organisations, development partners and relevant government institutions.

According to the approved operational framework, all committees will function as institutional vehicles for implementing SPIDEL’s mandate, working under the supervision of the Section’s leadership and submitting periodic reports to the Executive Committee. Newly inaugurated committees are expected to prepare annual work plans immediately after their inauguration, while quarterly performance reports will be used to monitor implementation and measure impact.

Legal observers say the expanded committee system signals NBA-SPIDEL’s determination to move beyond policy advocacy into sustained institutional engagement on some of Nigeria’s most pressing legal and governance challenges, including strategic public interest litigation, detention oversight, electoral reform, legislative advocacy, legal aid implementation and professional capacity building.

Friday’s inauguration is expected to formally activate the committees, setting the stage for what the Section hopes will be a more coordinated and intervention-driven approach to advancing public interest and development law across the country.

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Just In: Ex-CCT chairman Danladi Umar remanded in Kuje prison over corruption charges

A High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), sitting in Maitama, on Thursday remanded the former Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Mr. Danladi Umar, in Kuje prison.

Justice Peter Kekemeke gave the remand order after the Federal Government arraigned the erstwhile CCT boss on a four-count corruption charge.

According to the federal government, its investigations revealed that the defendant abused his official position by conferring an undue advantage on himself while he served as head of the tribunal.

It was alleged that in 2021 he used his wife’s bank account to collect the sum of N5.5 million from a contractor engaged to paint the headquarters of the CCT in Abuja.

The federal government further alleged that on January 25, 2024, the defendant also used his wife’s account to collect N6 million from a contractor who handled the digitisation of the CCT’s records.

Also, the defendant was accused of directing another contractor to pay N2.43 million for the tuition fee of his daughter at Baze University, Abuja.

He was said to have committed offences punishable under section 19 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act, 2000.

Meanwhile, following his plea of not guilty to the allegations, the prosecution counsel, Mr. Christopher Mshelia, applied for his remand in a correctional facility, even as he urged the court to set a date for the commencement of trial.

However, the defendant, through his legal team, urged the court to release him on bail pending the determination of the case.

While opposing the request, the anti-graft agency drew the court’s attention to the fact that it had just been served with the bail application, saying it needed time to respond to it.

In view of this development, Justice Kekemeke adjourned the case until July 15 to hear the defendant’s application for bail.

It will be recalled that the defendant, while in office as CCT Chairman, on January 23, 2019, issued a controversial ex parte order that led to the removal of a serving Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen. Nigeriatravel guide

Following the ex parte order, the late President Muhammadu Buhari, on January 25, swore in the next most senior jurist of the Supreme Court, Justice Tanko Muhammad, to take over the leadership of the judiciary as Acting CJN.

Though Onnoghen later voluntarily resigned his position as CJN on April 4, Umar went ahead and convicted him on April 18, 2019, on the federal government’s allegation that he had failed to properly declare his assets as required by law.

He gave the federal government the go-ahead to confiscate all monies in five accounts belonging to the former CJN, and also removed him as Chairman of both the NJC and the Federal Judiciary Service Commission (FJSC).

Meanwhile, in 2024, the Senate sacked Umar, over alleged gross misconduct.

The decision was made under Section 157(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended), which empowers the Senate to remove key public officials following due process.

Danladi Umar’s final fall followed a closed-door session lasting over one and a half hours.

On resumption of plenary, the Senate announced that more than 84 lawmakers supported the decision.

The motion leading to his removal was sponsored by the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, who highlighted the pivotal role of the CCT in maintaining high standards of morality and accountability in government.

Bamidele stated, “The Code of Conduct Tribunal, as a statutory institution, is expected to uphold virtues of integrity, probity, and accountability”, adding that a statutory institution of such magnitude is expected to be an epitome of moral rectitude and “should be seen to uphold the virtues of integrity, probity and accountability.

Read Also: Karma visits CCT Chair, Danladi Umar

According to him however, ‘the conduct of Mr Yakubu Panladi Umar, who is the Chairman of the Tribunal, has fallen short of the requisite standard of a public officer to conduct the affairs of such Tribunal.”

Senator Bamidele further pointed out that “The Senate has been inundated with series of petitions and allegations of corruption/misconduct against the Chairman, a situation that necessitated the 9th Senate, through the Senate Committee on Ethics Code of Conduct and Public Petitions to invite him to series of its investigative hearings in order to unravel the circumstances surrounding those allegations.

Umar was said to have appeared before the Committee only once and thereafter avoided subsequent invitations.

“Also concerned about his alleged absenteeism from office for more than one month, without permission and recuse to his position, coupled with preponderance of corruption allegation, misappropriation, and physical street brawl with a security man in the FCT vis-à-vis his current investigation by the EFCC, ICPC and the DSS.

“All these are tantamount to acts of negligence and gross misconduct, unbecoming of a Chairman of such a reputable Tribunal; “Aware of the series of overwhelming allegations against the Chairman, Mr President, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, forwarded the name of Mr Abdullahi Usman Bello to the Senate for confirmation as the new Chairman of the Tribunal, and at the Plenary Sitting of the Senate on Thursday, 4th July 2024, his appointment was duly confirmed, hence the need for the erstwhile Chairman to vacate the office for the substantive Chairman to officially resume office, ” Bamidele concluded

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Broken by design, By Olufunke Baruwa

Every few years, the world rediscovers Africa. Sometimes it is because of a famine; at other times, it is because of a coup, a debt crisis, an epidemic, or a migration emergency. The accompanying narrative is almost always the same: Africa is broken.

It is a familiar diagnosis, repeated so often that it has become accepted wisdom. We speak of weak democracies, crumbling infrastructure, failing institutions, ethnic conflicts, youth unemployment, corruption, health crises, epidemics and poverty as though they are natural conditions of the continent. We lament Africa’s inability to “get its act together” despite its immense natural and human resources. But perhaps we are asking the wrong question.

The more important question is not whether Africa is broken, but whether many of its present realities are the products of systems deliberately designed to produce exactly these outcomes. Africa is not broken because Africans are incapable of governing themselves. In many respects, Africa has been broken by design.

Democracy Without Democratic Power

Over the last three decades, democracy has become the preferred language of governance across Africa. Multiparty elections have replaced military dictatorships in many countries. Constitutions guarantee rights. Independent electoral commissions exist. Civil society has flourished, and social media has amplified citizen voices. Yet beneath these democratic rituals lies a troubling reality.

Too often, elections merely change the occupants of power without changing how power is exercised. Political parties revolve around personalities rather than ideology. State institutions remain vulnerable to executive influence. Public resources are routinely deployed to reward political loyalty instead of public service. The result is what many scholars describe as procedural democracy without substantive democracy.

Colonial administrations were never designed to empower citizens. They were designed to extract resources, maintain order, and concentrate authority. Independence transferred political control but often left the same centralised institutions intact. Instead of dismantling these structures, many post-colonial governments inherited—and sometimes strengthened—them.

The consequence is a democratic system that frequently struggles to deliver justice, accountability, or inclusive development. Citizens vote, but many still feel powerless. Elections occur, yet governance often remains disconnected from the everyday needs of the people. The architecture changed, but the foundation largely remained the same.

Infrastructure and the Economics of Extraction

The same historical logic is evident in Africa’s infrastructure. Roads, railways, ports, and power systems were not originally constructed to connect African economies. They were largely built to move minerals, cash crops, and other raw materials from the interior to coastal ports for export.

Many countries inherited transport networks that linked mines to harbours rather than cities to markets or farmers to consumers. Decades after independence, governments continue to spend billions attempting to correct an infrastructure geography designed for extraction rather than development.

Electricity shortages persist despite abundant energy resources. Manufacturers struggle with high production costs because logistics remain inefficient. Farmers lose harvests because storage and transportation systems are inadequate. Digital infrastructure remains uneven, limiting participation in the modern knowledge economy. These are not merely engineering failures.

They reflect development models that have historically prioritised exporting wealth over building integrated domestic economies. While African governments must accept responsibility for policy failures, corruption, and poor maintenance, history continues to cast a long shadow over present realities.

Development cannot simply mean repairing roads. It must also mean redesigning the economic logic that determines where those roads lead.

Xenophobia, Reparations, and the Politics of Memory

Recent waves of xenophobic attacks in South Africa have once again forced uncomfortable conversations. African migrants have become convenient scapegoats for unemployment, inequality, crime, and failing public services. Yet these frustrations arise from structural economic challenges that extend far beyond immigration.

South Africa remains one of the world’s most unequal societies. Spatial apartheid largely survives. Wealth remains highly concentrated in a few hands. Youth unemployment continues at alarming levels. When institutions fail to address these structural problems, frustration seeks easier targets. Xenophobia becomes less about foreigners and more about broken economic promises.

The irony is painful. A nation whose liberation inspired the African continent now periodically turns against fellow Africans who once stood in solidarity during its struggle against apartheid. The same historical amnesia appears in global debates about reparations. Perhaps we are also not asking the right questions; what’s triggering the xenophobic wave in the rainbow nation?

Critics often ask why today’s generations should bear responsibility for yesterday’s injustices. Yet societies routinely inherit the benefits and burdens of history. Wealth accumulated through slavery, colonial exploitation, forced labour, and unequal trade did not simply disappear. Neither did the disadvantages imposed on colonised societies. The reparations debate is therefore about more than financial compensation.

It is about recognising that today’s global inequalities did not emerge in a vacuum. They are rooted in centuries of deliberate political and economic choices. Repair must include debt justice, fairer trade, technology transfer, restitution of stolen cultural heritage, institutional reform, and genuine partnerships that treat African nations as equal actors rather than perpetual aid recipients. Memory without justice is incomplete.

Redesigning Africa’s Future

Acknowledging that Africa’s challenges have been shaped by historical design does not absolve African leaders of responsibility. Far from it.

Corruption, electoral manipulation, poor governance, ethnic politics, weak public institutions, and policy inconsistency remain self-inflicted obstacles that no colonial explanation can excuse. Too many leaders continue to govern through patronage rather than performance. Too many governments prioritise political survival over national transformation.

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History explains; it does not excuse. But neither should contemporary analysis ignore structural realities that continue to shape development possibilities.

Africa possesses the world’s youngest population, extraordinary mineral wealth, vast renewable energy potential, expanding digital innovation, and growing entrepreneurial talent. These are not the characteristics of a continent condemned to failure. The challenge is to redesign institutions that place citizens above elites, production above extraction, regional integration above fragmentation, and accountability above impunity.

The African Continental Free Trade Area offers one such opportunity by encouraging intra-African commerce rather than dependence on external markets. Investments in digital public infrastructure, education, research, renewable energy, and manufacturing can gradually reverse inherited economic patterns. Stronger democratic institutions can ensure that political power serves public purpose rather than private accumulation.

Most importantly, Africans must reclaim the power to define their own narratives. For too long, Africa has been described by outsiders—as a problem to solve, a market to exploit, or a continent perpetually waiting to be rescued. It is neither.

The real story is not that Africa is broken. It is that many of its institutions were designed for purposes fundamentally different from justice, prosperity, and inclusive development. The task before this generation is not simply to repair those institutions, but to redesign them.

Only then can Africa move from surviving inherited systems to building ones that truly serve its people. Perhaps that is the conversation we should be having. Not why Africa is broken—but who designed the fractures, who continues to benefit from them, and who will finally have the courage to build something different.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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‘I waited 18 years before becoming a Father’ — Rykardo Agbor opens up on journey to parenthood

For 18 years, Nollywood actor Rykardo Agbor held on to one hope: becoming a father.

The actor has shared the deeply personal story of his journey to parenthood, revealing that he and his wife waited nearly two decades before welcoming their twin children.

Speaking about the experience, Agbor said the long wait tested his patience but never diminished his faith. Rather than giving in to despair, he remained steadfast, trusting that the right time would come.

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According to the actor, he had prayed specifically for twins—a prayer he says was answered 14 years ago after 18 years of waiting. Today, he is the proud father of a boy and a girl.

Reflecting on both his marriage and his journey to fatherhood, Agbor also recalled choosing to marry the woman he loved despite their different ethnic backgrounds, saying he remained committed to that decision regardless of where she came from.

“I wanted to get married to a particular lady, and I married her regardless of where she is from. She is not from my tribe. It took 18 years for me to have the twins, and I waited.

God knows, it was 18 years, and they are 14 now. I told God I wanted twins. While that wait was on, someone else might have given up, but in the end, I have twins—a boy and a girl. I asked God for what I wanted, and He answered my prayer,” he said.

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