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Sexual harassment ‘at epidemic levels’ in UK universities

Exclusive: Almost 300 claims against staff have been made in six years, but victims and lawyers say those are just tip of iceberg

Sexual harassment, misconduct and gender violence by university staff are at epidemic levels in the UK, a Guardian investigation suggests.

Freedom of information (FoI) requests sent to 120 universities found that students made at least 169 such allegations against academic and non-academic staff from 2011-12 to 2016-17. At least another 127 allegations about staff were made by colleagues.

But scores of alleged victims have told the Guardian they were dissuaded from making official complaints, and either withdrew their allegations or settled for an informal resolution. Many others said they never reported their harassment, fearful of the impact on their education or careers. This suggests that the true scale of the problem is far greater than the FoI figures reveal.

Read more: https://www.theguardian.com/education/2017/mar/05/students-staff-uk-universities-sexual-harassment-epidemic?CMP=share_btn_wa

Sex for grades, Buhari’s Refusal to Sign the Sexual Harassment Bill

By Moses Ochonu

Why did Buhari not sign the Sexual Harassment bill passed by the 8th National Assembly? It prescribed a 5-year jail term for offenders. Not enough, in my opinion, for egregious offenders and recidivists but it might be a deterrent if lecturers know that they would not only be sacked from their jobs but would also be prosecuted and possibly jailed. Did ASUU successfully lobby against the bill? Did Buhari object to it? What exactly happened to that bill? Let’s hear from those who know what happened.

Source: Facebook

This is my response to an ongoing discussion in a listserv of academics on the BBC documentary on sexual harassment in Nigerian and Ghanaian universities.

Scandalous? What is scandalous about this? A scandal implies that something has happened out of the ordinary, something with shock value. Sexual harassment and predation in Nigerian universities are the norm, not an aberration. Sexual predation has no shock element, and it is not out of the ordinary. In fact, it is so banal and so accepted that it is met with a shrug, a wink, and other acquiescing gestures.

Please let us stop acting as though this is some kind of revelation or an exposition of what was unknown. Even on this list, have we not had many Nigeria-based academics defending their predatory colleagues by hiding behind specious rhetoric of due process and “both sides”? Is there not a brigade of home-based defenders of the predators that is always trying to convince us that it is only a “small minority” of lecturers who engage in such behavior, that these are “isolated cases,” that their ethically conscious universities have punished and are punishing all offenders, and that such revolutionary actions have resulted in the problem disappearing from their campuses?

Our problem in Nigeria (I cannot speak about Ghana, the other country in the investigative documentary) is see-no-evil pretense and hypocrisy, as well as an amoral dedication to self-interest and self-preservation.

When the case of Professor Solomon Atere, a serial sexual predator and rapist (who has committed the same predatory offense in two universities, LASU and FUOYE and each time was able to get off and simply move to another university to continue his crimes), came up on this list recently, despite the clear-cut case of rape, predation, and multiple ethical violations, did we not have colleagues coyly defending the rapist old man? On my facebook page, a lecturer in the same FUOYE department where Atere had worked and committed the rape of the 16 year old student said Atere had not raped the girl but that they were dating!!!! Of course, I promptly unfriended and blocked the rape enabler and defender, who may even be a predator himself.

Personally, I have seen no commitment to change. All I see from colleagues and university administrators are resignation, justification, defensiveness, and a reluctance to break the old boys network of sexual predation.

When we intervened in the case of Professor Atere, after several rounds of evasive prevarications and frustrating non-responses from the authorities of Atere’s former and current employer, one professor and top administrator finally gave up the script and pointedly asked Professor Falola whether he actually wanted Professor Atere to lose his job over sex. Such a revealing quip. Go figure.

That was the last straw for me (and I’m sure for Professor Falola). The refusal to hold the predator accountable and the determination to protect him were what I needed to gain clarity and unprecedented insight into the problem. As a result of this new window into the banality of and impunity around sexual harassment and rapes on Nigerian campuses, I have decided to suspend all my engagements with Nigerian universities indefinitely. I refuse to indirectly legitimize and dignify institutions that incubate, enable, encourage, and defend bad ethics, sexual predation of students, and other violations of professorial decency. Perhaps I was a little naive in thinking that engagement, coupled with a naming and shaming strategy of public commentary, would, at the very least, bring about change and pressure administrators into moving against exposed predators. I have learnt from my error.

This new personal resolution is the reason I ignored an invitation to give a lecture at a university in the North-central region a couple of weeks ago. I did not even respond to the invitation. It is also the reason I turned down an invitation from LASU to review someone for the rank of full professor three weeks ago. I am slated to participate in a symposium/forum at the University of Ibadan next summer. I am not going. I am reconsidering my mentorship sessions/seminars at LSA in Unilag and KWASU. They will not understand this principled stance of mine and will predictably say “Professor Ochonu is arrogant bla bla bla” but I don’t care. I am following the dictates of my conscience.

If institutions and colleagues are not willing to do the right thing and build ethical spaces of learning, our participation in such institutions can only serve to reinforce and legitimize the rot instead of helping to ameliorate it. The only invitation I may consider in the future is to a forum on the ethical, teaching, and research crisis in Nigerian universities.

I conclude with a paradox that has troubled me a bit. I am not a moral or ethical crusader and I oppose the policing of the moral choices of adults. In fact, I don’t care what people do in their private lives sexually as adults. But sometimes I cannot understand why, in a country where, for good or bad, sex–cheap, consensual, and ethically neutral sex– is everywhere in your face, where sex chases you everywhere, and where one struggles to avoid getting entangled in it, colleagues would rather prey on their own students. It speaks to a deep, systemic ethical crisis in both the Nigerian academy and the larger society. More importantly, it indicates clearly that, as many studies and commentaries on sexual harassment and sexual predation have shown, sexual harassment by authority figures is not really about sex but about conquest, control, and ego.

A School In Spain Teaches Household Chores To Boys In A Powerful Initiative Against Gender Inequality

 By Katerina Papakyriakopoulou

Sewing, ironing, and cooking are basic tasks that most people learn at home. But it’s entirely different when a school offers it as an additional class, so the students, particularly boys, build values regarding gender equality and break the stigmas they face when doing these activities. That is what the Montecastelo School of Spain teaches its students under the slogan, “Equality is learned with actions.”

In 2018, the school, situated in the city of Vigo, announced that it’d include lessons in home economics among other subjects. During the lessons, the male students would be taught to do tasks such as ironing, sewing, cooking, and other manual activities such as masonry, carpentry, and plumbing and electrician skills.

Read more: https://www.thinkinghumanity.com/2019/06/a-school-in-spain-teaches-household-chores-to-boys-in-a-powerful-initiative-against-gender-inequality.html

COLD ROOM

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By Jiti Ogunye

By now he must have gone very cold
As events tumble and nemesis unfold
Sordid secret is revealed, known across the globe
By all men and women, young and old.

By now he must have gone very cold
Tossed out of a secured job like a loathed rouge
Stripped, temporarily, from his academic role
Blemished career now faces the end of the road.

By now he must have gone very cold
Beheld is the hidden stain on his pastoral robe
Rejected like Saul in the Testament of Old
And treated like a leper in his ecclesiastical fold.

By now he must have gone very cold
If shown the way to the cold room, he won’t go
His world crumbles from his equatorial goad
Poor wife and children must be grieving at home.

By now he must have gone very cold
He is in deep waters like a sunk speed boat
Unsure if ever he will in this life be able to float
Let alone being again on a lecherous prowl.

This ruinous lust must have been like a smoke
Which obscured his sense of pedagogical purpose
Turned immorality into a record to about boast
Before disappearing, making him a butt of jokes.

By now, he must be very cold
As events tumble and nemesis unfold
Kept secret is uncovered, blown across the globe
For the guilty and guiltless to uniformly behold.

Jiti Ogunye
October 7, 2019
Copyrighted

FIDA marks older persons day

As the world marked the International day of older persons on 1st October 2019, a United Nations day observed to raise awareness about issues affecting the elderly, the International Federation of Women Lawyer (FIDA) Abuja branch went all out to appreciate the contributions older people make to the society.

Being aware of the importance of this day, members of the association marked the day with older persons of the AMAZING GRACE HOME located at Kado Estate in Abuja metropolis.

FIDAns as they are fondly called spent most of the day with them, sharing and generally showing them love and affection.

Aside from giving their time, the women lawyers took with them a lot of gift items in cash and in kind.

Unlike refugees, women and children, persons with disabilities or other groups, older persons are not protected by any specific human rights instrument; which may explain the lack of representation of the unique challenges faced by the elderly, in terms of global policy, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Across the length and breadth of the country many have been abandoned by people that they once loved and catered for on account of being old. Others found themselves in such situations as a result of the vagaries of life. They have neither children nor relatives to look after them and so despite their frail frame occasioned by old age, they just have to fend for themselves.

There are also some who are the draughtsmen of their own misfortune. They denied their children love and proper breeding. Today they are harvesting what they sowed. Many wish to die so they could be free from their sufferings; but even death defied them.

Elderly people in these categories no doubt need the assistance of the society. That perhaps explains why Chief Mrs Ifeyinwa M. Obegolu, PhD, founded the Amazing Grace Home with the vision to “protect the rights of the Elders, Widows & Victims of domestic violence.”

FIDA trains law students to counter gender based violence

Young people particularly girls and young women often experience violence at home. It ranges from physical punishment to sexual, emotional or psychological violence. However, acceptance of violence as something private often prevents others from intervening and disallows victims and the vulnerable alike from reporting.

It is on this account that the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Abuja branch recently took its advocacy train to the Faculty of Law BAZE University also in Abuja yesterday to train law students on how to counter Gender based Violence. They were trained by the branch Assistant General Secretary Ezinwa Obiajunwa who is passionate about issues of gender, children and human rights violations.

 Obiajunwa has over 5 years experience working in prestigious organisations on issues of Gender Based Violence (GBV). She has also contributed to the development of programs, projects and activities that enhance access to justice for indigent women and children in Nigeria.

The event captured all the various forms of GBV and thoroughly educated these young ones who are the future of tomorrow.

The programme taged “One-day Peer Educators Traning on Gender Based Violence was organised by FIDA Abuja in conjunction with OXFAM International. FIDA says it looks forward to a continuing relationship in sensitizing the Nigerian people on the Violence Against persons (prohibition) (VAPP) Act, 2015 and other relevant laws in line with its objectives.

Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment

Benefits of economic empowerment

  • Women’s economic empowerment is central to realizing women’s rights and gender equality. Women’s economic empowerment includes women’s ability to participate equally in existing markets; their access to and control over productive resources, access to decent work, control over their own time, lives and bodies; and increased voice, agency and meaningful participation in economic decision-making at all levels from the household to international institutions.
  • Empowering women in the economy and closing gender gaps in the world of work are key to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development  and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 5, to achieve gender equality, and Goal 8, to promote full and productive employment and decent work for all; also Goal 1 on ending poverty, Goal 2 on food security, Goal 3 on ensuring health and Goal 10 on reducing inequalities.
  • When more women work, economies grow. Women’s economic empowerment boosts productivity, increases economic diversification and income equality in addition to other positive development outcomes. For example, increasing the female employment rates in OECD countries to match that of Sweden, could boost GDP by over USD 6 trillion, recognizing, however, that. growth does not automatically lead to a reduction in gender-based inequality. Conversely, it is estimated that gender gaps cost the economy some 15 percent of GDP.
  • Increasing women’s and girls’ educational attainment contributes to women’s economic empowerment and more inclusive economic growth. Education, upskilling and re-skilling over the life course – especially to keep pace with rapid technological and digital transformations affecting jobs—are critical for women’s and girl’s health and wellbeing, as well as their income-generation opportunities and participation in the formal labour market. Increased educational attainment accounts for about 50 per cent of the economic growth in OECD countries over the past 50 years. But, for the majority of women, significant gains in education have not translated into better labour market outcomes.
  • Women’s economic equality is good for business. Companies greatly benefit from increasing employment and leadership opportunities for women, which is shown to increase organizational effectiveness and growth. It is estimated that companies with three or more women in senior management functions score higher in all dimensions of organizational performance.

The world of work

  • Gender differences in laws affect both developing and developed economies, and women in all regions. Globally, over 2.7 billion women are legally restricted from having the same choice of jobs as men. Of 189 economies assessed in 2018, 104 economies still have laws preventing women from working in specific jobs, 59 economies have no laws on sexual harassment in the workplace, and in 18 economies, husbands can legally prevent their wives from working.
  • Women remain less likely to participate in the labour market than menaround the world. Labour force participation rate for women aged 25-54 is 63 per cent compared to 94 per cent for men. When including younger (aged 15 years and up) and older women (aged 55 and up) , in 2018 women’s global labour force participation rate is event lower at 48.5 per cent, 26.5 percentage points below that of men.
  • Women are more likely to be unemployed than men. In 2017, global unemployment rates for men and women stood at 5.5 per cent and 6.2 per cent respectively. This is projected to remain relatively unchanged going into 2018 and through 2021.
  • Women are over-represented in informal and vulnerable employment. Women are more than twice as likely than men to be contributing family workers. From the latest available data, the share of women in informal employment in developing countries was 4.6 percentage points higher than that of men, when including agricultural workers, and 7.8 percentage points higher when excluding them.
  • Globally, women are paid less than men. The gender wage gap is estimated to be 23 per cent. This means that women earn 77 per cent of what men earn, though these figures understate the real extent of gender pay gaps, particularly in developing countries where informal self-employment is prevalent. Women also face the motherhood wage penalty, which increases as the number of children a woman has increases.
  • Women bear disproportionate responsibility for unpaid care and domestic work. Women tend to spend around 2.5 times more time on unpaid care and domestic work than men.The amount of time devoted to unpaid care work is negatively correlated with female labour force participation.
  • Unpaid care work is essential to the functioning of the economy,but often goes uncounted and unrecognized. It is estimated that if women’s unpaid work were assigned a monetary value, it would constitute between 10 per cent and 39 per cent of GDP.
  • Women are still less likely to have access to social protection. Gender inequalities in employment and job quality result in gender gaps in access to social protection acquired through employment, such as pensions, unemployment benefits or maternity protection. Globally, an estimated nearly 40 per cent of women in wage employment do not have access to social protection.
  • Women are less likely than men to have access to financial institutions or have a bank account. While 65 per cent of men report having an account at a formal financial institution, only 58 per cent of women do worldwide.
  • The digital divide remains a gendered one: most of the 3.9 billion people who are offline are in rural areas, poorer, less educated and tend to be women and girls.
  • Women are less likely to be entrepreneurs and face more disadvantages starting businesses: In 40% of economies, women’s early stage entrepreneurial activity is half or less than half of that of men’s.
  • Women are constrained from achieving the highest leadership positions: Only 5% of Fortune 500 CEOs are Women.
  • Violence and harassment in the world of work affects women regardless of age, location, income or social status. The economic costs – a refelction of the human and social costs – to the global economy of discriminatory social institutions and violence against women is estimated to be approximately USD 12 trillion annually.

Sustainable Development

  • Almost a third of women’s employment globally is in in agriculture, including forestry and fishing, but this may exclude self-employed and unpaid family workers. Yet, differences across countries and regions are striking. The share of women workers in agriculture is only 9.5 per cent in upper-middle-income countries and 2.6 per cent in high-income countries, while agriculture remains the most important employment sector for women in low-income and lower-middle-income countries.
  • Women farmers have significantly less access to, control over, and ownership of land and other productive assets compared to their male counterparts. Land is perhaps the most important economic asset; women account for only 12.8 per cent of agricultural landholders in the world.
  • Women and girls suffer most from the dearth of safely managed water and sanitation. Women and girls are responsible for water collection in 80 per cent of households without access to water on premises. Menstrual hygiene management is difficult in the absence of water, soap and gender-responsive sanitation facilities, whether at home, school or work.
  • Women and girls are more likely to carry the burden of energy poverty and experience the adverse effects of lack of safe, reliable, affordable and clean energy. Indoor air pollution from using combustible fuels for household energy caused 4.3 million deaths in 2012, with women and girls accounting for 6 out of every 10 deaths.
  • Environmental degradation and climate change have disproportionate impacts on women and children. Women often bear the brunt of coping with climate-related shocks and stresses or the health effects of indoor and urban pollution, which add to their care burden. As land, forest and water resources are increasingly compromised, privatized or “grabbed” for commercial investment, local communities and indigenous peoples, particularly women, whose livelihoods depend on them, are marginalized and displaced. Globally, women are 14 times more likely than men to die during a disaster.

Women migrant workers

  • Women constitute approximately half of the 258 million migrants who live and work outside their countries of birth. Migrant women and girls outnumber men and boys in all regions except Africa and Asia; in some countries of Asia, men migrants outnumber women by about three to one.
  • Despite gender inequalities in the labour market and gender wage gaps globally, women migrant workers were responsible for sending half of the estimated $601 billion in remittances worldwide in 2016.
  • Research has shown that women migrant workers are often more likely than men to remit on a regular basis owing to women’s stronger links to family members and self-insurance motives underlining the link between a woman’s gendered caregiving role in the household and her increasing propensity to remit.
  • Although many migrant women are highly skilled and well-educated, they face challenges in accessing foreign labour markets. Employment restrictions for migrants coupled with the de-skilling prevalent in gendered labour markets and pervasive stereotypes associated with migrant women in countries of destination, can negatively impact their job prospects. Indeed, many migrant women participate in low-skilled and precarious jobs characterized by low wages, poor working conditions, limited labour and social protections, and exposure to physical and sexual violence.

Women migrant workers are often concentrated in informal, low paid and unregulated work. The main sectors in which women migrant workers are employed are: services and retail (18.8 per cent), elementary occupations (17.3 per cent), craft and related trades (15.2 per cent), professionals (13.9 per cent) and clerks (12.3 per cent). Of the estimated 11.5 million international migrant domestic workers (in 2013), approximately 73.4 per cent were women.

Source: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/economic-empowerment/facts-and-figures

https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/economic-empowerment/facts-and-figures
https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/economic-empowerment/facts-and-figures

Bauchi Governor on the ‘Stateless’ Fulani

Editorial

TRIBUNE

Last week, the Bauchi State Governor, Mr Bala Mohammed, said that Fulani herdsmen from Chad, Niger and other neighbouring countries would benefit from the National Livestock Transformation Plan [NLTP] being championed by the Federal Government to put herdsmen and their livestock in designated colonies and give them the opportunity of exploiting the livestock value chain. Speaking on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily programme on the initiative which is expected to be funded by the Federal Government at 80 per cent while the states would provide 20 per cent counterpart funding and the grazing land, the Governor claimed that it would be inappropriate to deprive the ‘transnational Fulani’ of the benefits of the livestock plan simply because they were not Nigerians.
Mohammed said: “I think there is a lot of mistrust and misconception as regards the Fulani man. The Fulani man is a global or African person. He moves from The Gambia to Senegal and his nationality is Fulani. As a person, I may have my relations in Cameroon, but they are also Fulani. I am a Fulani man from my maternal side. We will just have to take this as our own heritage, something that is African. So, we cannot just close our borders and say the Fulani man is not a Nigerian. In most cases, the crisis is precipitated by those outside Nigeria. When there is a reprisal, it is not the Fulani man within Nigeria that causes it. It is that culture of getting revenge which is embedded in the traditional Fulani man that attracts reprisal.”
According to the Governor, it is proper for Fulani foreigners to benefit from Nigerian taxpayers’ money since the Fulani do not  actually have a single nationality given their nomadic nature. As he noted: “We are already accommodating them. Do you delineate and really know who is not a Nigerian Fulani man? They are all Nigerians because their identity, their citizenship is Nigerian even though they have relatives from all over the world. So, presumably, they are Nigerians because they move all over and have relations all over. That is why our population in Nigeria is fluid.”
Truth be told, Governor Mohammed’s position on the nomadic Fulani derives from the dominant thinking in the North, a position which poses serious risks to Nigeria’s existence as a sovereign entity. It is hard to imagine any serious country whose population is fluid in the manner delineated by the Bauchi State Governor. Saying that Fulani herdsmen from other countries will benefit from a Nigerian government’s programme because they are transnational rubbishes the very basis of nationhood. A system whereby members of a particular ethnic group show no regard for national barriers, and flow in and out of the country without any institutional checks and balances, cannot be ideal. That is not the way modern states are run. Fulani herdsmen exist in many countries across Africa and share a brotherhood which transcends boundaries, yes, but so do members of other ethnic groups.
For instance, there are people of Yoruba ethnic stock in several parts of the world, including the Republic of Benin, Togo, Ghana, Brazil, among others, but no one has, to the best of our knowledge, ever suggested that these ‘transnational Yoruba” have the same status in the country as their counterparts in the South-West. According to tradition and custom, the non-Nigerian Yoruba all have their roots in Nigeria. Do you then confer Nigerian citizen on them all, as it were? Pray, how do you ask people to go in and out of your country on the basis of ethnicity? What about the all important question of citizenship? How can ‘Fulani’ be a nationality, as suggested by Governor Mohammed? The question becomes much more poignant when the horrific and barbaric activities of Fulani herdsmen across the country, a considerable number of whom are said to be foreigners, are considered. In which other country do the herdsmen enjoy such criminal leverage? It is a fact that not many ethnic groups in Africa have posed the kind of threat to nationhood and national barriers by the ‘transnational Fulani’, about whom the Bauchi Governor waxed lyrical.
To be sure, we are not in any way suggesting that Nigerians or the Nigerian government should discriminate against or maltreat foreigners. That would be unjustified. But foreigners coming into Nigeria must carry passports indicating their national origin and they must come into the country legally. The political and cultural leadership in the North really needs to rethink this issue. How do you conduct population censuses and elections with such transnational configurations? What about enlistment in the Armed Forces which demands loyalty to country? Do you simply allow people who are non-Nigerians to enlist in the Armed Forces based on their ethnic affinity with certain groups of Nigerians and without having acquired Nigerian citizenship? How do you police the borders successfully when a political leadership believes that kinship overrides national security considerations? With the kind of mindset evident in the Bauchi Governor’s analysis, the country will never get its population census and many other critical national activities right.
Governor Mohammed’s claim that “the Fulani man settles anywhere he can feed his cattle” is banal. The typical Igbo person settles anywhere he or she can do business, but that is in the context of national and international laws. There is no reason why the Fulani or, indeed, any other group should be different. Migration is not peculiar to the Fulani; it is an essentially human trait, but it has always been moderated by rules, even in pre-colonial times. Nigeria needs to police its borders effectively. It cannot be the eternal home of transnational citizens scoffing at national laws. We reject the idea of stateless Fulani and urge the Federal and State Governments to do same without delay.

Culled from Trubune, 26 September 2019

SERAP secures order to compel CCB to make Presidents’, governors’ assets public

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A Federal High Court in  Lagos has made an order paving way for the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) to publish the asset declarations of successive Presidents and state governors since 1999.

Hon. Justice Muslim Hassan in his ruling, granted leave to Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) to compel  the Bureau to publish the asset declarations of all Presidents and state governors since 1999.

He made the order after listening to SERAP’s ex parte motion argued by its counsel Adelanke Aremo.

His Lordship in his verdict declared that: “Going through the application filed by SERAP, supported by a 14-paragraph affidavit with supporting exhibits, statements setting out the facts, verifying affidavits and written address in support, I am satisfied that leave ought to be granted in this case, and I hereby grant the motion for leave.”

The action was initiated on account of CCB’s refusal to disclose details of asset declarations submitted to it by successive Presidents and state governors since 1999. Its argument was that it “would offend the right to privacy of Presidents and state governors.”

SERAP in the suit applied for a judicial review and an order of mandamus directing and compelling the CCB to disclose details of asset declarations of all Presidents and state governors since 1999.

The suit reads: “Asset declarations of Presidents and state governors submitted to the CCB are public documents.

“Public interest in disclosure of the details of asset declarations sought by SERAP clearly outweighs any claim of protection of the privacy of Presidents and state governors, as they are public officers entrusted with the duty to manage public funds, among other public functions.

“A necessary implication of the rule of law is that a public institution, like the CCB, can only act in accordance with the law, as to do otherwise may enthrone arbitrariness.

“The CCB does not have reasonable grounds on which to deny SERAP’s Freedom of Information (FOI) request, as it is in the interest of justice, the Nigerian public, transparency and accountability to publish details of asset declarations by presidents and state governors since the return of democracy in 1999.

“Disclosing details of asset declarations of public officers such as presidents and state governors would improve public trust in the ability of the CCB to effectively discharge its mandate. This would in turn put pressure on public officers like presidents and state governors to make voluntary public declaration of their assets.

“The right to receive information without any interference or distortion should be based on the principle of maximum disclosure, and a presumption that all information is accessible subject only to a narrow system of exceptions.

“It is a settled principle of law that details such as asset declarations of presidents and governors should be disclosed if there is an overriding public interest in having access to such information, which is clearly so in this matter.”

The rights group argued that democracy cannot flourish “if governments operate in secrecy, no matter how much open discussion and debate is allowed.

“The very nature and quality of public discussion would be significantly impoverished without the nourishment of information from public authorities such as the CCB, and to guarantee freedom of expression without including the right to know would be a formal exercise.”

It further averred that the CCB has “an obligation to proactively keep, organize and maintain all information or records about their operations, personnel, activities and other relevant or related information or records in a manner that facilitates public access to such information or record.

“Given that many public officers being tried for or convicted of corruption are found to have made a false declaration of their assets, the CCB should no longer allow politicians to undermine the sanctity and integrity of the asset declaration provisions of the Constitution by allowing them to continue to exploit legal gaps for illicit enrichment.

“While elected public officers may not be constitutionally obliged to publicly declare their assets, the Freedom of Information Act 2011 has now provided the mechanism for the CCB to improve transparency and accountability of asset declarations by elected public officers.

“Allegation of false or anticipated declarations by public officers apparently to steal or mismanage public funds is a contributory factor to Nigeria’s underdevelopment and poverty level. All efforts to get details of asset declarations by presidents and state governors have proved abortive.

“The right to information and truth allows Nigerians to gain access to information essential to the fight against corruption, institutionalise good governance and improve citizens’ confidence in public institutions.”

How to get a Nigerian passport within one week without paying a bribe

By Joe Abah

Until August 2017, I was the Director-General of the Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR), with the daunting task of reforming Nigeria’s Federal Public Service. As part of that role, I sought to move the focus of Public Service Reforms away from the Public Service unto the public. This was a deliberate tactical approach that sought to change the approach to public service reforms from inputs to outcomes. Problems with the Public Service are often complex and intractable. There are various reasons why Public Service Reforms are difficult in most environments and are particularly difficult in developing countries, such as Nigeria.

In countries such as ours, the public service reformer is often dealing with myriad systemic input problems in the organisation he is trying to reform, including lack of electricity, insufficient financial provision, lack of working tools, poor internet access, poor staff motivation and systematic corruption. The combination of these, and any one of them for that matter, is sufficient reason to explain away a lack of improvement in public service delivery. Focusing on the outcome expected, rather than the problems with the inputs, gives the reformer a better chance of driving reforms in dysfunctional environments. The need to deliver the outputs expected forces the system to align the required inputs to achieve the expected outcomes, rather than focusing on the difficult task of trying to solve all the input problems before we can get the improvements in service delivery that the public expects and deserves. We will use the tortious issue of obtaining a Nigerian passport as a demonstration of how it could be done.

Many Nigerians go through a painful, dysfunctional and extortionate process when they try to obtain an international passport. Given its population and the absence of a focus on outcomes by the Comptroller-General, Lagos residents suffer the most. It is virtually impossible to obtain a Nigerian passport in Lagos without “knowing someone” and paying above the official rate of N15,000 for a 32-page passport and N20,000 for a 64-page passport. Even after paying more than double the official price and making obeisance to god-like Immigration officials, applicants are still confronted with the claim that “there are no booklets.” The Comptroller-General of Immigration often makes a categorical, but hollow, assertion that there are sufficient booklets nationwide, but the experience of citizens is clearly contrary to that claim. It is either that the Comptroller-General is being economical with the truth or that his officers are deliberately making things difficult in order to derive corrupt benefits from the dysfunction, and that the Comptroller-General is not interested in doing anything about it. Overcoming this logjam is relatively straightforward. Nigerians can obtain an international passport in a week without needing to know anybody and without paying a kobo more than the official price. In the next few paragraphs, I will outline how this can be done.

The first step is for the Presidency to demand from the Immigration Service the service standards for issuing Nigerian passports. The last time, that I am aware of, such service standards were set for passport issuance was under the SERVICOM regime in 2004. At that time, the Immigration Service undertook to provide international passports within one week, but expectedly within 72 hours. Most people, including the Immigration Service, currently appear not to be aware of this service standard. Nobody monitors performance against these standards, and although passport issuance is part of the Ease of Doing Business initiative, the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC) has achieved little or nothing in this regard. It is important for the Immigration Service to commit to this standard, or revisit the standard and set a more realistic one and make the targets publicly-known, and for PEBEC and the National SERVICOM Office to publicly report the performance of the Immigration Service against these standards.

In order to meet the existing performance standard, or whatever new standard is set, it is necessary to take a number of straightforward actions. First, all payments must be made online. Notionally, this is already the case, but in practice, citizens are often unable to make online payments, forcing them to have personal contact with Immigration officers and their touts, who extract corrupt rents for “helping” people. The payment systems are often unavailable, either due to weaknesses in technical infrastructure or as a result of deliberate sabotage. Indeed, those that “stupidly go and pay online” are made to suffer interminable delays and forced to regret their attempts to do things properly. The Comptroller-General and PEBEC should be monitoring the frequency of “network” downtimes by location and tackling cases where the downtimes are as a result of deliberate sabotage. The good thing about technology is that there is always an audit trail that tells you who has done what to the system, at what time, in which location. They should also be monitoring how quickly applicants that pay in advance online receive their passports.

Even when an applicant successfully pays online, another major pinch-point is the capture process. Nigeria does not really have a passport renewal process. Every passport application is deemed to be a new application requiring fresh biometric capture. This would ordinarily not be a problem, particularly given the sensitive security nature of international passports. The process of being “captured” is, however, another corruption ‘toll gate.’ It should be possible to simply book an appointment for capture online, appear on the appointed date and time and be captured within 15 minutes. Currently, the appointment system tends to give you an appointment in 6 years’ time when the validity of the passport you are applying for is only 5 years! This forces you to seek out an Immigration officer that will “help” you, of course in the expectation of “appreciation.” There does not seem to be any willingness on the part of the Immigration Service to apply the simple technical fix required to make the appointment system work.

The Immigration Service knows the number of passport applications that it gets each year. It also knows that Nigeria’s population growth rate is 2.6%. How hard can it be to ensure that we have enough booklets to cover all applicants? I mean really! Unlike National Identity Cards, passports are not issued for free but for a fee. The Federal Government should configure the Treasury Single Account to ensure that the fees generated from passport issuance is used to ensure the availability of passport booklets at all times. If, as a result of exchange rates, the price of the passport is too low, especially as it is currently printed abroad, the Immigration Service should review the price and gradually increase it over time. Passport issuance is not a social service. Having said that, every effort should be made to print passports in country.

Every Nigerian knows that if you give enough cash to Immigration officials, you can get your passport in less than 6 hours. We also know that Nigerians like to leave things late, often applying for a passport within just days of needing to travel. Of course, pressure of time on the applicant is a compelling reason why they would pay for “help.” It is easy for the Passport Service to put in place an Emergency Fast Track process that charges four times what the normal rate of passport application is. Those that are in a hurry can pay N60,000-N80,000 per booklet to government, rather than into the private pockets of Immigration officials, and the funds can be reinvested into improving the passport process and even incentivising Immigration officers. Those that are not in a hurry and can wait a week, or whatever the new service target that the Service sets, can pay the normal price and get their passports without begging or bribing anyone.

Finally, the recent data integration between the Nigeria Immigration Service and the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) is commendable. When a Nigerian has a National Identity Number issued NIMC, there is really no reason why they should not be able to obtain their passport within one week of submitting all required documentation. They should be able to pay online, book an appointment for biometric capture, get captured within 15 minutes without begging or bribing anybody, and be given an appointment for when to collect their passports. The performance of the Immigration Service on each of these steps should be monitored and publicly-reported. Until this is possible, the One-Government mantra in Executive Order E001 is simply hollow rhetoric, and the Vice President’s recent charge that Nigerians should not pay a bribe to obtain a passport simply a political statement. These suggestions are not new. They were given to the Immigration Service in 2017as part of a BPSR study on removing the bottlenecks to passport issuance when I was the BPSR Director-General. Before then, a SERVICOM assessment of the Passport Service in June 2006 came to pretty much the same conclusions. The Immigration Service seems to lack the willingness to address the issue and appears to have the power to get away with it. The Vice President, who is the head of PEBEC, should use the power of his office to ensure that they implement these recommendations and that the Passport Service does not continue to get away with the current dysfunctionin passport issuance, to the detriment of Nigerians.

JOE ABAH

Dr Abah is the former Director-General of the Bureau of Public Service Reforms. He is currently the Country Director of DAI, a global development companyThe views contained in this article are personal to him and do not represent the views of any employer past or present.