Home Blog Page 57

3-year-old girl has intestines ripped out in freak pool drain accident and miraculously survives

Three-year-old Paloma Quatrini miraculously survived a freak accident involving a pool drain which ripped out her small intestine during a family vacation in Mexico. 

According to a lawsuit, little Paloma was just days away from celebrating her fourth birthday in February 2025 when the protective covering of the drain in the kiddie pool at the Punta Mita Resort in Nayarit went haywire, sucking her in as she was sitting in the shallow end. 

Paloma’s mother and father, Carolina Velez and Adam Quatrini, frantically tried to pull their daughter away from the drain, but the force of the suction was too strong.  
 

Girl, 3, has intestines ripped out in freak pool drain accident and miraculously survives


After two minutes, an off switch for the pump was finally located underneath the pool, and Paloma, now 5, was rushed to the hospital. 

“The suction was so strong that [her] small intestine was ripped out of her body,” the complaint states. She also suffered severe internal damage. 

The girl was rushed by air to the Children’s Hospital in Pittsburgh, where the family is from, and underwent dozens of dangerous life-saving surgeries over several months, including a procedure to reconstruct her digestive system. 
 

Girl, 3, has intestines ripped out in freak pool drain accident and miraculously survives


“All of the small bowel was gone,” Dr. Geoffrey Bond told CBS News. “We brought the colon up and joined the colon to the small bowel, so essentially she’s connected, but she has no small bowel.” 

Paloma’s parents now connect a line into her body that delivers nutrients directly into her bloodstream every night for 12 hours. 

She may be a future candidate for an internal organ transplant. 

The girl’s family has filed a lawsuit against Hayward, the company that manufactured the pool draining system. 
 

Girl, 3, has intestines ripped out in freak pool drain accident and miraculously survives

Carolina Velez and Adam Quatrini initially filed a complaint in Pittsburgh in July, which named several other defendants, including the resort, but it was later withdrawn, according to People Magazine. 

Hayward filed a motion to dismiss the original case, claiming they were not responsible because the incident occurred in Mexico. 

Paloma’s family has since refiled the lawsuit, with Hayward as the sole defendant. It was filed in Pittsburgh again because a majority of the witnesses involved reside in the area. 

“A 3-year-old girl should not have to litigate her case in a foreign country where she was almost killed,” the family attorney Robert Zimmerman told People Magazine in a statement. 

“The last thing these parents want to do is go back to Mexico, where this horrific incident occurred.”

Who Made Him Lord of Yorubaland? Backlash as Igboho’s threats raise fresh fears of election violence

Sunday Igboho

Johnson Agu

A storm appears to be gathering in Nigeria’s political space, long before campaigns have even begun.

At its centre is Sunday Adeyemo, the once-feared Yoruba nationalist agitator now facing fierce backlash over remarks widely interpreted as threats against voters and opposition figures ahead of the 2027 elections.

What began as a viral video has spiralled into a broader reckoning about political intimidation, shifting loyalties, and the shrinking space for democratic participation in Nigeria.

From Liberation Icon to Political Enforcer?

In a widely circulated clip, Sunday Adeyemo issued a blunt warning: that, opposition candidates like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi should not campaign in the South-West.

Supporters, he said, should “wear trainers” if they intend to campaign—because they would be made to run.

He followed it with an emphatic endorsement of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, declaring the region would deliver “100 percent” votes and even suggesting support beyond constitutionally mandated terms.

The message landed with force, and alarm.

“This is not campaigning,” said governance analyst Terna Iorfa. “This is about setting the tone—telling people where they stand before the race even begins.”

A Warning From Within Yorubaland

The backlash has not only come from opposition voices, it is also rising from within Yoruba socio-political circles.

A group, Ìgbìnmó Májékóbájé Ilé-Yorùbá, accused Sunday Adeyemo of abandoning his original mission and turning his influence against the very people he once claimed to defend.

In a sharply worded statement, the group alleged that he is now intimidating Yoruba citizens over political differences while remaining silent on worsening insecurity in parts of Kwara State.

“They are taking our people daily,” the group said in essence, pointing to kidnappings and killings across rural communities. “Yet he directs his energy at threatening voters.”

The group urged him to redirect his focus toward armed groups terrorising communities rather than political opponents.

The Shift That Changed Everything

Just five years ago, Sunday Adeyemo was a symbol of resistance. At the height of insecurity in the South-West, he openly challenged political leaders, including Bola Tinubu, and accused Yoruba elites of failing to protect their people.

He once described prominent figures, including the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, as compromised.

He even publicly criticised Enoch Adeboye for not supporting the Yoruba nation agitation. Today, that rhetoric has all but vanished.

Instead, the once-fiery separatist now appears as a vocal defender of the political establishment he once opposed.

To critics, the transformation is stark—and troubling.

“Preach Peace, Not Threats”

Prominent voices across Nigeria’s political and civic space have condemned the remarks.

Veteran journalist Dele Momodu issued a direct appeal: “Support any candidate of your choice peacefully… but do not threaten your fellow citizens.”

Activist and former presidential candidate Omoyele Sowore was more defiant: “I will go anywhere in this country to campaign. Let’s see who stops me.”

The Obidient Movement, aligned with Peter Obi, framed the issue as constitutional: “Anybody can campaign anywhere in Nigeria.”

A Pattern of Political Intimidation

Observers say the controversy is not isolated; it fits into a broader pattern.

During the 2023 elections, figures like Musiliu Akinsanya were accused of issuing similar warnings to voters. More recently, Mustapha Adekunle Olanrewaju faced scrutiny over threats tied to future elections.

The pattern is clear: non-state actors increasingly attempting to shape electoral outcomes—not through persuasion, but fear. “This is how democratic space shrinks,” said Terna Iorfa. “Not always through violence—but through signals that make people step back.”

Democracy Under Pressure

The data underscores the concern. Voter turnout in Nigeria has steadily declined—from 43.7% in 2015 to under 30% in 2023.

At the same time, election observers documented at least 135 critical incidents during the last polls, including intimidation and disruption. For analysts, the trend reflects something deeper than apathy. It reflects fear.

“Elections don’t start on election day,” Iorfa said. “They start when people begin to ask: is it safe to participate?”

Silence From Power

Perhaps most telling is what has not been said. So far, there has been no clear public distancing from Sunday Adeyemo’s remarks by the ruling All Progressives Congress or the presidency.

In Nigeria’s political culture, such silence rarely goes unnoticed.

“People are always watching who speaks—and who doesn’t,” Iorfa noted.

The Bigger Question

As Nigeria inches toward another election cycle, the controversy raises a fundamental question:

Who controls the political space—the voters, or those who claim to speak for them? For now, the battle is not yet at the ballot box.

It is in the atmosphere. In the words people hear. And in the quiet calculations they make afterward.

When citizens stop expecting govt.

By Femi-Akintunde-Johnson

We can also rephrase the above headline thus: how a nation slowly adjusts to less – and calls it resilience.

  There is a new kind of silence spreading across Nigeria. It is not the silence of peace, nor the silence of satisfaction. It is the silence of lowered expectations.

  At a bus stop in Lagos, a young man checks transport fares, sighs, and quietly steps back. No protest. No complaint. Just a small adjustment – he will trek part of the journey. In a market in Ibadan, a woman prices a bag of rice, laughs softly in disbelief, and moves on to buy half of what she planned. Somewhere in Abuja, a civil servant scrolls through electricity tariff updates and simply shrugs before switching off another appliance.

These are not isolated moments. They are signals. Nigeria is witnessing a subtle but profound shift: citizens are no longer reacting to hardship with outrage; they are adapting to it with resignation.

And while this may look like resilience on the surface, it carries a far more troubling implication beneath – it marks the beginning of democratic fatigue.

In a healthy democracy, citizens expect things. They expect security, basic infrastructure, economic stability, and accountability. They may not always get them, but the expectation itself keeps pressure on those in power. It fuels public debate. It drives electoral decisions. It sustains the idea that governance is a contract, not a favour.

But what happens when those expectations begin to fade? What happens when citizens stop asking, stop demanding, and simply start adjusting? The answer is uncomfortable: accountability begins to evaporate.

Over the past year, Nigeria’s economic realities have tested the limits of public endurance. Inflation has stretched household budgets beyond recognition. Fuel costs have redefined mobility. Food prices have turned basic nutrition into careful arithmetic. Yet, for all the strain, the streets are not exactly roaring with sustained civic pressure.

Instead, Nigerians are doing what they have always done best – finding ways to cope. They are cutting portions, extending timelines, improvising alternatives, and lowering standards. It is a survival instinct honed over decades. But survival, while admirable, is not a substitute for governance.

There is a difference between resilience and resignation. One fights to overcome difficulty; the other quietly learns to live with it. What we are seeing now is a gradual drift from the former to the latter.

Part of the problem lies in the normalisation of hardship. When crises become routine, they lose their ability to shock. When price hikes become frequent, they stop making headlines. When policies arrive without clear relief, people stop expecting them to.

 In that environment, the extraordinary becomes ordinary. And once hardship becomes ordinary, it becomes easier for those in power to treat it as acceptable.

This is not to suggest that Nigerians have suddenly lost their capacity for dissent. Far from it. The country remains politically vibrant, socially expressive, and culturally vocal. But there is a noticeable thinning of sustained civic pressure – the kind that forces structural response rather than temporary adjustment.

Instead of organised demand, there is scattered endurance. Instead of collective insistence, there is individual survival.

This shift has long-term consequences. A citizenry that expects less will inevitably receive less. Governments, like all institutions of power, respond to pressure. Where pressure is weak or inconsistent, performance often follows suit. Not always out of malice, but often out of habit.

If people adjust, leaders may assume adjustment is sufficient. If citizens cope, governments may conclude that coping is an acceptable policy outcome. This is how mediocrity quietly entrenches itself – not through dramatic failure, but through gradual acceptance. 

There is also a generational dimension to this trend. Younger Nigerians, many of whom have grown up in an environment of fluctuating instability, are increasingly defining success not in terms of national improvement but personal escape. The “japa” conversation is not just about opportunities abroad; it is about diminishing belief at home.

When citizens begin to see exit as more viable than engagement, the social contract weakens further. Why fix what you no longer believe can work?

Yet, it would be unfair – and inaccurate – to place the burden entirely on citizens. Trust is not demanded; it is built. Expectations are not commanded; they are earned. Years of inconsistent policy execution, abrupt economic shifts, and limited institutional protection have conditioned Nigerians to rely more on themselves than on the state.

In many ways, this moment is the cumulative result of that history. Still, recognising the cause does not eliminate the risk.

A democracy where citizens expect little from the government is not stable – it is vulnerable. Vulnerable to policy arbitrariness, vulnerable to elite capture, and vulnerable to a gradual slide into governance without accountability.

The irony is that governments should be just as concerned about this trend as citizens. Public disengagement is not a sign of approval; it is often a sign of detachment. And detachment can quickly turn into unpredictability.

History has shown that societies do not remain indefinitely quiet under pressure. They either re-engage constructively – or react abruptly. Neither scenario favours complacency. So what is the way forward?

It begins with restoring credibility. Policies must not only be announced; they must be seen to work. Relief measures must not only exist; they must be felt. Communication must not only inform; it must reassure.

More importantly, governance must begin to close the widening gap between decision-making and lived experience. When policies are designed without visible sensitivity to everyday realities, citizens disengage – not out of apathy, but out of exhaustion.

At the same time, citizens must resist the quiet temptation to completely withdraw expectation. Adjustment may be necessary in the short term, but abandonment of demand is dangerous in the long term.

Democracy, after all, is not sustained by comfort. It is sustained by participation, insistence, and, occasionally, discomfort directed at power.

Nigeria has always prided itself on the resilience of its people. And rightly so. But resilience should not become an excuse for systemic underperformance. It should be a bridge to improvement, not a permanent condition. 

It is clear to discerning minds that when a people stop expecting their government to work, something fundamental begins to break. Not suddenly. Not dramatically. But steadily enough to matter. We have been warned!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

When social media compels accountability, By Onikepo Braithwaite

Lack of Accountability 

Over the years, Nigeria has developed a culture of lack of accountability fuelled by the attitude of politicians, a general decline in moral values, plus Section 6(6)(c) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) (the Constitution), which ousts the jurisdiction of the courts when it comes to holding the Government accountable for not meeting its primary purpose and obligations to the people, as the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy contained in Chapter II of the Constitution are not justiciable, not directly anyway. In Human Rights & Empowerment Project Ltd/GTE v President of FRN & Ors (2022) LPELR-58230(CA) per Biobele Abraham Georgewill, JCA, the Court of Appeal held: “In law, it has been firmly settled that the provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), as laudable as they are, including the provision of Section 14(2) thereof, are regrettably, not justiciable, and therefore, cannot be enforced in any Court of law”.

Of course, this encouragement of lack of accountability by the Constitution isn’t surprising, seeing as the Constitution is a  Military decree/contraption, borne out of the command and obey before complaint culture; it also has absolutely nothing to do with the will of the people, it is the will of the Military. It could be this lack of accountability ethos, that has also led to the  disregard/disdain for the rule of law. 

Last week, Nigerians saw this penchant for lack of accountability, show up in different ways.

Inconsistency in Punishment: A Stimulant for Lack of Accountability 

The cover of our publication this week, is about those who committed rape and other forms of sexual assault during the so-called Ozoro Festival in Delta State recently, and the call for all perpetrators to be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.

In the same breath, the Chief of Defence Staff, Lt General Olufemi Oluyede, also stated that repentant Boko Haram Terrorists should be forgiven, and reintegrated into society. This inconsistency in how offenders are held liable for their actions, cannot help society. Why the double standards? Should what is good for the goose, not also be good for the gander?

While it was not reported that the Ozoro Offenders committed murder, the Boko Haram Terrorists as a matter of ‘modus operandi’ kidnap, rape, kill, and also commit mass murder with their suicide bombings. They conspire amongst themselves, and their activities are premeditated, meaning that the requisite mens rea and actus reus for their heinous crimes, are complete. The malicious or willful intent to kill or do grievous bodily harm, are present – see Nwokearu v State 2013 16 N.W.L.R. Part 1380 Page 207 at 243.

In Galadima v State (2017) LPELR-43469 (SC), the Apex Court held that: “Generally, homicide means the killing of one person by another. In other words, it is the act of purposely, knowingly, recklessly, or negligently causing the death of another human being….That the accused knew that his act in question will result in the death, or did not care whether the death of the deceased will result from his act”. In Chiroma v State (2025) LPELR-82091(SC) per Festus Obande Ogbuinya, JSC, the Supreme Court held inter alia thus: “….culpable homicide punishable with death. In the hemisphere of criminology in our corpus juris, it is a heinous crime. Its penalty, on conviction, is death, which usually dangles like the sword of Damocles in front of over an accused person. The punishment is mandatory, and the Court is disrobed of any exercise of discretion. A conviction for an abominable crime, such as that offence, attracts an inelastic penalty, as it does not admit of any allocutus oozing out from the convict. It is, therefore, a capital offence….”. 

My point? The punishment for murder is clear. So, why should some people be rotting at Kirikiri Maximum for murder, waiting for the hangman, while others are ‘forgiven’ simply because they are terrorists who claim to be repentant? Why wouldn’t others find this kind of terrorism attractive, if they know that they can easily escape accountability by claiming to be repentant? Is this ‘forgiveness’ some kind of defeatist evasion, on the part of the authorities? Should we also ask the Controller of Prisons to go through all inmates to find out which of them is repentant, so they can be freed?

Social Media/Video Footages: Pressure for Accountability? 

However, with the advent of technology, video footages, social media etc (TVSM), I have observed that people are now more aware of what is going on around them. No matter how bad social media can be when it comes to spreading fake news, it certainly has its advantages, as it is helpful when, with video footages taken in real time, truths are revealed and disseminated far and wide. Perhaps, this may be the  beginning of introducing accountability into our society. Last week, several incidents reiterated this assertion that TVSM may just be an effective tool to promote and encourage accountability in all spheres in Nigeria, be it in the home, public, for political office holders and what have you. 

1) Anambra

Governor Soludo paid an unscheduled visit to the Anambra State Secretariat, and many of the staff had not reached their offices at 10am! TVSM and traditional media showed all the empty desks, so that the public saw everything in real time. The absentee staff are apparently, to face suspension. If the visit wasn’t beamed in real time, by now, their Staff Union may have threatened that the workers would go on strike, instead of them being held accountable for absenteeism. Hopefully, this will be a lesson to civil servants all over the country, who have developed a reputation for chronic absenteeism, yet, still receive their salaries. 

2) Mr Adelabu

The other day, the Minister of Power, Mr Adelabu, rendered an apology for the lack of electricity supply under his watch. His apparent failure doesn’t even require TVSM, as every Nigerian is bearing the brunt of epileptic electricity supply. But, still, it was reinforced for example, by video footages of University College Hospital, Ibadan (UCH) in a blackout and patients protesting that there was no water and electricity in the hospital in November 2024. Though this may not have been a direct fault of the Minister, as it was alleged that UCH was indebted to the Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company who disconnected their electricity, but, still, such an incident happening in the capital of the State where Mr Adelabu has run in the Gubernatorial elections twice and failed (2019 & 2023), and is now the Minister of Power during this unprecedented protest which went viral, the optics are bad for him. The lack of adequate electricity supply is something every Nigerian is feeling, so much so that Aso Rock Villa, the seat of the Presidency, has had to switch from electricity grid supply to solar energy, an alternative source of power! If Mr Adelabu’s tenure as Minister of Power was positive, the Presidency wouldn’t have been constrained to take such a tell-tale step.

But, unfortunately for the Minister, many do not appear to be under any illusion that his apology is sincere; they believe that it is self-serving, seeing as he may want to secure his party, the APC’s ticket, for the 2027 Oyo State Gubernatorial race for the third time. But, what would be the grounds for his or anyone already in public office’s suitability for Governorship? In a country where there’s accountability, suitability must be grounded upon one’s past performance in the positions that have been previously held. 

The people being able to voice their dissatisfaction and discontent through social media, and make it go viral – this new form of pressure can promote the much needed accountability that Nigerians are in such dire need of, from their so-called leaders. It is the recognition of this fact, that may have prompted Minister Adelabu’s ‘apology’. The end of business as usual, and the beginning of Accountability. It may signal the beginning of the practilisation of Section 14(2)(a) & (c) of the Constitution, evincing the fact that even with Section 6(6)(c) of the Constitution ousting the jurisdiction of the courts, sovereignty, which is the ultimate political power, resides with the Nigerian people, and they have now become aware that they can participate in their Governments by spreading messages and making them go viral through so many social media platforms, either for or against a candidate. And, when the noise is loud enough, the powers that be will realise that their plans can be foiled if they insist upon an unpopular candidate.

TVSM may very well help to bring this ‘Chooso-cracy/Selectocracy’ instead of democracy, that Nigeria has been practising in the Fourth Republic to an end – where  clueless people are forced on Nigerians by the powers that be, either because of lack of internal party democracy or unmerited appointments. 

3) The North

Just like what we keep hearing – that the North that assisted in no small measure to bring President Bola Tinubu to power, are unhappy with his administration. Is it the people of the North, or the Politicians of the North, or those elite in the North who choose their leaders, that are disgruntled? Is it President Bola Tinubu’s administration of less than 3 years, that is responsible for the now perverted Almajiri system, or terrorism in the North, or pervasive poverty there? Those Northerners who may have been singing these Philiphic, Jeremiad songs, Canards, know that they aren’t being particularly truthful.

Let’s start with the people. If we look at the Fourth Schedule to Section 7 of the Constitution, Functions of a Local Government Council (LGC), we can see that the LGCs previously, were fully controlled by the State Governments/Governors by virtue of Section 162(5)& (6) of the Constitution, until the judgement in AGF v AG Abia & Ors (2024) LPELR-62576(SC) per Emmanuel Akomaye Agim, JSC, which wrestled the LGCs from the States. Section 5(2) of the Constitution vests the executive power of a State in the Governor, while Section 7 vests that of areas, in LGCs. Most of the everyday lives of the people are in the hands of the State Governments and LGCs – from primary, post-primary, adult, vocational, even University education (see Section 18 of the Constitution), to health services, agriculture, cattle rearing, and other natural resources except mineral resources, even electricity transmission and distribution. See AG Lagos State v AGF & Ors (2003) LPELR-620(SC) per Samson Odemwingie Uwaifo, JSC.  

So, if the people are unhappy, a considerable amount of their complaints should go to their Governors and LGCs, who have a major role to play in the security and welfare of the people in their States, and not just the Federal Government. It is bizarre that these Complainants keep mute about failed local governance, and concentrate only on the Federal Government. 

Via TVSM, I saw a photograph of a Government Primary School in Dekina LGA, Kogi State. The little children were learning, sitting on the floor, as there were no desks and chairs in the classrooms. Yet, former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, paid the school fees of his children at American International School, Abuja in advance, until they complete their education there. He’s now facing corruption charges, in excess of N100 billion. I also saw photos of a Government Primary School in Kano. Similarly, little children had no desks and chairs in their classrooms. Meanwhile, the former Kano State Governor, Dr Ganduje was caught by TVSM, stuffing his pockets with wads of Dollar bills, which could easily have funded the purchase of desks and chairs! 

But, in Zamfara State, Governor Dauda Lawal has been able to make notable impact in education, declaring a state of emergency in the sector and proceeding to launch an intense rescue mission to save it and improve learning in his State; renovating schools, supporting Teachers, paying outstanding debts of his predecessor administrations to WAEC and NECO, and restarting the school feeding programme. TVSM has shown photos of children in the classrooms in Zamfara today, sitting with desks, chairs and books, learning in a conducive environment. 

As for the Northern Governors, past and present, and Politicians, particularly those in governance positions, the truth is that they are the ones who have mostly failed their own people to the greatest extent. They are the ones, that the people should express their anger to. Their people should hold them accountable. TVSM shows a good number of them in the UK attending the graduation of their children, while the students in their States get a sub-standard education in an environment not conducive for learning.

Conclusion 

TVSM exposed the bullies in the Igbinedion Education Centre, something that a former student testified had been going on there for decades, unchecked. Now, the bullies are being held accountable for their actions, with a call for them to be taken before Juvenile Court to be prosecuted. Similarly, TVSM has started exposing the failures of those in leadership positions, and for the first time in the Fourth Republic, making them render apologies. Even though the Electoral Act 2026 has been amended deliberately to give Politicians a softer landing, TVSM will start forcing them not just to have to explain themselves to the people, but make them realise that they are being watched closely, and if they have skeletons in their cupboards or don’t perform well in office, even their parties will not be able to foist them on the people, because of their failures will be in the public space. TVSM may very well be the beginning of wisdom for Politicians, particularly those seeking office. 

We have a saying in Yoruba: “Asegbe kan o si, ase pamò lo wa”, that nothing can be done with absolute impunity or stay hidden away forever; one day, it will be revealed. TVSM is now here, the one to do the big ‘reveals’ that can hopefully, curb impunity, and bring accountability that will improve the Nigerian system and society.  

[email protected]

‘They Are Taking Us Like Livestock’: Inside Kwara’s emptying towns as terror tightens grip

The pews were filling. Hymns had begun. Scripture had just been read.

Then came the gunshots.

Within minutes, a church that held over 60 worshippers was reduced to near silence, abandoned mid-service as men, women, and children fled for their lives.

This is Omugo, a once-quiet community in Kwara State. Today, it is becoming something else entirely: a place people are running away from—or being taken from.

A Service Interrupted by Terror

At the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA) in Omugo, Sunday worship had unfolded like any other. Bible study began at 8:30 a.m. and ended at 9:30 a.m. The main service followed without incident.

Until exactly 10:10 a.m.

Eight hooded gunmen were spotted in the distance, about a kilometre away, firing sporadically into the air as they advanced toward the church.

There was no warning. No security. There was no intervention. Only panic.

“The church was almost empty before they arrived,” said Pastor Toba Omole, whose wife was among those abducted. “People ran in every direction. Only the elderly who couldn’t escape were left behind.”

What followed was swift and surgical. Eight worshippers—including three elderly women, the pastor’s wife, and other congregants, were seized and taken away.

The pastor’s wife, witnesses said, could not run. She had a baby strapped to her back.

She was dragged away and the child was dropped.

From Sanctuary to Hunting Ground

The Omugo attack is not an isolated tragedy—it is part of a pattern that is hollowing out entire communities across Kwara State.

Just months earlier, 38 worshippers were abducted during a similar raid on a church in nearby Eruku.

Now, the fear has metastasised. Churches are no longer sanctuaries. Homes are no longer safe. Villages are no longer holding. They are emptying.

‘Everyone Is Leaving—Or Being Taken’

Across Kwara South, residents describe a grim reality: people are disappearing daily. Not metaphorically; physically.

“They carry people like livestock,” one local source said. “If you stay, you risk being taken. If you run, you lose everything.”

Entire communities are quietly dissolving. Families flee at night. Homes are abandoned. Streets fall silent.

In a now-viral video, a man walks through a deserted settlement in Omupo, pointing at empty buildings and overgrown paths.

“There are no residents anymore,” he says. “Everyone has fled.”

While authorities have yet to confirm the extent of the displacement, residents insist the exodus is real, and accelerating.

A State Overrun, A People Unprotected

The crisis has been compounded by a staggering earlier abduction: 176 residents taken from Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area. Their captors are reportedly demanding ₦20 million per person, ₦3.52 billion in total.

For families already displaced or impoverished, the message is clear: survival is now transactional and unattainable.

Weeks later, there is little public clarity on negotiations. Little reassurance. Little presence. What remains is a growing perception among residents that they have been left to fend for themselves.

Gunmen, Not Governance

In Oke Daaba, Oro-Ago community, more than 70 armed attackers recently stormed the area, killing residents and injuring a vigilante who tried to resist. Locals say it is becoming routine. Attacks, abductions, silence.

The absence of visible, sustained security intervention has deepened a dangerous vacuum, one increasingly filled by armed groups who move freely, strike boldly, and retreat without consequence.

The Slow Death of Community

What is unfolding in Kwara is not just a security crisis, but the slow erasure of communal life. The schools are empty. Markets disappear and worship spaces scatter. The social fabric is being torn apart, not in a single catastrophic event, but in a steady, grinding sequence of fear.

Sadly, with every abduction, every attack, every unanswered cry for help, more people leave or are taken.

A Crisis Measured in Silence

The most telling sign of collapse is not the gunfire, but the silence that follows. The empty homes. The abandoned churches. The deserted roads.

Places where life once thrived have now reduced to ghost towns.

But the most bewildering of all this, is what appears to be the indifference of the government, or is something being done that is not evident yet? When will that be? The towns are fast emptying out. And the people cannot help but notice the fervour with which the 2027 reelection is being handled, while terror remains their only companion.

Watch the video here.

El-Rufai, the law and the courts, Suyi Ayodele

Now that he is at home, what will the court do today when Mallam Nasir el-Rufai’s case comes up? 

His bail application is slated to be moved today, but some extra-legal super powers freed him on Saturday. 

Justice Rilwanu Aikawa of the Federal High Court, Kaduna, had on Tuesday, March 24, ordered that el-Rufai be remanded in the custody of his prosecutors, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), and be brought to the court today, Tuesday, March 31, for his bail application to be argued.

But he is free. What is the meaning of academic exercise?

The law and the courts are a joke. If you think they are not, how else would you describe a eunuch for whom a beautiful bribe is procured?

The ICPC, which arrested el-Rufai on February 18, had kept the former Kaduna State governor in detention for 38 days, refusing him administrative bail. The Ramadan season was not enough consideration for the ICPC to let go of the former Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister. Protests by various groups on the arrest and subsequent detention of the opposition key figure fell on the deaf ears of the ICPC.

While in detention, the ICPC was shopping for ‘facts’, gathering ‘evidence’ and building its ‘case’ against the key opposition party leader. And when it appeared to be ready, the agency approached the court and slammed a 10-count charge bordering on alleged conversion and possession of public property as well as money laundering on el-Rufai.

 Even when  the defence counsel objected to the arraignment, the anti-graft agency stood its ground and Justice Aikawa allowed the arraignment just as he ordered that the accused person be remanded in ICPC custody for his bail application and any other application to be heard on the adjourned date; a mere seven days.

While waiting for the March 31 date, el-Rufai’s mother, Hajiya Umma el-Rufai, died in faraway Cairo, Egypt. Hours after the news of the old woman’s demise hit the Nigerian news media, el-Rufai’s son, Bashir el-Rufai, announced, via his X (formerly Twitter) handle, to the bewilderment of Nigerians that: “My beloved great legend of a father (@elrufai) is being released from his unlawful and illegal detention at the hands of one of the most corrupt agencies in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, that is a lame excuse of a pathetic institution.”

This is the dilemma Nigeria has found itself in again in the hands of the present administration. Feelers from the ICPC indicated that el-Rufai was released ‘temporarily’, ‘on compassion’, to attend his mother’s funeral rites which were held on Sunday, March 29.

Ever since the former Kaduna State governor was released, Nigerians from all walks of life have been asking if the ICPC has the right under our laws to make a judicial pronouncement over the bail of a detainee that was ordered remanded in its custody by a court of competent jurisdiction.

Many Nigerians have argued that due to the death of Hajiya Umma el-Rufai, it was not out of place for the ICPC to have released el-Rufai on compassionate grounds. Those in this school of thought posited further that in Africa, once one’s adversary suffers bereavement or is delivered of a new baby, all hostilities must cease! We are always encouraged to mourn with those who mourn and rejoice with those who rejoice.

But what is the position of the law in this matter? The search for answer(s) to this question has elicited various reactions from senior lawyers and public affairs analysts,  who expressed worries over what is left for the court to do when the parties involved showed up in court today (Tuesday, March 31), for the bail application.

What will be on the mind of the presiding judge, Justice Aikawa? Will My Lord ask the defence counsel to move his application, or will he ask him which application he intends to move when his client, the accused person, is already as free as a cool breeze? How do you castrate a man and still procure a wife for him?

If Justice Aikawa turned to the prosecution counsel, would he be right to ask: “Mr. Prosecutor, why are we here again when the accused person is free? Will His Lordship be right, to ask if the prosecution team did not see or notice that virtually everyone who would have been listed as primary and secondary interested parties in the matter was in the Abuja home of el-Rufai over the weekend?

Will he ask if the ICPC did not see the nominal complainant, the Kaduna State Governor, at the rite of passage for Mama el-Rufai? This is the dilemma of His Lordship and every other right-thinking Nigerian.

The human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Mr. Femi Falana, in his immediate reaction to the development, said that the release of el-Rufai by the ICPC when the ‘court is seized of the case’, amounted to illegality. The SAN posited that if the ICPC was desirous of compassion for the detainee in view of his mother’s death, all that was legally allowed was for the ICPC to approach the court via ex parte motion and get the go-ahead of the court to do that which it did.

As reported by Premium Times, Falana said “Nigerian authorities must learn to operate under the Rule of Law. There are ordinary people in custody who have lost both parents. Why are they never released in this manner to participate in the burial rites of their loved ones?”  He went further to suggest that ICPC ought to have ‘rushed’ “an application to the court seeking his release to enable him to participate in the burial rites of his mother. The prosecution and the defence could exchange processes electronically. The application could then be filed on Monday, accompanied by an affidavit of urgency so that it could be held the same day.”

Falana was not alone. For instance, Inibehe Effiong, human rights lawyer, commenting on the matter, expressed the view that: “A person who’s remanded by an order of a court cannot be released legally without recourse to the court. ICPC Nigeria, can you clarify the procedure adopted in this case? If el-Rufai’s motion for bail is slated for Tuesday, March 31, 2026, how was his release processed?” The lawyer wondered if the release is not a reflection of what the iconoclast, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, described as “government magic”, a euphemism for the untidiness in government circles.

READ ALSO: Autistic boy with excessive sexual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him

Another notable Nigerian and veteran journalist, Richard Akinnola, on Saturday, also expressed surprise at the release of el-Rufai. Here is what the ace journalist wrote under the headline, “El-Rufai’ release by the ICPC: “Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, unfortunately lost his mother yesterday while on court remand in ICPC custody. El-Rufai’s bail application has not yet been heard. The court ordered that he be remanded in the ICPC custody pending the hearing of his bail application next week. So, under which order did the ICPC release him for his mum’s burial? It would have been a different thing if he had not been charged to court; hence, ICPC could have released him on compassionate ground, even though he was being illegally held. But since the court is seized of the matter, the agency cannot whimsically release him.”

Whichever way one views the perfidy, it appears to be more than the proverbial “government magic.” The ICPC has, by that indiscretion, shot itself where it hurts badly. The anti-graft agency has given credence to the claim by el-Rufai junior that the period his father spent in the agency’s custody was nothing but an “unlawful and illegal detention at the hands of one of the most corrupt agencies in the Federal Republic of Nigeria that is a lame excuse of a pathetic institution.”

And how pathetic can the ICPC be? Does the agency not have a legal department to guide it in this matter? If it was confused about what to do, why did it not seek wisdom from the Attorney-General of the Federation or the Office of Public Prosecution?

I think the agency is not lacking in terms of quality personnel to advise it on a sensitive matter of this nature. The problem, methinks, is endemic with the government which acts before it thinks. This is why Nigeria has remained the joke of the entire globe. It is only in Nigeria that accused persons are arrested first before the prosecutor begins to look for ‘evidence’ to nail them. Nothing is tidy, nothing appears decent. When government agencies begin to act on impulse, we cannot but have outrageous decisions like the one made by ICPC on el-Rufai.

And the fact that all the hawks that have been asking for the head of el-Rufai on a platter were in his Abuja home on Saturday and Sunday on condolence visits goes to show that the ICPC and el-Rufai matter is another theatre of the absurd. Former Governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, captures the silliness of the action, when, during his visit to el-Rufai, he said: “To show that the government knows what they are doing, they just released him (el-Rufai) without a court order.” What a joke!

Unfortunately, that is logical. If ICPC is that compassionate, why did it not release el-Rufai, a devoted Muslim, during the month of Ramadan, so that he could observe the solemn period in his home? After all, while the Ramadan lasted, the agency was still on the voyage of discovery to ascertain what the former governor allegedly stole or did not steal while in office. Which would have been more honourable and dignifying between allowing el-Rufai to serve his God as commanded by his belief, in peace during Ramadan, or to go home and bury his dead? How many days of ‘compassionate leave’ did the ICPC grant him?

The person that is in the most difficult situation in this matter is His Lordship, Justice Aikawa, whose order has been bastardised by an agency of government. I wonder how the judge felt when he read the news that the ICPC had taken over his court! Now that the parties have returned to the desecrated hallowed chamber, which of the nine theories of judicial behaviour will Justice Aikawa be putting on as the counsel in the matter announce their appearances today, before him?

Richard Posner, the retired United States circuit judge, in his book, “How Judges Think”, said, under the sub-topic, Nine Theories of Judicial Behavior, that: “There are many positive (that is, descriptive as distinct from normative) theories of judicial behavior. Their primary focus is, as one would expect, on explaining judges’ decisions. The theories are the attitudinal, the strategic, the sociological, the psychological, the economic, the organizational, the pragmatic, the phenomenological, and of course, what I am calling the legalist theory.” (Pg. 19)

All eyes are on Justice Aikawa to know if, today, he would apply the attitudinal theory which allows him to adjudicate on this matter based on the political preferences of the prosecution team that appears to be fighting a proxy battle on behalf of the government. Or, if His Lordship will be pragmatic enough to know that whatever decision he takes on this highly politically-motivated trial, should be based “on consequences, rather than on deduction from premises in the manner of syllogism”, as Posner projects. (Pg. 40)

Whichever way the pendulum of justice swings, my thoughts are with His Lordship, Justice Aikawa. I pray he knows that the ICPC has already taken the wind out of his judicial sail. Whatever the Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, saw in 1973, when he wrote his second novel, Season of Anomy, has paled into insignificance with the prevalent endemic perfidy in our Nigeria of today. Now is the real “Season of Anomy” and Adebayo Williams’ “The Year of the Locusts” rolled into one. We are not doomed yet. Are we?

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Sowore and the limits of activism, By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

Every generation produces non-conformists, who help to shape society and hold the government accountable to the people. Omoyele Sowore has been an activist right from his days as a students’ union leader at the University of Lagos. During his reign, he was very vibrant, proactive and committed to the welfare of students. He eventually emerged President of UNILAG Students’ Union and also became a member of the Senate of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS). From his public profile, Sowore is from the Niger-Delta region of Ondo State and he was in UNILAG between 1989-1994.

He holds a postgraduate degree in Public Administration from Columbia University. Sowore founded the media platform Sahara Reporters in 2006, aimed at exposing corruption and promoting accountability in Nigerian governance. No doubt Sowore revolutionised media coverage in Nigeria, daring to tread where the established traditional media could not thrive. He founded the African Action Congress as a political party in 2018 and he has through that platform contested election to be president of Nigeria in 2019 and 2023. Sowore launched the #RevotionNow movement in 2019, a move which has pitched him against successive administrations in Nigeria. There is also the #TakeItBack movement founded by Sowore and other notable comrades to wrestle power from those they described as political vultures. From whichever angle you look at him, Sowore represents different things to different people, depending on the narrative.

In my own humble view, the government should let Sowore be. It is totally oppressive and brutal to unleash the fullness of government arsenals upon a single individual, to muzzle him, to silence him and to render him voiceless. The comrade politician is just one in two hundred million people seeking change for the people through purposeful leadership that will meet up with the yearnings and aspirations of our people. The criminal charges filed against Sowore at the behest of the government are countless, leading to the restriction of his fundamental rights of movement, privacy, freedom of expression and even his political activities.

It is possible that Sowore specialises in unconventional methods that the government is either not used to or comfortable with, but that is normal in a democratic setup, so long as they are done within the confines of the law. For instance, there are many civil cases pending in various courts filed against Sowore and his media outfit by persons who feel aggrieved with some of his publications. That is how it should be. Any attempt to gag Sowore through multiple criminal charges is therefore unacceptable.

Sowore has paid his dues through several arrests, detentions, and court cases regarding his activism and calls for revolution. In 2021, for instance, Sowore was reportedly shot in the leg with a tear gas canister by security forces during a protest. He continues to be an outspoken critic of Nigerian governance and a prominent figure in the civil society movement. Nigeria needs many more Sowores for its growth and development.

READ ALSO: Why a lawyer should not be held liable for contempt for opinions expressed in written addresses, By O.G. Ogbom, PhD

The purpose of this piece however is to x-ray recent developments involving Sowore and the judiciary. It transpired that on March 24, 2026 Sowore was present before the Federal High Court, Abuja. From all the accounts of the events of that day, it would seem that Sowore had no case in that court for that day but he was there to confirm the date of his case that was previously scheduled to come up in that court. From the video that circulated online, Sowore addressed the press inside the courtroom. This is not in dispute. Also present in court on that fateful day was another comrade lawyer, Mr. Musbau Adetunmbi, Senior Advocate of Nigeria. His attempt to caution Sowore from conducting an interview inside the courtroom was rudely rebuffed by Sowore, who then proceeded to disparage his Rank and status as a learned senior member of the bar.

From the same video, Mr. Adetunmbi, SAN, was properly robed and well seated in the Inner Bar, perhaps waiting for the judge to commence the proceedings of the day. In what appeared to be a total disrespect for the Bench and the Bar, Sowore sat on the desk of the inner bar and proceeded from there to rail unbridled verbiage on the learned SAN, who was very calm and composed in his responses. The encounter has generated several articles and opinions within the public space, especially on the proprietary or otherwise of conducting a press interview within the courtroom.

The courtroom is a public space for the reason of access to the court by all and sundry, subject always to the overriding direction of the presiding judge who is regarded in law as the master of the court. For various reasons, a person can be barred from attending a court session. Freedom of expression and the press is guaranteed under section 39(1) of the 1999 Constitution, with various restrictions stipulated thereunder. First is to have an outfit or platform that must be registered and second, that freedom is subject to other conditions stipulated by law or the authorities, in this case that of the overall direction of the court or judge. The courtroom cannot be a media centre and no form of media activity is allowed right inside the courtroom except as may be authorised by the judge. In the recent 2023 Presidential Election Petition, the issue of live media coverage of court proceedings was raised and duly addressed by the court.

It is gratifying that the Nigerian Bar Association has spoken eloquently in condemnation of the actions of the revolution promoter, cautioning him not to turn the courtroom into a stage for ‘publicity, advocacy theatrics, or confrontation’ in a way that is inconsistent with the discipline required in judicial proceedings. While it is appreciated that Sowore is not a lawyer properly trained in legal ethics, he has nonetheless been in and out of the courtrooms to become familiar with acceptable legal conduct. He even boasted that he too has his own SANs, although one is not too sure if he rails on them in the same manner that he addressed Mr Adetunmbi, SAN in court, on that fateful day.

The sanctity of the court cannot be sacrificed on the altar of media theatrics or political grandstanding. Countless times Sowore has addressed the press in the premises of various courts and no one has ever stopped him from the lawful exercise of such right. But to turn the courtroom into a press center, where even the Inner Bar becomes desecrated, is totally unacceptable. And Sowore is fully aware of this. On December 6, 2019, operatives of the Directorate of State Security, DSS, invaded the Federal High Court in Abuja, where Sowore was standing trial.

He had been granted bail by the court but DSS in its usual fascist style refused to release him, prompting the judge to order his production in court within 24 hours. Upon his release by the Court on that occasion, the DSS attempted to arrest Sowore right inside the courtroom. Sowore resisted that unlawful act and also mobilised his lawyers, supporters and other Nigerians in court to stop it. Sowore’s reasoning then was that he could not be arrested inside the courtroom. Of course he was right on that occasion but he is wrong in this present circumstance. Once the judge loses control of the court, an end is imminent for the authority of that court. This is why in appropriate cases, the judge is empowered to bar certain categories of persons from having access to the courtroom.

The other point that Comrade Sowore must note is that the judiciary is an institution, which should be protected and preserved at all costs. Individual members of that institution may be found wanting for one misconduct or the other but that cannot be sufficient for the balkanisation or condemnation of the entire legal system and the institutions that sustain it. Recently, the Commissioner of Police in charge of Lagos State Command in commando style declared Sowore wanted and even issued an unlawful order for him to stay away from Lagos State. Sowore ran to the Federal High Court in Lagos and the judiciary rose in his defence to stop the unwarranted aggression of the police against him.

Not only that judgment was delivered in his favour, the court ordered the police to pay compensation of Thirty Million Naira to Sowore. It is left to be imagined whether Sowore offered any bribe or gratification to that judge in order to secure the judgment. By all definitions and ramifications, that court is part of the judiciary in Nigeria that Sowore condemns and castigates on a daily basis. Without doubt, there will still be other instances when Sowore will rely on the judiciary to rescue him from the oppressive conducts and policies of the government. If we close our eyes because of bad people, surely good people will pass us by unnoticed. We cannot pull down the judicial institution simply because of isolated cases of alleged corruption which at best constitute the exception rather than the norm.

From my own personal experience, patriots all through the ages have always relied on the judiciary (Bar and Bench) to save them from persecution. Right from the period of the agitation for independence up to the campaign against military rule and civilian dictators, the courts have stood tall in solid support of nationalists and activists against dictatorial tendencies and oppressive policies. It is therefore not a good strategy for anyone involved in mass mobilisation for revolution or with an agenda to take back the government from the primitive undertakers to wage unnecessary war against lawyers and judges. It is nothing but self-immolation. Let Comrade Sowore beware of the limits of activism. Wisdom is not cowardice and it is always profitable to direct.

Curfew Defied, Anger Erupts: Deadly Plateau Palm Sunday attack sparks street protests in Jos

Anger spilled onto the streets of Jos on Monday morning as hundreds of residents defied a government-imposed curfew to protest a deadly Palm Sunday attack—underscoring growing frustration over Nigeria’s worsening security crisis.

The demonstration began in Anguwan Rukuba, the epicentre of the violence in Jos North Local Government Area, where suspected gunmen killed several youths in a late-night assault that has once again shaken Plateau State.

By 9 a.m., crowds had gathered at the scene, chanting and demanding action, their message clear: curfews alone will not stop the bloodshed.

Eyewitness footage circulating on social media showed visibly agitated protesters blocking roads and calling for urgent government intervention as tensions escalated.

A Community Under Siege

Residents say the attackers—believed to be heavily armed and riding motorcycles—stormed the community on Sunday night, opening fire indiscriminately and setting homes ablaze.

While the exact death toll remains unclear, multiple casualties have been reported, deepening fears in a region already scarred by cycles of violence.

The attack, which coincided with Palm Sunday, has intensified outrage, particularly among local Christian communities who see it as part of a troubling pattern of targeted assaults.

Government Response Meets Public Fury

In response, the Plateau State government imposed a 48-hour curfew on Jos North, effective midnight Sunday, in a bid to restore order and prevent further escalation.

The move, however, has done little to calm residents.

Instead, it has sparked defiance.

Protesters insist the restriction addresses symptoms, not causes—arguing that repeated attacks, delayed responses, and lack of accountability have eroded public confidence in security efforts.

At the protest site, Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang arrived amid the unrest, facing a crowd demanding answers and protection.

In an official statement, the government condemned the killings as “barbaric and unprovoked,” assuring residents that security forces had been deployed to track down those responsible.

Fear Spreads Beyond the Streets

The immediate fallout has extended beyond the affected community.

The University of Jos announced the postponement of examinations scheduled for March 30 and 31, citing safety concerns for students and staff—many of whom live in or near the violence-hit area.

Meanwhile, roads within Anguwan Rukuba were reportedly barricaded by angry youths, raising fears of further confrontation and instability.

Outrage Reaches International Voices

The attack has also drawn international attention.

Alex Barbir, in a viral video, sharply criticized Bola Ahmed Tinubu, accusing the federal government of failing to protect vulnerable communities.

His remarks—alleging persistent killings and questioning the government’s response—have added to the growing chorus of voices demanding accountability.

A Pattern of Violence, A Nation on Edge

The latest killings come just weeks after a deadly ambush in Kanam Local Government Area, where more than 20 security operatives and vigilantes were reportedly killed—highlighting the persistent volatility across Plateau State.

Despite billions of naira spent annually on security, attacks by armed groups, bandits, and kidnappers continue to plague communities nationwide.

For many Nigerians, the sense of insecurity is no longer episodic—it is constant.

A Breaking Point?

Monday’s protest may signal more than immediate grief—it may represent a tipping point.

As residents challenge curfews and demand lasting solutions, the question facing authorities is no longer just how to respond to individual attacks, but how to restore trust in a system many believe is failing to protect them.

This is because in Plateau, as in many parts of Nigeria, the crisis is no longer just about security. It is now about survival, and the growing fear that no one is truly safe.

“I didn’t want her body to waste”, says 21-year-old man arrested for killing woman and raping her corpse in Ondo

A Magistrates’ Court in Akure, Ondo State, has ordered the remand of a 21-year old carpenter, Anthony Alabi, at the Olokuta Correctional Centre over the alleged murder of a 58-year-old woman, one Veronica Olaseni.

Alabi was arraigned by the police on a two-count charge bordering on murder and theft.

He also admitted to having intercourse with the corpse.

“I didn’t want her body to waste, so I had intercourse with her corpse,” the defendant told the court.

The court did not take the defendant’s plea as it lacked jurisdiction to entertain the matter.

The presiding Magistrate, Temitope Adurota, consequently ordered his remand at the Olokuta Correctional Centre, Akure, pending the issuance of advice from the office of the state’s Director of Public Prosecutions, DPP.

Earlier, the prosecutor, Inspector Folashade Adebayo, told the court that the defendant committed the offences on March 2, 2026, at about 2:30 p.m. at Iboropa-Akoko in Akoko North-East Local Government area of the state.

Adebayo said the defendant strangled one Veronica Olaseni to death on her farm after she identified him while he was attempting to steal her belongings.

According to the prosecutor, the defendant also stole items including an Infinix phone valued at N150,000, a cutlass valued at N10,000, and an Access Bank ATM card belonging to the deceased.

The charge reads in part, “That you, Alabi Anthony, on March 2, 2026, at Iboropa-Akoko did seize the breath of one Veronica Olaseni, 58, by holding her neck tightly, which resulted in her d3ath, thereby committing an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 319 of the Criminal Code Law of Ondo State, 2006.

“That you, Alabi Anthony, at the same place and date, did steal one Infinix phone valued at N150,000, a cutlass valued at N10,000, and one Access Bank ATM card, property of Veronica Olaseni, thereby committing an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 390 of the Criminal Code, Cap. Laws of Ondo State, 2006.”

The prosecutor urged the court to remand the defendant pending advice from the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).

The defendant, who was not represented by counsel, confessed to the crime, stating that he went to the deceased’s farm to steal cashew nuts but strangled her after she recognised him.

The magistrate ordered that the case file be forwarded to the office of the DPP for advice and adjourned the case to June 6 for mention.

Autistic boy with excessive sexual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him

An autistic young man who was adopted by Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere of Omega Power Ministries (OPM) has been married off. 

He got married on Sunday, March 29, to a much older woman in a ceremony officiated by Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere. 
 
This comes days after Pastor Chibuzor claimed that his adopted son, who is autistic, has troubles controlling his sexual urge among other children in the house. He claimed the boy gets an erection all the time and he does not want the boy to impregnate one of the children in the home. As a result, he is seeking an older woman he would pay to marry the autistic son and help curb his sexual urges. 

Announcing the union on Facebook, Pastor Chibuzor wrote: “Aboy Chibuzor got married today, 29th March 2026! 
 

Autistic boy with extreme s�xual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him
Autistic boy with extreme s�xual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him
Autistic boy with extreme s�xual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him
Autistic boy with extreme s�xual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him


“He is marrying a single woman of God. 

“As part of the blessings and support for the couple:  ₦10 million wedding gift. Free house. Overseas vacation. ₦20 million after 10 years (if Aboy is still alive). And many more gifts coming… 

“Also, members of Omega Power Ministries (OPM) have shown great support: One member donated ₦1 million. Another donated ₦200,000 

“Already, miracles have started to happen. Aboy is now feeding himself, without assistance. 

“And I strongly believe that before the next 6 months, God will completely heal him, and he will begin to speak. 

“THERE IS NOTHING GOD CANNOT DO.” 
 

Autistic boy with extreme s�xual urge weds days after his adopted father Pastor Chibuzor Gift Chinyere asked for a paid fully-abled wife for him


The union has sparked outrage as many opine that Aboy cannot give consent due to his mental condition and what he needs is adequate care, not marriage.

1...565758...1,422Page 57 of 1,422

TIPS

Load more