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Echoes of Trauma: When Love Turns Lethal: The trauma domestic violence leaves behind

By Lillian Okenwa

Sometimes the bruises are hidden. Sometimes the screams are muffled behind locked doors, loud music, forced smiles and church photographs. But domestic violence leaves traces everywhere. In the eyes of frightened children. In the silence of women too afraid to leave. In the shame of men too embarrassed to speak. And too often, in obituaries that come far too soon.

There is something profoundly heartbreaking about watching people die slowly inside relationships that were supposed to give them safety, companionship and peace.

Not every abusive relationship ends in death, but many leave behind emotional graves. Broken confidence. Fear. Anxiety. Depression. Children who grow up believing violence is normal. Women who lose themselves trying to preserve marriages. Men who suffer in silence because society tells them they are not supposed to be victims.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Born into a battle they did not choose

When gospel singer Osinachi Nwachukwu died on April 8, 2022, Nigerians were initially told she died of throat cancer. What later emerged was far more disturbing. Investigations revealed years of alleged abuse, silence, fear and suffering inside her marriage. Her children reportedly spoke of repeated violence. Eventually, her husband, Peter Nwachukwu, was convicted and sentenced to death by hanging in April 2025. But even with the judgment, what exactly was won?

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: The silent wounds of Nigerian men, By Lillian Okenwa

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: When silence becomes complicity, By Lillian Okenwa

Osinachi is gone. Her husband is also facing death. Their children are left carrying trauma heavy enough to last a lifetime. They watched their mother suffer. They reportedly testified against their father. They lost both parents in different ways.

And perhaps that is the cruellest part of domestic violence. Even when justice comes, it often arrives too late.

The recent death of  28-year-old Omerebere Faith Okafor again reopened painful conversations Nigerians keep avoiding. Faith reportedly married at 17 to a much older man and, according to messages she allegedly shared before her death, endured years of violence, humiliation and fear. She reportedly spoke about repeated beatings during pregnancy and feeling trapped with four children and nowhere to turn.

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: Why Nigeria must confront the trauma of its women, By Lillian Okenwa

Read Also: Echoes of Trauma: When those who defend us are forgotten

Now she is dead too. Again, children are left motherless. Again, people are asking questions after the funeral. Again, society is shocked after ignoring warning signs.

One of the most painful things about abusive relationships is that many victims do not stay because they enjoy suffering. They stay because they are afraid. Afraid of poverty. Afraid of shame. Afraid of starting over. Afraid of raising children alone. Afraid of religious condemnation. Afraid nobody will believe them. Some have been emotionally broken down until leaving no longer feels possible.

Others stay because everybody around them keeps urging endurance instead of escape.

“Manage.”
“Pray harder.”
“He will change.”
“Think about your children.”
“What will society say?”
“No marriage is perfect.”

But what becomes of the children people claim they are staying for?

Nneka, an only child, once described how her parents fought almost every night throughout her childhood. She remembered waking repeatedly to hear her mother muttering in Igbo through tears, “Ọ ka m si je?” “Ọ ka m si je?” “Ọ ka m si je?” (Is this the result of my journey?)

Years later, the emotional scars remain.

Children raised in violent homes often carry invisible wounds into adulthood. Many struggle with fear, anxiety, trust issues, emotional instability and unhealthy relationship patterns. Some grow up normalising abuse because violence was the language spoken at home.

This is why domestic violence is never only between husband and wife. The children are always inside the violence too, whether physically or psychologically.

The tragic story of Felicia Temitope Odu, a lawyer reportedly abused for over two decades before her death, again highlighted how religion and social expectations sometimes keep victims trapped in dangerous marriages. During a memorial walk held in her honour by members of the Nigerian Bar Association Lagos branch, participants stressed that faith should never become a death sentence. That message matters.

Leaving an abusive relationship is not failure. Staying alive is not failure. Seeking safety is not failure. And domestic violence is not only about women.

Men suffer too, though many endure quietly because society mocks male victims or refuses to believe them. The killing of Bilyaminu Bello in Abuja in 2017 by his wife, Maryam Sanda, shocked the country and reminded Nigerians that violence can exist in any direction. Abuse is abuse, whether the victim is male or female.

This conversation should never become a battle between genders. It is about humanity, safety, dignity and emotional wellbeing.

Nigeria’s Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act was supposed to be a major turning point when it was signed into law in 2015. The law criminalises various forms of abuse including spousal battery, emotional abuse and harmful practices. But implementation remains weak and inconsistent.

Too often, police officers still treat domestic violence as a “family matter.” Survivors are encouraged to settle privately with abusers instead of pursuing justice. Some victims are blamed. Others are shamed into silence. Investigations are poorly handled. Shelters are limited. Many states still lack effective structures to support survivors. And even where laws exist, culture frequently overpowers justice.

Some communities still see wife beating as discipline. Some religious teachings are distorted to encourage dangerous endurance. Shockingly, Section 55(1)(d) of the Penal Code still contains language suggesting a husband may “correct” his wife provided grievous harm is not inflicted. That alone reveals how deeply normalised violence has been historically.

But laws alone cannot solve this crisis. The deeper issue is that many people have nowhere to go.

How does a woman with four children leave when she has no income, no shelter, no support system and no family willing to take her in? How does a man report abuse when he knows society may ridicule him? How does somebody emotionally battered for years suddenly find the courage to walk away?

This is why conversations about domestic violence must move beyond outrage after deaths. Nigeria needs functioning shelters, emergency hotlines, trauma counselling, financial support systems, legal aid, relocation support and long-term rehabilitation for survivors and their children.

Victims do not just need rescue. They need rebuilding. Therapy should not be seen as luxury. Children exposed to prolonged domestic violence often require deep psychological support. Many survivors struggle with post-traumatic stress, panic attacks, depression, emotional numbness and fear long after they physically escape abuse.

The truth is painful. Some people survive abusive relationships physically but never recover emotionally. And perhaps this is the question society must finally confront honestly:

Why do we keep teaching people to preserve marriages at the cost of preserving themselves?

Marriage should never become a place where people slowly disappear. No relationship is worth dying for. No child deserves to grow up watching violence become normal. No culture, religion or societal expectation should demand human sacrifice in the name of endurance.

Sometimes the bravest thing a person can do is leave. Sometimes survival is the real success story.

A lawyer and equity advocate, Lillian can be reached at [email protected]

A dream of Nigeria, By Lasisi Olagunju

Monday morning on the pulpit can be very surreal. Today’s lesson is from Camara Laye’s ‘A Dream of Africa’, a 1966 novel of prophecy, the black man and his future. A young man called Fatoman returns for a two-week vacation in Guinea after six years of exile in Paris. He returns to a country whose idea of mystery and power “are no longer to be found where they used to be”; a nation badly fissured by violent partisan politics.

Crestfallen, he goes to his goldsmith father who has lost his trade to wooden objects that lack spirits. Fatoman’s father gives him a sacred white ball of cowrie shells. Father tells son: “Put that inside your pillow-case tonight and ask God yourself to enlighten you about the future of our native land.”

Then he sleeps and in an all-night dream the young man finds himself in prison. He sees what eyes see but the mouth fears to utter. But no word is too big that a knife is needed to slice it. Fatoman wakes up the following morning and tells his father what he saw: “I saw a people in rags and tatters, a people starving to death, a people who lived in an immense courtyard surrounded by a high wall, a wall as high as the sky. In that prison, force was the only law; or rather I should say, there was no law at all. The people were punished and sentenced without trial. It was terrible, because those people were the people of Guinea, the people of Africa!”

Dreams are dangerous, especially when told to the winds. Camara Laye would later die in exile in 1980, another writer punished by history for seeing too much and saying too much. Writers have always been prophets; knowingly or unknowingly, their words often hit the bull’s eye beyond boundaries. The people in the dream are not merely Guineans. Looking at what democracy has done to us, I say they are Nigerians.

Everyone is in a cage built by democracy and democrats. The ruling party has cells for its various inmates. There is hardly any escaping the wall. The warders are the big boys; strong, scented soil men.

The ruling party and the opposition are a consortium of prisons where ambitions are either consummated or cremated. Watch the party primaries across all platforms that are permitted to live.

Yet, the real war will be fought beyond party walls. Southern Nigeria is not prepared for a northern president so soon after Muhammadu Buhari’s eight years. This month and the next will test the tendons of this nation. The party called NDC fired the opening shot two days ago. At the weekend, it played the North-South game of thrones; it zoned the presidency to the South for four years only.

My Igbo friends spent the whole of the weekend celebrating the NDC decision. They thought and still think the NDC ticket is already Peter Obi’s. But the NDC belongs to an Ijaw man who acquired it for a purpose. Goodluck Jonathan is an Ijaw man. Watch him. He is consulting towards 2027. The NDC belongs to his brother, and all politics is local.

American journalist, Chris Matthews, wrote ‘All Politics Is Local’. He said he had the good fortune to be present in November 1989 as the Berlin Wall was being torn down. While there, he interviewed a young East German:

“What is freedom?” he asked the young man.

“Talking to you,” the East German said without pause. “Two weeks ago I couldn’t do it.”

To the ‘imprisoned’, talking to a journalist was the very definition of ‘freedom.’ But the same question was answered differently by several people the journalist interviewed.

So, because all politics is local, regime campaigners asked me to support President Bola Tinubu for re-election. I asked them to tell me why I should. They said it was because he was my brother. I asked them to ask my brother why his first term closed its eyes to the very bad roads to his brother’s state. They said bad roads were not enough to deny one’s daughter the blessing of bosomy beads. They invoked the idi bebere chant of waists and coral beads. They said they would not use my reason to decide where to cast their votes.

I told them that what I want from democracy is not necessarily what they want from it. That is why boys of the same mother do not contribute money to marry one wife.

You cannot wax imperial and expect the street to hail you. Small matters matter as much as big things in politics. The one who attends to basic things about the people gets the basic attention from them. In the 1970s, one U.S. senator cultivated the image of being “every bit… solicitous…” For the sake of politics and power, with him, “no chore was too small… If you took out a pencil, he’d sharpen it.”

Tinubu started his presidency spending heavily on projects that pleased his friends’ fancy while neglecting the backyard of his poor relations. As road users groaned on broken federal roads in the South West, he committed unimaginably vast resources to his Coastal Road. I once called it a road from somewhere to nowhere. That is what the road means to people where I live and where I work. You cannot take all the money to the coast and expect applause from the hinterland. There is no monkey in Idanre again.

But two weeks ago, politics appeared to have given the strong man a change of heart. He presided over a meeting of his cabinet and awarded road contracts that may give the face of his regime a well-done political makeup. He remembered home.

Consider the geography of the approvals. Dualisation of the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode Road, stretching 56 kilometres at a cost of N295 billion; the Osogbo–Akoda–Gbongan Road, 59.2 kilometres for N101 billion; and the Osogbo–Iwo–Ibadan Road. All in the South West. Other zones, East and North, got theirs. Like Thomas O’Neill, the 47th Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, Tinubu is translating a national contest “to the local, retail level.”

Presidents do not need roads; they fly. Which is why we must thank the eagle for remembering creations without wings. We thank those around him who reminded him that those roads exist. We only plead that these awards do not end as weightless paper roads designed as vote-catchers. They will indeed be weightless if they are not done before the elections, or they are started and abandoned after the elections.

An epochal governorship election will hold in Osun State in August this year. The incumbent, Ademola Adeleke, is recontesting and remains deeply rooted on the ground. It will take more than federal might to uproot him. In Oyo State, the incumbent governor, Seyi Makinde, has the state firmly in his grip; he is reportedly eyeing the president’s seat. Both governors are widely celebrated as high performers who belong to opposition parties. For the president’s party to make real impact here, therefore, it must have real positive things to show the people. It is not too late to do so.

Which is why the contracts came at the right time. So, on paper, Tinubu’s contract approvals are infrastructure decisions—big, bold and long overdue. But in substance, they form a carefully plotted map of political warfare. When a government suddenly remembers roads that years of power ignored, it is not governance speaking; it is politics, with timing as its loudest voice. It is the language of a second-term conversation, spoken in concrete and kilometres. Yet, we say thank you. But please, do the work beyond the announcement.

This moment will be read beyond asphalt and contracts. Would these last-minute contracts have been awarded if everyone had migrated into the president’s lair? Politicians often take for granted those they consider their property. Like dogs, they would sleep themselves into death were it not for the fleas of defeat that keep buzzing, threatening to bite.

So, we must keep flashing our voter cards as potential red cards. Sometimes, it works.

In December 1927, Catherine Mitchell Taliaferro asked, “To vote or not to vote?” She ended her piece with a warning that still resonates: “No one ever cleaned a house by deserting it to insects and vermin.”

Taliaferro’s warning was simple: democracies decay when citizens surrender the public space to predators. Nigeria now enters a season in which power will test institutions, friendships and even nerves. From now till January next year, the dreams in Nigeria’s nights will be of wars and rumours of wars.

But is it all gloom without hope of redemption? I go back to Camara Laye’s Fatoman who tells his father: “I also dreamed of a Lion, a great Black

Lion, who saved us, who brought back prosperity to us, and who made all peoples his friends.”

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

How Did This Happen?’ Newly built ₦16.7bn Mokwa culvert already cracking

The newly constructed culvert built at the site of the collapsed Mokwa Bridge in Niger State has reportedly begun developing cracks, sparking outrage and fears among residents who warned that another heavy flood could wash away the structure.

Residents of the community accused authorities of replacing the originally approved multi-span bridge project with what they described as a substandard culvert despite the Federal Government’s approval of ₦16.7 billion for the reconstruction of the flood-destroyed bridge.

A resident who spoke to SaharaReporters expressed concern over the state of the project, alleging that the structure already shows signs of deterioration less than a year after approval was announced.

“The bridge in Mokwa that was destroyed by flooding in May last year had a reconstruction approval valued at ₦16.7 billion. However, instead of a bridge, a culvert was constructed at the site, and reports indicate that the structure has already begun developing cracks,” the resident said.

“The development has raised concerns among residents and stakeholders regarding the quality, durability, and suitability of the project for the area’s flood-prone conditions.”

SaharaReporters gathered that community members have become increasingly worried about the integrity of the structure following visible signs of damage on the newly constructed culvert.

To verify the claims, SaharaReporters sent community sources to inspect the project site. Videos and photographs obtained by SaharaReporters reportedly showed portions of the culvert already cracking and deteriorating.

Another resident lamented that the project failed to reflect the scale of funding publicly announced by the Federal Government.

“We were expecting a standard bridge because that was what the government announced to Nigerians. What we got here is something people are already afraid of,” the resident said.

A trader in the area warned that the approaching rainy season has heightened anxiety among locals.

“If serious flooding happens again, this place may be cut off completely. People are scared because the cracks are already visible. The contractor should be summoned immediately before another disaster happens,” the resident said.

Another community source questioned why a culvert was constructed in place of what had been announced as a 10-span bridge project.

“They told Nigerians that ₦16.7 billion was approved for reconstruction of the Mokwa Bridge, but what we are seeing does not look like a bridge of that value. Residents deserve explanations,” the source added.

The Nigerian government had in August 2025 announced the approval of ₦16.7 billion for the “immediate reconstruction” of the Mokwa Bridge, which was washed away by flooding in May 2025.

The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, disclosed the approval after a meeting with the Minister of Works, Dave Umahi.

According to Idris, President Bola Tinubu approved the reconstruction of what he described as a “10-span bridge” for the people of Niger State.

“We want to thank Mr. President and we want to thank the Minister of Works. We jointly discussed this and approached Mr. President, who graciously approved it. It means a lot to the people. It’s ₦16.7 billion to reconstruct the bridge — a 10-span bridge,” Idris had stated.

Umahi had also praised Tinubu for approving the reconstruction, saying the president was committed to addressing infrastructure challenges across the country.

The ministers further listed several other bridge reconstruction approvals across states including Taraba, Kogi, Ebonyi, Kwara, Edo and Kebbi.

However, residents of Mokwa now insist that the project delivered at the site does not match public expectations, warning that failure to urgently address the visible cracks could expose the community to another devastating flood disaster.

Police arrest stepmother over killing of 9-year-old Enugu girl

The Enugu State Government has announced the arrest of a woman, Mrs Ogechi John, over the alleged killing of her nine-year-old stepdaughter, Amanda John.

In a statement published on Governor Peter Mbah’s WhatsApp media platform on Monday, the suspect was identified as an indigene of Oderiko in Ikwo Local Government Area of Ebonyi State.

According to the statement, Mrs John was arrested by operatives of the Nigeria Police Force in connection with the death of the child, who was allegedly beaten to death at their residence in Nchatancha, Emene, in Enugu East Local Government Area.

The statement, citing accounts by neighbours, said the incident occurred around 3pm on Sunday. Residents alleged that the late Amanda had been subjected to repeated maltreatment by the suspect before the tragedy.

Did you know there’s a town where almost everyone lives in the same building?

Reacting to the development, the Commissioner for Children, Gender Affairs and Social Development, Ngozi Enih, said the state government would ensure the suspect faced the full weight of the law.

“It is on record that the Governor Peter Mbah administration has zero tolerance for any form of child abuse, let alone child homicide. We swung into action immediately upon learning of this tragedy to ensure the suspect was arrested,” Enih said.

The commissioner added that the government would closely monitor the legal process to ensure justice was served without delay.

“We will be pressing for a thorough and expedited investigation to ensure that justice is not just done, but done swiftly. Nobody should take another person’s life, especially that of a child in Enugu State. We condemn the act in totality,” she added.

The state government reiterated its commitment to protecting minors, warning that anyone involved in child abuse or violence would be prosecuted.

The suspect remains in police custody while investigations continue.

However, the statement did not disclose the police station handling the case or the specific cause of the child’s death.

Leveraging Nigeria’s young population for national growth and development (1)

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

PREFACE

For over a decade now, statesmen, distinguished scholars, patriots and eminent legal practitioners have converged to brainstorm on key issues of national interest at the annual Pastor E.A. Adeboye Public Lecture, meant to drive positive policies for national growth and development. Permit me to share with you part of my text at the 2026 edition given the nature of the theme and the issues canvassed therein.

INTRODUCTION

It is axiomatic that the glory of young men is their strength. Indeed, youthfulness is usefulness. It is as true as sunrise that youths remain the backbone of nation-building. The youthful demography of any nation represents a deep well and repository of vital energy, fresh ideas, innovation, creative genius, and more. If properly inspired and engaged, the potential of the youth can be tapped for inestimable contribution to national growth and development in all areas of our national life. Without a shadow of doubt, Nigeria’s youth constitute the majority of the Nigerian population.

They are not merely “leaders of tomorrow”; they are drivers of today’s economy. National growth and development depend on intentional policies that empower, equip and engage this vast youthful population. When youth potential is matched with opportunity and good governance, Nigeria’s demographic structure can become its greatest engine of transformation.

THE YOUTH IN RELEVANCE

In drawing global relevance to this unique breed, God proclaims to the youth that “let no man despise thy youth; but be thou an example of the believers, in word, in conversation, in charity, in spirit, in faith, in purity.” Leaders and institutions across the globe have echoed this divine agenda to integrate the youth into global reckoning. In the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt, “we cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.” For Mahatma Gandhi, “if we are to reach real peace in this world … we shall have to begin with children.” 

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The former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, postulates that “you are never too young to lead, and never too old to learn”, while the Indian rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Kailash Satyarthi, states that the power of the youth is a “commonwealth for the entire world”, highlighting their impact, worldview, enthusiasm, and courage. Dr. Nelson Mandela had once opined that “… young people are the leaders of tomorrow”.

For him, ‘young people are capable, when aroused, of bringing down the towers of oppression and raising the banners of freedom.’ No phrase best highlights the relevance of the youth than the statement of the present Secretary-General of Community of Democracies, Thomas E. Garrett, on the occasion of the International Youths Day on August 12, 2025: “The youth wants to and should be involved, and the role of the governments is to provide them with adequate space and opportunities to advance their civic engagement and political participation at both local and national levels.” It is in recognition of this that today’s topic finds greater relevance as the celebrant and his visions are in tune with this global reckoning for the youth through several policy actions and programmes.

CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS

MEANING OF YOUTH:

In its basic ordinary meaning, ‘youth’ means “the period of your life when you are young, or the state of being young”. It could also denote young people, both male and female, considered as a group. It means the time of life when a person is young, especially the time before a child becomes an adult. What, however, poses a challenge is how to determine a generally accepted age bracket of the youth. In that regard, the term ‘youth’ is versatile and as such, is not easily amenable to a generally accepted definition, particularly regarding those who qualify as ‘youth’ or ‘young persons.’ Nevertheless, there exist certain qualities or attributes which generally define who falls into the category of ‘youth’. At this juncture, we shall consider some of the definitions of the term ‘youth’, especially with reference to age bracket, according to the following sources:

UNITED NATIONS

The United Nations – for statistical purposes – defines ‘youth’, as those persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years (UN Secretariat/UNESCO/ILO), without prejudice to other definitions by Member States. Moreover, several UN entities, instruments and regional organisations have somewhat different definitions of youth, which the United Nations secretariat recognizes. For instance, the UN Habitat (Youth Fund) defines youth age-group as 15 – 32; UNICEF/WHO/UNFPA defines Young People as those from 10 – 24 years of age and Youth as 15-24 years of age.

THE AFRICAN YOUTH CHARTER

The African Youth Charter (UN regional instrument) defines Youth as those between the ages of 15 to 35 years.

NIGERIAN LAWS:

THE CONSTITUTION, (CFRN), 1999

Although the term ‘youth’ is not expressly defined under the Nigerian Constitution, 1999 (as altered), it however establishes key age thresholds that affect young persons. Thus, such a person becomes a full legal adult with capacity to vote, contract, and enjoy civil rights and eligibility for public office: (House of Representatives/State Assembly – 25 years of age; Senate/Governorship/President: 35. For context, the CFRN, 1999, in its Section 29 (1) & (4) (a), sets the majority (full) age at 18 years and above in the following terms:

“29 (1)   Any citizen of Nigeria of full age who wishes to renounce his Nigerian citizenship shall make a declaration in the prescribed manner for the renunciation.

(4) For the purposes of subsection (1) of this section-

(a) “full age” means the age of eighteen years and above.”

Under and by virtue of Section 77 (2) of the Constitution, as earlier indicated, 18 years is set as the age to be registered to vote.

“77 (2) Every citizen of Nigeria, who has attained the age of eighteen years, residing in Nigeria at the time of the registration of voters for purposes of election to a legislative house, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter for that election.”

YOUTH PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

With respect to youth participation in politics, the enactment of the CFRN (Fourth Alteration, No. 7) Act, 2018 (a.k.a. Not Too Young to Run Act, 2018) as a constitutional reform intended to reduce the age of qualification for elective public offices, removes age-barriers that excluded young Nigerians from contesting elections, it promotes inclusive democracy and youth political participation has become a significant welcome watershed in respect of youth involvement in politics and governance.

THE CHILD RIGHTS ACT, 2003 (CRA)

The Child Rights Act defines a child as a person under 18 years of age, guaranteeing certain rights to health, education, and protection from abuse/marriage/labour (under 18) and also offering a child-friendly justice system. The legal implication of this definition is that a person who attains the age of 18 is deemed to have attained the age of legal majority and certainly exits the category of ‘child’ and qualifies as a youth. Furthermore, Section 21 of the CRA prohibits marriage for anyone under 18 years and the Marriage Act requires written parental consent for persons under the age of 21. The challenge with the CRA is that only 23 out of 36 States of the Federation have so far adopted it. Most Northern States have not.

LABOUR LAW

Under the Labour Law, a young person includes a person between the ages of 14 to 17 years (with limited employment), while a child is a person under 14 years, (generally prohibited from labour).

THE NATIONAL YOUTH POLICY AND YOUTH RELATIVISM

Perhaps, the most influential definition of the ‘youth’ in terms of age category is the one under Nigeria’s National Youth Policy of 2009 (NNYP). Adopting the definition under the African Youth Charter of 2006,  the NNYP defines ‘youth’ as persons of age from 18 to 35 years.

However, some argue that youth is a matter of the heart and mind, such that even a chronologically older person – say someone above 40 years – may still identify as a youth. The reality, however, is that chronological juvenescence (i.e., the fact of being necessarily within a chronological young age bracket) is the common overarching denominator or element at the core of the meaning of youth, irrespective of the perspective of any society on the subject. Once a person has passed a particular age limit, he may clearly be said not to be a youth any more. Accordingly, the definition offered by the African Youth Charter and National Youth Policy (i.e. 15 to 35 years) shall be our functional/working definition of youth for the purpose of this discourse and we shall use the term ‘youth’ interchangeably or synonymously as the ideal “Young Population.”

NATIONAL GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT

National growth and development is a comprehensive, long-term process  where a country improves its overall well-being, encompassing economic expansion, social progress, and better quality of life for all citizens, involving structural changes in industry, human capital, governance, and infrastructure. It goes beyond just economic growth (like GDP increase) to include factors like education, health, poverty reduction, technological advancement, and political stability, aiming for a more prosperous, equitable, and sustainable society. Thus, certain cardinal co-efficients and parameters by which national growth and development may be measured, exist. They include but are not limited to the following: economic growth, quality education, food security, social development, human capital, political and institutional strength, infrastructure, technological advancement, etc. While National Growth (or Economic Growth) forms part and parcel of development, focusing on quantitative increases in output; National Development is a broader concept, integrating growth and ensuring that resources are used to benefit society.

A practical example of this is the celebrant’s vision and impact of creating the Redemption Camp at his early age and ministry as a youth and transforming it into the present-day Redemption City in his later years, still as a “youth”, developing durable infrastructure such as stable electricity, water, security, agriculture and thus creating job opportunities through the presence of established institutions such as banks, schools, shopping centres, hospitals, hotels and recreation centres, restaurants, and professional departments (IT Units, Legal Department, Statistics, Urban and Regional Planning, Medical Department, Finance Department, Admin and Personnel, Human Resources, Hospitality, Sanitation, Security, Traffic Mayor, Team Nehemiah, etc, for career advancements for the young and the not too young persons. Constitutionally, the philosophical underpinning of Chapter II of the Nigerian Constitution on Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy is dominantly designed to enhance National Growth and Development at least in theory, a concept which the celebrant imbibed and developed through godly vision, human capital and purpose. If we sustain the campaign to make Chapter II of the Constitution justiciable, it will translate into massive development for our people.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Hope, hurt and the coming elections, By Suyi Ayodele

Alexander Pope (1688–1744), the 18th-century English poet and satirist, is known for his numerous famous quotes from his works. However, the one believed to be his most famous is the one referred to as Alexander’s ‘Ninth Beatitude.’ It was part of his October 6, 1727 letter to John Gay (1685-1732), a fellow Tory satirist and member of the Scriblerus Club.

In that famous correspondence, Alexander quipped: “Blessed is he who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed.” The poet, regarded as the second most quoted writer in English after Shakespeare, gave the advice while relating his numerous disappointments in America after leaving Zimbabwe for the so-called God’s Own country!

He wrote in the opening paragraph of the famous letter thus: “Yes, of all the emotions that I have experienced since my arrival in America, disappointment is the greatest…. I cannot help but repress a despondent sigh. So this is America? I feel so let down.”

Alexander, the best of the Augustan Literature, posited with the quote that man can achieve inner peace if he let go of rigid expectations, especially from fellow human beings. He encouraged men to reduce expectations drastically, face the realities of their situations, and appreciate life in its present form while not totally abandoning efforts to improve their conditions.

A 15-minute-28-second video of a 99-year-old British woman surfaced on the internet last week. It is one of the most heart-wrenching scenes I have ever come across. In the video, the nonagenarian, who lives in a care home, abandoned by all her three children, narrates how all she laboured for disappeared after her grown-up children coerced her into selling her home, and shared the proceeds among them.

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One of the daughters who had promised to accommodate and cater for her for the rest of her life soon ejected her after barely eight months and sent her to a flat paid for by the old woman herself.   According to her, the same daughter, who lives just 20 minutes away from the care home, hardly visits.

The sons, too busy to visit, spend barely 30 minutes with her whenever they visit. The mother of three had hopes while raising the children. She had hoped that at her old age, they would be there to take care of her. That was why she spared nothing to train them, give them good education and cater to their needs, especially after their father’s death in 1998.

 At 99, the poor old woman, already at her departure lounge, had to put herself in a care home when her little reserve got exhausted! She cried at the beginning of the video, but for the duration of the video, she demonstrated high mental stability.

The thrust of her message is for parents to, while playing the good parent roles, also think about their own personal comfort at old age! The African worldview places a premium on the upbringing of the children with a hope of a better future when old age comes. But is that usually the case? Do children meet the expectations of their parents in old age? Should the Black man begin to think about his personal welfare at old age instead of breaking all his limbs for his children while he was still at his prime?

The video in discourse answers the questions. It is as didactic as it is tragic! Only God knows how many parents in their old ages are experiencing what the 99-year-old Briton is going through at the moment. We pray to reap the fruits of our labour. But what happens if the fruits refuse to fall for us to eat? God forbid, you say? No problem. The video in question says you should first forbid yourself!

Some say the video is AI-generated. They may be right. But whether it is AI-generated or a true-life story, the message in it resonates with all here who are 60 years and above, lonely and alone.

Reflecting on the video, I have been able to draw a similarity between the children of the old woman and our politicians. How many of our expectations have the political leaders been able to meet? Are Nigerians not in different ‘care homes’, abandoned by those we placed our destiny in their hands?

What do we get in terms of ‘constituency projects from our politicians? Are they not grinding machines, Okada or Keke, generators and other worthless items? In one South-South state, constituents got four yards of fabric from their senator- packaged as democratic dividends. The people clapped for him. In that same state, a senator has been sharing cutlasses, hoes and some seedlings of cocoa and cashew as empowerment! We appear to be doomed.

Up North is not better. A governor shared wheelbarrows and shovels to his people as empowerment! One federal legislator ‘commissioned’ an electric pole in a state in the North-Central, just as one gave out shoe-making kits to empower those who elected him. When we complain of insecurity, the Federal Government sends rice. When hundreds of people are killed by mindless felons, the government at the centre still sends bags of rice.

We often talk about the economic crunch occasioned by the voodoo economic policies of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. The response we get on each occasion is the 10-kg bags of rice as ‘palliative!’ Which aspect of the nation has been made better by this government? Our roads are in bad shape but the government is spending trillions of Naira on the Coastal highway and the Sokoto-Lagos highway, with the contracts awarded, without any public bid, to the friends and cronies of the President, or to companies where the President or his relations have appreciable interest!

Check our hospitals. They are all death centres. The common man cannot afford the ones that appear to be working because of the high cost. The National Institute of Health, in a recent document listed “Top Chronic & Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs)” to include: “Hypertension (High Blood Pressure), which affects roughly 1 in 4 Nigerians, acting as a ‘silent killer.’ Stroke (Cerebrovascular Disease): A primary driver of neurological disability, appearing at high rates even in young adults; Diabetes Mellitus: A major cause of chronic illness (approx. 13.9% prevalence in some studies); Chronic Kidney Disease: There is an alarmingly high incidence of this disease, particularly in Northeast Nigeria; Cancer: Common types include breast, cervical, and prostate cancers and Mental Health Disorders: Affects 20-30% of the population, with depression and anxiety heavily under-treated due to stigma.”

Pray, which of these listed ailments can any hospital in Nigeria handle successfully? My town’s man and mentor died at the University Teaching Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, a year ago. We had to transport his remains back to Oyo town for preservation pending his final funeral rites in Ekiti. Why? UCH had no electricity supply for months and the morgue system collapsed. That was the same hospital which had the privilege of treating the King of Saudi Arabia in the early 70s!

Yet we have leaders who promised us life more abundant – leaders who paid lip service to letting the poor breathe while they ended up smouldering life out of the majority and leaving the rest between life and death! Rather than give us what they promised, they abandon our hospitals and embark on health tourism to hospitals in the West! There was a time when the late President Muhammadu Buhari and the former Head of State, General Abudusalami Abubakar, were guests at the same hospital in faraway London, United Kingdom! What can be more shameful!

I checked how many times president Tinubu has visited France since he assumed office on May 29, 2023. The response I got is troubling. Cumulatively, Tinubu has visited France 11 times. In his three-year presidency, he has spent 89 days in France out of the 237 total days he has spent outside the shores of this country. Read the result in its raw form:

“President Tinubu has been outside Nigeria for 237 days since May 2023, about 24% of his total time in office so far. Since taking office in 2023, President Bola Tinubu has spent 237 days outside Nigeria, with France accounting for the largest share at 89 days; no other country comes close. The United Kingdom follows at 28 days, while the UAE, Brazil, and Saudi Arabia trail behind. This pattern points to a presidency that has placed strong emphasis on international engagement, particularly with Europe, and especially with France, which has emerged as his most frequent foreign base.”

How on earth will an ambulant President be able to pay attention to the promises he made to the people. How will he be able to appreciate the fact that in our teaching hospitals, the pain relievers are what patients are loaded with, when, at the slightest discomfort from headache, the President is off to France or London? The President is not the only guilty party here. Half of our state governors stay in Abuja while insecurity reigns supreme in their states!

I heard one of the President’s ‘friends’ argue the other time that former President Olusegun Obasanjo spent half of his first term globetrotting.  The question the fella failed to answer is: did the country record visible gains from Obasanjo’s numerous trips? If yes, can we say the same about Olabisi Ajala’s cousin who currently occupies Aso Rock Villa?!

If the Tinubu administration has nothing to show for the President’s numerous foreign trips, he should be encouraged to learn from the wisdom of the elders that Bí eégún Alaagba bá ròde tí ò bà r’ówó mú wá’lé, tí ò sí lérò léhìn; idán ò tó, òkìtì ò tó ni – if the chief masquerade comes home empty-handed and without the usual crowd, it means his magic was poor and its stunts inadequate.

Promises! Expectations! We are back in season again. Politicking has commenced and governance has taken its usual back seat. Our politicians are on the field now. One, a former senator and two-term governor of Cross River State, Professor Ben Ayade, wept bitterly the other week because the Presidency truncated his return to the senate. Here is a man who made no meaningful impact when he was in the saddle for eight years.

The Nollywood fine boy, Desmond Elliot, is running from pillar to post in his Surulere Federal Constituency 1, seeking for a fourth term in the Lagos State House of Assembly. All his people point out to as his ‘constituency project’ are two latrines at the Ojuelegba Bridge, in Lagos!

Ironically, the man acting as Elliot’s stumbling block is Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff (CoS) to the President. Gbajamibiala holds the view that Elliot is not the only competent person from his constituency. Yet, Gbajabiamila was in the House of Representatives for five consecutive terms representing the Surulere Federal Constituency and won his sixth term before he was appointed by Tinubu as CoS! What do they mean by the saying: “The pot calling the kettle black?”

We have lamented the pain inflicted upon us by this government in the last three years. The same set of swarms of locusts is out again asking for our mandate. They are out with a puny faction of our patrimony they appropriated to themselves. Someone sent a video of how our senators arrive at the National Assembly. It is grandiose in its crude form! Nobody would believe the luxury they display given that poverty walks in three-piece suits on our streets!

Now that the same caterpillars and cankerworms are back on the field, are Nigerians going to take the peanuts they are offering and vote for them? Or are the people wiser enough to say no and vote according to their conscience?

Penultimate week, a man parked his clean SUV on the Third Mainland Bridge and took a dive into the ocean! Thankfully, he was rescued. Almost that same time, another young man drove his SUV into the Ikpoba River in Benin City. We have countless cases like that of those who could not face the realities of the hard times we are in.

Businesses fail daily here. People’s finances nosedive because of the daily hyperinflation. Many hopes have been dashed because the leaders who promised 24-hour electricity have since detached Aso Rock Villa from the National Grid in a to-your-tent-oh-Israel manner that left many frustrated! Governors who promised security move about with well-armed escorts. Only the citizens are at the mercy of killer herdsmen, bandits and terrorists. But they are back for our votes.

Thanks to Alexander Pope and the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers of old who cautioned that men ought not to expect so that they would not be disappointed. If I were asked my best Ifa Corpus, I would easily choose Ogunda Meji. That is where Orunmila teaches that one should only hope on one’s destiny (Ori). The Odù Ifá, after asking all the other deities who among them can take man to the expected end, and they all fail, Orunmila turns to Ori (destiny) and pronounces it as the one who has the capacity to take a man to his expected end – Orí nìkan ló tó Alásàán báá r’òkun!

And this is my divination message to Nigerians as they are faced with the no-choice choices facing them in the new political dispensation. The people should take their destiny in their hands. They know those they had tested, trusted and hoped on in the past but who paid them back with failures. Nothing has changed and nothing will ever change.

So, let the people try something new; let them experiment with those who still bear a semblance of innocence. Above all, If I were to divine for Nigerians, again, I would simply ask them to recite the old lines of the ancient Babalawo, who after all efforts failed, asked Orunmila how he made it, and Agboniregun responds: Isé orí rán mi ni mò ún jé/Ònà tí Olúdùmarè là sílè ni mò ún tò (I answer the call of my destiny/I follow the path set before me by my maker).

Nigeria was once great before the locusts came. It can be great again if the people choose wisely and have less expectations. The words of Alexander Pope are still potent!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Tobenna Erojikwe v NBA:  Court of Appeal reserves judgment in explosive NBA election transparency battle

A high-stakes legal battle threatening to shake confidence in the Nigerian Bar Association’s electronic voting system was finally heard at the Court of Appeal in Abuja on Monday, as lawyers clashed over allegations that the association withheld critical election materials from a candidate challenging the transparency of its controversial 2024 presidential poll.

The appeal, filed by Tobenna Erojikwe, the first runner-up in the July 2024 NBA presidential election, is rapidly becoming one of the most consequential internal legal disputes the NBA has faced in years, raising uncomfortable questions about transparency, electronic voting integrity, institutional accountability, and whether Nigeria’s most influential legal body is willing to obey its own constitution.

After months of adjournments, procedural delays, and growing speculation within legal circles, the matter was finally argued on Monday before the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal alongside a cross-appeal filed by the NBA itself.

“The Electronic Voting System Must Be Above Reproach”

Arguing before the appellate court, counsel to Erojikwe Okechukwu Umemuo, framed the dispute as far bigger than a personal grievance over election results.

He told the court the appeal was fundamentally about enforcing the NBA’s own constitutional obligations under the Second Schedule, Part II, Paragraph 8 of the NBA Constitution, which mandates the association to provide access to election-related materials, databases, and records in the interest of openness and transparency.

According to the appellant, the provision was deliberately designed to ensure confidence in the NBA’s electronic voting process and protect the legitimacy of leaders produced through digital elections.

“The electronic voting system of the NBA must be above reproach,” counsel argued, insisting that members of the legal profession deserve confidence in the integrity of the process used to elect their leadership.

Erojikwe is asking the appellate court to overturn the lower court ruling and compel the NBA and other respondents to release materials used in the conduct of the 2024 election audit.

NBA Pushes Back, Questions Appeal Jurisdiction

The NBA, however, urged the Court of Appeal to dismiss the case entirely.

Senior counsel representing the association, Abdul Ibrahim, SAN, argued that the NBA had already provided all relevant information requested by the appellant except for the personal data of voters, which it said raised legitimate privacy concerns.

Notably, however, counsel did not specify exactly which election materials had allegedly been released.

The NBA also pressed a cross-appeal asking the Court of Appeal to decline jurisdiction altogether,  a move some observers interpret as an aggressive attempt to shut down judicial scrutiny of the association’s internal electoral processes.

The third respondent, ElectionBuddy, was absent from proceedings.

Counsel to the appellant subsequently applied under Order 19 Rule 9(4) for ElectionBuddy’s brief to be deemed properly argued despite the absence. The court granted the application.

After hearing arguments from both sides, the appellate court reserved judgment to a later date yet to be communicated to the parties.

Missing Documents, Adjournments and Mounting Suspicion

The case has already become a flashpoint within Nigeria’s legal community after repeated adjournments and unusual procedural disruptions fuelled suspicions of deliberate delay tactics.

At an earlier hearing, NBA lawyers sought an adjournment, citing travel difficulties preventing their appearance in Abuja.

Counsel to Erojikwe, however, strongly opposed the request and urged the court to invoke Order 6 Rule 8(2) of the Court of Appeal Rules 2021, which allows matters to proceed where parties have already filed written addresses, even if counsel fail to appear.

The court rejected the adjournment application.

But just as proceedings appeared ready to continue, another controversy erupted when key documents, including portions of the respondents’  filings, were reportedly missing from the justices’ case files despite indications they had earlier been confirmed by registry officials.

The development abruptly stalled proceedings and intensified murmurs inside the legal community.

The Constitutional and Legal Battle

The dispute now sits at the intersection of constitutional governance, electoral transparency, and data privacy law.

At the trial court, the NBA successfully argued that releasing certain election materials could violate voter privacy protections.

The High Court of the Federal Capital Territory ruled that Erojikwe would need consent from lawyers who participated in the election before accessing some of the requested records.

Supporters of the appeal insist that interpretation dangerously weakens electoral accountability.

They argue that the lower court failed to properly consider exceptions contained in Nigeria’s data protection and public-interest legal framework, particularly where disclosure is necessary to test the integrity of an electoral process.

Some lawyers privately compare the ruling to requiring presidential candidates to obtain consent from every Nigerian voter before accessing election records from the Independent National Electoral Commission.

The NBA, however, maintains that the appellant failed to discharge the evidentiary burden required under Section 133 of the Evidence Act 2011 and relied heavily on the appellate authority in Oyovbiare v Omamurhomu to argue that no perversity had been shown in the lower court’s judgment.

A Bigger Crisis for the NBA?

What began as an election records dispute is now evolving into something potentially more damaging for the NBA: a credibility crisis.

The NBA has long positioned itself as one of Nigeria’s loudest institutional defenders of constitutionalism, transparency, electoral integrity, and rule of law.

Critics now argue the association itself is being tested by the very standards it routinely demands from governments and public institutions.

“If the process was transparent and credible, why resist an audit?” one Abuja-based lawyer familiar with the dispute asked privately after proceedings.

That question is increasingly resonating within sections of the legal profession ahead of another NBA election cycle expected in July.

For many lawyers, the case is no longer simply about who won or lost the 2024 election.

It is about whether the NBA’s electronic voting architecture can withstand independent scrutiny,  and whether the association is willing to submit itself to the same democratic accountability standards it demands from the Nigerian state.

The Court of Appeal’s eventual ruling could now have consequences far beyond Erojikwe himself.

It may determine how transparent future NBA elections become,  and whether confidence in the association’s internal democracy can be fully restored.

‘Justice for Terrorists, Abandonment for Victims?’ Survivors accuse government of betrayal, as FG defends Boko Haram reintegration

By Lillian Okenwa

A fierce national debate is erupting across Nigeria after the Federal Government moved to reintegrate 744 “repentant” Boko Haram members into society, a policy officials describe as a peacebuilding strategy but which critics increasingly condemn as a dangerous assault on justice, accountability, and the memory of terror victims.

Fuelling the controversy is Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government’s flagship deradicalisation and rehabilitation initiative designed for surrendered or “low-risk” insurgents linked to Boko Haram.

But as government officials defend the programme as internationally compliant and essential for ending insurgency, victims, legal analysts, civil society groups, and traumatized survivors are asking a far more explosive question:

If terrorists can be forgiven and reintegrated, why are thousands of ordinary Nigerians jailed for lesser crimes still rotting in prison?

“They Are Victims, Not Terrorists”

In a controversial interview, Brigadier General Yusuf Ali rejected the term “ex-terrorists,” insisting many of those passing through the programme were themselves victims of terrorism.

“Some were abducted. Others were forced into Boko Haram at gunpoint,” he said, arguing that once individuals surrender and are cleared by the Ministry of Justice, international humanitarian law requires humane treatment and rehabilitation rather than indefinite punishment.

Read Also: When the State Kneels Before the Gun, By Olusegun Adeniyi

According to Ali, many of the beneficiaries underwent psychosocial therapy, drug rehabilitation, religious reorientation, and vocational training before being released back into communities.

He claimed more than 3,000 individuals had already been reintegrated over the last decade without recorded incidents of recidivism.

The programme, he said, is monitored by international partners including the United Nations and European Union and is being studied by conflict-hit countries across Africa and Latin America.

But outside government circles, the backlash has been volcanic.

“Where Is the Justice?”

For many Nigerians, especially victims of Boko Haram’s atrocities, the government’s framing of former insurgents as “victims” has ignited outrage.

Thousands of survivors remain trapped in underfunded internally displaced persons camps across the North-East, struggling with trauma, hunger, stigma, and poverty more than a decade after Boko Haram’s insurgency devastated communities.

Read Also: The Shadow of Justice: Why Nigeria’s de-radicalisation programme is a breach of the social contract and the quiet construction of a parallel judicial system

Read Also: Terrorists don’t repent

Many watched in disbelief as former fighters appeared publicly in freshly pressed clothes, receiving rehabilitation support, vocational kits, and reintegration assistance.

To critics, the optics are devastating.

“Killers are being treated like prodigal sons while victims remain abandoned,” one rights advocate said.

The controversy has reopened deep moral and legal questions about whether Nigeria’s non-kinetic counterterrorism strategy is undermining justice itself.

The Law, Justice and the Godwin Josiah Principle

Legal experts point to a long-established principle in Nigerian jurisprudence: justice is not designed solely for the accused.

In the landmark Supreme Court case Godwin Josiah v The State, the apex court famously held that justice is “three-way traffic” — owed not only to the accused person, but also to victims and society at large.

The ruling established a foundational criminal law principle:

  • Justice to the victim;
  • Justice to society;
  • Justice to the accused.

Critics argue that Operation Safe Corridor risks collapsing that balance by prioritizing rehabilitation of insurgents while victims receive comparatively little support, compensation, or closure.

Under Nigeria’s Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, terrorism-related offences carry severe criminal penalties including life imprisonment.

Section 36 of the 1999 Constitution also guarantees equality before the law and due process.

For critics, the issue is not whether some individuals were coerced into joining Boko Haram,  but whether alleged participation in killings, kidnappings, or logistical support for terrorism can simply be washed away through administrative clearance and rehabilitation.

“If armed robbers, cultists, kidnappers, and murder convicts all claim they were victims of circumstance, will the government now rehabilitate everyone instead of prosecuting them?” one Abuja-based lawyer asked.

“That is the dangerous precedent many Nigerians fear.”

A Country Divided Over Mercy and Security

Government officials insist critics misunderstand the programme.

Ali argued that hardcore terrorists are prosecuted, convicted, and jailed, while only “low-risk” individuals cleared by the justice system enter the reintegration pipeline.

Under international humanitarian law, surrendered combatants are entitled to humane treatment, and deradicalisation programmes have increasingly become part of global counterinsurgency models.

Security officials also argue that encouraging defections weakens insurgent groups by reducing recruitment and shrinking operational manpower.

“The 744 individuals are no longer available to Boko Haram,” Ali said. “This is peacebuilding.”

Yet fear remains widespread in many communities expected to receive reintegrated individuals.

Some residents worry former insurgents may become informants, sleeper cells, or future recruits if monitoring systems fail.

Others argue that the secrecy surrounding identities and alleged crimes fuels distrust.

Civil society groups have demanded greater transparency from the Ministry of Justice regarding how individuals are screened, cleared, and categorized as “low-risk.”

Victims Say They Were Forgotten

Perhaps the most politically dangerous aspect of the controversy is the growing perception that Nigeria’s terrorism victims have become secondary in the government’s peace process.

Women who escaped Boko Haram captivity have repeatedly reported inadequate psychosocial care and weak reintegration support. Children orphaned by insurgency continue to face severe poverty.

Some communities destroyed during the conflict remain only partially rebuilt. Others are ether not rebuit or completely taken over by the aggressors.

Critics argue that while former insurgents receive structured rehabilitation programmes, survivors are often left to rely on overstretched humanitarian agencies. The contrast has fueled a growing moral backlash against the programme nationwide.

“Can You Forgive Terrorism While Jailing Petty Criminals?”

The debate is also exposing wider frustrations with Nigeria’s criminal justice system.

Across social media and legal circles, many Nigerians are questioning why alleged terror-linked individuals can access rehabilitation pathways while thousands accused of lesser offences languish in overcrowded prisons awaiting trial.

“If terrorism — the gravest crime against humanity — can be forgiven, then what moral justification exists for locking away petty thieves, fraud suspects, or minor offenders for years?” critics ask.

Supporters of Operation Safe Corridor reject that comparison, insisting terrorism deradicalisation is a specialized national security strategy rather than a substitute for criminal justice.

But politically and emotionally, the distinction is becoming harder to defend.

The Bigger Question Facing Nigeria

The reintegration controversy now cuts to the heart of Nigeria’s battle against insurgency:

Can a nation traumatized by mass killings, bombings, kidnappings, and displacement truly achieve peace without accountability?

Or does endless punishment risk prolonging conflict by discouraging defections and reconciliation?

For now, Nigeria appears trapped between two competing imperatives — the pursuit of peace and the demand for justice.

And for thousands of victims still carrying the scars of Boko Haram’s violence, that debate is no longer theoretical. It is painfully personal.

‘Side chicks’ and sexual excesses destroying families, Says Egbemode as Achudume blasts marital hypocrisy

A heated but thought-provoking conversation on the rising menace of “side chicks,” infidelity and collapsing marriages took centre stage at the 43rd edition of Boiling Point Arena discourse, as veteran journalist, Mrs. Funke Egbemode and fiery preacher, Apostle Lawrence Achudume, offered contrasting perspectives that ignited intense reactions among listeners.

The discourse, which examined the widening marital crisis in society, drew massive participation online and across multiple radio stations, while the Olowu of Owu Kingdom.

Oba Prof. Saka Matemilola, delivered brief keynote opening and closing remarks urging Nigerians to restore discipline, morality and family values.

But the defining moment of the discourse came when Funke Egbemode bluntly traced the growing “side chicks syndrome” to what she described as the greed, unchecked lust and insatiable appetite of many married men.

According to her, women labelled as “side chicks” often become convenient scapegoats while society deliberately overlooks the men who create and sustain the culture.

“Men want variety. Many are not satisfied with one woman. That is the bitter truth,” Egbemode declared during the session, arguing that numerous marital crises stem from male irresponsibility and emotional indiscipline rather than failures from women alone.

She maintained that some married men deliberately court younger women for ego, pleasure and social validation, despite having stable homes and supportive wives.

The veteran columnist further argued that social media glamour, materialism and the desperation for status have worsened the situation, making extramarital affairs appear fashionable among some elites.

Egbemode’s comments immediately stirred reactions when Apostle Lawrence Achudume responded from a different ideological and spiritual angle, suggesting that many of today’s secret affairs and “side chick” entanglements could have been avoided if some men embraced openness instead of hypocrisy.

In a remark that generated mixed reactions among participants, the cleric observed that traditional African society historically accommodated polygamous marriages openly, unlike today’s widespread culture of secrecy, deception and emotional manipulation.

Achudume argued that while he was not promoting promiscuity, hidden relationships and adulterous lifestyles have caused more emotional destruction than transparent family arrangements.

The cleric, who is the General Overseer of Victory Life Bible Church International, lamented what he described as the moral contradictions of men who publicly profess fidelity while secretly maintaining multiple relationships outside marriage.

He, however, stressed that regardless of societal changes, discipline, honesty and fear of God remain central to sustaining healthy homes.

He warned that unchecked sexual immorality, pride and lack of communication are rapidly destroying marriages and exposing children to emotional trauma.

The sharp contrast between Egbemode’s position blaming male excesses and Achudume’s reference to polygamous structures created one of the most engaging moments of the discourse, with callers and online participants sharply divided over the controversial subject.

While some participants aligned with Egbemode’s argument that men largely fuel the “side chick” phenomenon, others agreed with Achudume that societal hypocrisy has worsened infidelity and dishonesty in modern marriages.

In his intervention, Oba Prof. Saka Matemilola cautioned that regardless of differing opinions, the stability of the family institution must remain paramount.

The monarch urged couples to embrace sincerity, patience and mutual respect, warning that the increasing collapse of marriages poses serious consequences for society and future generations.

The latest edition of Boiling Point Arena once again lived up to its reputation for confronting sensitive societal issues head-on, leaving audiences with difficult but necessary conversations on morality, fidelity and the changing realities of marriage in contemporary Nigeria.

From Recreation to Healthcare: CSOs, others demand EFCC, ICPC probe over Abuja land deals, Jabi Lake and hospital land takeover

A coalition of Nigeria’s most prominent civic organizations has launched a blistering attack on Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Wike, demanding immediate investigations by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP), and the National Assembly over what they describe as a troubling pattern of opaque land reallocations, environmental risks, and disregard for transparency laws in Abuja.

In a strongly worded public statement signed by 14 civil society organizations, including BudgIT Foundation, Media Rights Agenda, and Accountability Lab Nigeria, the groups accused the FCT Administration of converting public assets into private interests without due process or public disclosure.

The crux of the controversy is Jabi Lake Park, a major recreational and environmental landmark in Abuja that has served residents for nearly two decades and the alleged conversion of a public health facility into a private estate in Wuye District, Abuja

The Jabi Lake Controversy

According to the coalition, the FCT Administration allegedly signed a February 2026 Memorandum of Understanding with Suburban Broadband Limited and Akida Hills Limited for the redevelopment of Jabi Lake Park, alongside the issuance of Certificates of Occupancy tied to the project.

The groups questioned why a telecommunications company and another firm with “no verifiable track record” in tourism or waterfront development were selected for control of one of Abuja’s most visible public spaces.

“No evidence of a competitive tender, public concession framework, or environmental consultation has been disclosed,” the statement said, adding that residents and activists were denied access to key public records linked to the project.

The controversy has already sparked the viral #SaveJabiPark campaign, with protesters warning that the development threatens Abuja’s master plan, environmental balance, and one of the capital’s last remaining open-access green spaces.

The CSOs argued that while Abuja’s physical transformation under Wike has been visible, transparency surrounding contracts and land allocations has remained hidden from public scrutiny.

“Cities like London are not defined only by roads and bridges,” the statement noted in a sharp rebuke of comparisons between Abuja and the British capital. “They are defined by transparent procurement, accountable systems, and protected public spaces.”

‘A Lawyer Who Demands Accountability Must Obey the Law’

The statement also accused Wike — a senior lawyer and former governor of Rivers State — of repeatedly failing to comply with Nigeria’s Freedom of Information Act.

The coalition alleged that multiple FOI requests sent to the FCT Administration remain unanswered despite the legal seven-day response requirement under Nigerian law.

“A press conference can be delayed. A legal obligation cannot,” the groups declared.

The accusation strikes at one of Wike’s most carefully cultivated political identities: A tough-talking enforcer who publicly demands discipline and accountability from rivals while projecting himself as a results-driven administrator.

But critics now argue that the same standards are not being applied within his own office.

Hospital Land ‘Converted’ Into Luxury Estate

Another explosive allegation involves Plot 546 in Wuye District — a 3.171-hectare parcel originally designated in Abuja’s master plan for a public hospital.

According to activist lawyer Barrister A.A. Askira and public affairs analyst Yushau A. Shuaib, the land has allegedly been reassigned to Full Moon Estate Developers Ltd for private residential development.

The site sits opposite Wuye Ultra Modern Market and beside a public secondary school and police station,  a strategic location long reserved for public healthcare infrastructure.

Shuaib described the alleged conversion as “wickedly wicked,” warning that Abuja residents are witnessing a dangerous erosion of public assets.

“Today it is a hospital. Tomorrow it could be a school, a police post, or a fire station,” he wrote.

The controversy touches a deeper nerve in Abuja, where residents have increasingly complained about shrinking green areas, disappearing waterways, and the rapid privatization of public land.

Urban planning groups have warned that unchecked construction on drainage corridors and green zones could worsen flooding and environmental instability in the capital city.

Questions Over Land Allocations to INEC Officials

Perhaps the most politically sensitive allegation involves reported land allocations to officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The coalition referenced media reports claiming that land and financial benefits were extended to certain electoral officials while Nigeria moves toward the pivotal 2027 elections.

“If officials responsible for conducting elections have received benefits from a sitting minister whose political future may depend on those elections, the public deserves full transparency,” the statement warned.

The groups stopped short of making direct criminal allegations but insisted that the claims meet the threshold for independent anti-corruption review.

Calls for EFCC, ICPC, National Assembly Action

The coalition is now demanding:

  • Full publication of all approvals, MoUs, environmental assessments, and Certificates of Occupancy tied to Jabi Lake developments;
  • Disclosure of how Suburban Broadband Limited and Akida Hills Limited were selected;
  • Immediate compliance with all outstanding FOI requests;
  • Publication of agreements tied to the review of Abuja’s 1979 Master Plan;
  • A public account of land allocations made to public officials and agencies since August 2023;
  • An independent environmental audit of Abuja’s rivers, waterways, and green areas.

The groups also urged the National Assembly to immediately begin oversight hearings into FCT land administration, procurement processes, and budget implementation under Wike’s leadership.

Builder or Demolisher?

The mounting backlash reflects the paradox surrounding Wike’s tenure as FCT minister.

To supporters, he is the most aggressive infrastructure driver Abuja has seen in years,  reviving abandoned projects, constructing roads at breakneck speed, and reshaping the capital’s physical landscape.

To critics, however, the pace of development has come with an alarming concentration of power, weak transparency, and growing fears that Abuja’s master plan is being rewritten behind closed doors.

For now, the political storm around Jabi Lake, Wuye Hospital land, and alleged secret allocations may become one of the most serious tests yet of Wike’s controversial grip on the nation’s capital.

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