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Court of Appeal set for high-stakes banking showdown as First Bank, Obaigbena, AMCON clash over General Hydrocarbons

Nigeria’s corporate and financial sectors are heading into another major legal showdown as a series of high-profile banking and oil-sector disputes surfaced before the Lagos Division of the Court of Appeal, setting the stage for what observers describe as one of the most closely watched commercial litigation battles in recent years.

According to a recent Lagos division Court of Appeal counsel list sighted by Law & Society Magazine, some of Nigeria’s most influential financial institutions and business figures are locked in a widening legal confrontation involving alleged debt exposure, corporate control battles, financial liabilities, and oil-sector interests centred largely around General Hydrocarbons Limited.

Among the headline-grabbing appeals is the legal clash between First Bank of Nigeria and General Hydrocarbons Limited in Appeal No. CA/LAG/CV/25/2025.

The matter is further complicated by another related appeal involving media mogul Nduka Obaigbena and others against First Bank of Nigeria Plc and others, signalling the deepening web of disputes surrounding the controversial transactions and relationships tied to the oil and financial sectors.

Court filings listed for hearing reveal a barrage of interconnected cases involving General Hydrocarbons, First Bank, Dolphin Drilling, AMCON, Titan Trust Bank, Union Bank and even the Central Bank of Nigeria, underscoring the scale of the unfolding legal warfare.

The counsel list shows no fewer than six separate appeals involving General Hydrocarbons Limited either as appellant or respondent, highlighting how the company has become the focal point of a broader financial and commercial dispute now threatening to reverberate across Nigeria’s banking and energy industries.

In another dramatic twist, the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria also entered the legal fray in multiple appeals against General Hydrocarbons Limited and others, a development likely to trigger fresh conversations about toxic debt exposure, financial risk management, and the long-running instability in Nigeria’s corporate lending environment.

The court schedule further revealed emerging battles involving Titan Trust Bank Limited, Central Bank of Nigeria and Union Bank of Nigeria Plc in separate appeals that could have broader implications for banking regulation, acquisitions, and financial oversight in the country.

Legal analysts say the concentration of heavyweight commercial disputes before a single appellate panel reflects the mounting pressure on Nigeria’s judicial system to resolve increasingly complex corporate conflicts at a time when investor confidence remains fragile, businesses face economic headwinds, and the financial sector continues to grapple with liquidity concerns, non-performing loans, and regulatory uncertainty.

The Court of Appeal notice also directed counsel appearing in the matters to submit authorities intended to be cited during proceedings, signalling the significance and likely complexity of the legal arguments expected in the cases.

With Nigeria’s economy still struggling under inflation, currency instability, and investor anxiety, the outcome of the appeals may carry consequences extending far beyond the courtroom — potentially reshaping commercial accountability, banking relationships, and corporate survival strategies in Africa’s largest economy.

Hospitals Are Not Battlefields: EFCC crossed a dangerous line in Uyo

What happened at the University of Uyo Teaching Hospital was not a routine law enforcement operation that went wrong. It was an alarming display of force in one of the few places in society that should remain beyond the reach of intimidation, chaos and armed confrontation: a hospital.

There are legitimate questions around the fake medical report that triggered the investigation. There may even be staff within the hospital who need to answer serious questions. But none of that justifies masked operatives storming a tertiary healthcare facility, physically assaulting doctors, deploying tear gas and triggering panic in a complex that houses critically ill patients, including newborns in neonatal intensive care units, dialysis patients and cancer patients receiving chemotherapy.

That should horrify every Nigerian regardless of political affiliation or opinion about the EFCC.

Hospitals are not battlegrounds. They are sanctuaries. The idea that armed operatives would discharge tear gas inside or around a major teaching hospital should provoke national outrage. In any functioning democracy, such an operation would immediately trigger independent review, disciplinary scrutiny and serious public accountability.

The details emerging from Uyo paint a deeply troubling picture. According to the Nigerian Medical Association and the hospital’s Chief Medical Director, Professor Eyo Ekpe, a cardiothoracic surgeon, was beaten, handcuffed and dragged away without prior notice to hospital management. Doctors who attempted to intervene were allegedly assaulted. The state NMA chairman himself says he was exposed to tear gas simply for seeking clarification.

This was not an anti-terror operation. No armed gang was holding the hospital hostage. The dispute centred on the authentication of a medical report tied to a fraud suspect.

Even more troubling is the admission from the hospital management that Professor Ekpe had already produced a draft report indicating that the medical document under scrutiny was fake. In other words, the hospital was cooperating. The process may have been delayed by bureaucracy, public holidays and official travel, but there is no evidence that justified the kind of militarized response Nigerians witnessed.

The EFCC insists it did not invade the hospital and says its officers were carrying out lawful duties. That defence misses the larger point. Law enforcement agencies are judged not only by legality, but by judgment, restraint and proportionality. A state institution that cannot distinguish between a criminal hideout and a hospital corridor risk losing moral legitimacy.

What makes this incident particularly disturbing is that it reflects a growing culture of institutional overreach among security agencies in Nigeria. Increasingly, agencies appear to operate with the assumption that force is the first option rather than the last. Raids, intimidation, public humiliation and aggressive tactics have become normalized even in situations that clearly call for dialogue and procedure.

But when that mindset enters a hospital, the implications become catastrophic.

Imagine a premature baby struggling to survive in an incubator while tear gas spreads through the premises. Imagine a patient in the middle of chemotherapy suddenly caught in panic and confusion. Imagine surgeons preparing for critical procedures while armed men storm the environment. These are not abstractions. These are the real consequences of reckless enforcement culture.

The shutdown of the hospital and the indefinite strike by doctors now compound the tragedy. Hundreds of patients who had nothing to do with the dispute are the ones paying the highest price. Cancer patients, emergency cases and vulnerable families are now trapped in the fallout of an avoidable confrontation.

The EFCC does important work. Nigeria desperately needs anti-corruption enforcement. Few institutions have recovered more stolen assets or pursued financial crimes with greater visibility. But institutions lose public trust when power begins to overshadow professionalism.

The agency’s own credibility is undermined when operatives appear unable to exercise basic discretion.

This moment should force a national conversation about boundaries. Security agencies cannot continue to act as though every institution must submit to displays of raw force. Universities are not barracks. Courtrooms are not interrogation cells. Hospitals are not crime scenes.

The NMA’s threat to sue for N1 billion may sound dramatic, but the anger behind it is understandable. Doctors believe a sacred line was crossed. Many Nigerians watching this unfold agree.

There must be accountability, not just internal explanations. Nigerians deserve to know who authorized the operation, why armed masked operatives were deployed into a sensitive medical environment and why less confrontational options were ignored. If mistakes were made, those responsible should face consequences.

Otherwise, the message becomes chillingly simple: nowhere is off limits anymore.

And if a teaching hospital can be turned into a theatre of force over an administrative dispute, then every Nigerian should worry about what comes next.

‘A Fraud and a Thief’: US Court jails Nigerian-born charity boss who stole over $1.4 million funds meant for poor kids

A United States federal judge has sentenced Nigerian-born nonprofit executive and former university professor Dr. Nkechy Ezeh to nearly six years in prison after prosecutors accused her of masterminding a sprawling $1.4 million fraud scheme that siphoned money intended for vulnerable preschool children.

The stunning downfall of the once-respected education advocate comes amid growing scrutiny of high-profile Nigerians convicted in the United States for financial crimes — including a recently deposed Osun traditional ruler jailed over COVID-19 relief fraud.

Ezeh, 61, was sentenced by Chief US District Judge Hala Y. Jarbou in the Western District of Michigan to 70 months in federal prison for fraud, alongside a concurrent 60-month sentence for tax evasion.

The court also ordered her to repay $1.4 million in restitution and an additional $390,174 to the Internal Revenue Service.

She was immediately remanded into federal custody after sentencing.

But it was the judge’s blistering condemnation that stunned observers in court.

Judge Jarbou described Ezeh as “a fraud and a thief,” saying the scheme was “brazen and widespread” and involved money meant to support “some of the region’s most vulnerable children.”

From Education Advocate to Convicted Fraudster

For years, Ezeh was seen as a respected figure in Michigan’s education and nonprofit sector.

She founded and led the Early Learning Neighbourhood Collaborative (ELNC), a nonprofit organisation focused on providing early childhood education and support services to underserved communities in West Michigan.

The organisation received funding from federal programmes including Head Start and the US Department of Education, alongside donations from private organisations and philanthropists.

ELNC provided meals, transportation and educational support to children from low-income families.

Ezeh also served as an Associate Professor of Education and Director of the Early Childhood Education Program at Aquinas College.

But prosecutors say behind the public image was a years-long fraud operation fuelled by greed, deception and abuse of public trust.

Hawaii Trips, Family Wedding and ‘Ghost Payrolls’

According to US prosecutors, Ezeh diverted nonprofit funds for lavish personal expenses, including trips to Hawaii, Europe and Africa, as well as financing a family wedding.

Authorities also accused her of placing relatives on a “ghost payroll,” allowing family members to collect hundreds of thousands of dollars for little or no work.

Investigators further alleged that intermediaries were used to funnel stolen money to relatives in Nigeria.

US Attorney Timothy VerHey delivered one of the sharpest public rebukes after the sentencing.

“Nkechy Ezeh’s greed is beyond reprehensible,” VerHey said.

“She stole taxpayer and private-donor dollars meant for low-income children in our community. Instead of helping kids, she spent that money on herself.”

“The stolen money could have supported hundreds of West Michigan children and their families.”

Fallout Devastated Schools and Workers

The collapse of ELNC in 2023 sent shockwaves through Michigan’s early childhood education system.

Several preschools reportedly lost critical funding, while at least 35 employees were laid off after the nonprofit shut down.

Authorities say the scandal highlights the devastating consequences of fraud involving public grants and donor funds intended for vulnerable communities.

A former ELNC bookkeeper, Sharon Killebrew, who prosecutors identified as a co-conspirator, had earlier been sentenced to 54 months in prison for her role in the scheme.

The case was investigated by the US Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General alongside the IRS Criminal Investigation unit.

Assistant US Attorney Clay Stiffler prosecuted the matter.

Another High-Profile Nigerian Conviction in the US

The conviction adds to a growing list of high-profile Nigerian-linked fraud cases prosecuted in the United States.

Only recently, a Nigerian traditional ruler from Osun State was deposed after being convicted in the US over a COVID-19 relief fraud scheme that embarrassed political and traditional institutions back home.

That case reignited conversations about corruption, abuse of public funds and the reputational damage caused by transnational financial crimes involving prominent Nigerians abroad.

Now, with Ezeh’s sentencing, another once-prominent Nigerian-born figure has fallen from influence to infamy in a US federal courtroom.

And once again, the victims were among society’s most vulnerable.

How courtroom ego clash stalled Justice Crack’s bail

The bail hearing of activist, Justice Crack, was on Thursday, stalled at the Federal High Court in Abuja following a disagreement among members of his legal team over who should lead the defence.

The development forced the withdrawal of an earlier bail application filed on behalf of the activist, prompting the court to adjourn the matter till Monday, May 18, for the hearing of a fresh application.

Speaking with journalists after proceedings, counsel to the activist, Femi Balogun, accused another lawyer in the defence team, Marshall Abubakar, of frustrating the bail process after being prevented from leading the case.

Balogun said he was directed by the family of the activist to take charge of the matter because he was a senior at the Bar.

According to him, Abubakar, who filed the original bail application, insisted on leading the defence despite the presence of senior lawyers.

He said, “Today the matter was supposed to be for the hearing of the bail application. However, I was directed by the family to lead in respect of the matter for today.

“I was with Marshall at the last court sitting, but Marshall is my junior. I’m a senior at the bar. There were some other senior counsels at the last time, but he insisted on leading everyone despite the fact that in law, there’s seniority at the bar.”

Balogun alleged that Abubakar subsequently applied to withdraw the bail application because he was not allowed to lead the proceedings.

“But today, I insisted that I have to lead based on the fact that the family has directed me to lead. But Marshall, in his vindictive way, applied to strike out the bail application on the basis that he’s not leading, which is unfair,” he said.

He described the decision as contrary to the interest of justice, arguing that disagreements among lawyers should not prevent the defendant from pursuing his liberty.

“Ordinarily, if he’s doing this for justice, for the interest of justice, I don’t see a reason, even if you are not the counsel leading, why you should withdraw the bail application you have filed for the person to enjoy his liberty,” Balogun added.

However, Abubakar gave a different account of events, insisting that he merely complied with the court’s directive after another lawyer suddenly announced his appearance in the matter.

According to him, he had been leading the defence from the onset and had personally initiated efforts to secure the activist’s release.

Abubakar disclosed that he had written to the Attorney-General of the Federation seeking discontinuance of the case and had also met with activist Omoyele Sowore, officials of the Federal Ministry of Justice and the Director of Public Prosecutions of the Federation over the matter.

“I was the one who wrote to the Minister of Justice to discontinue this matter. I, alongside Mr Omoyele Sowore and some comrades, met with the Minister of Justice, the DPPF and the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Justice to see that we get Justice released,” he stated.

He said the dispute arose after another lawyer appeared in court without prior notice and announced an appearance on behalf of the defendant.

“But unfortunately, in court today, another lawyer appeared in court and said that he had the instructions of some persons to lead or represent Justice Crack,” he said.

Abubakar maintained that legal practice required the new counsel to first notify him before taking over the matter.

“If there’s another lawyer in a matter, and I intend to proceed with the prosecution of that matter, the duty is on me to approach that lawyer and say I have the instructions of so and so person to prosecute this matter,” he said.

He added that he took up the matter pro bono after being contacted by the activist’s wife.

“It was the wife of Justice Crack that reached out to me to represent her husband. It was on that basis that I took up this matter pro bono. I have never taken a kobo from anybody in respect of this matter,” he stated.

According to him, the judge noted that he led proceedings at the previous sitting and subsequently gave him the option of withdrawing his appearance.

“The judge said, ‘Marshall, you have a choice, are you going to withdraw your appearance?’ And I said, ‘My Lord, in view of what has transpired, I respectfully withdraw my appearance.’

“Once you withdraw appearance in a matter, the consequential orders must be made, which includes that every process we’ve filed in that matter goes with it. Once you withdraw, the application goes,” he said.

Balogun, however, maintained that the court had no option but to strike out the application following the withdrawal request and adjourned the matter till Monday, May 18, for a fresh bail application to be heard.

He also disclosed that the Director of Public Prosecutions, Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, had taken over the prosecution of the case from the Department of State Services.

The PUNCH reports that Justice Crack was earlier remanded in prison custody by the court over a viral video allegedly criticising the Nigerian Army’s feeding arrangements.

The activist was arraigned on charges said to border on cyber-related offences.

One of the charges against him read, “That you, CHIDIEBERE JUSTICE MARK, adult, male, of Plot 88 Sabon-Lugbe, Abuja, on or about the 28th day of April, 2026, in Abuja, within the jurisdiction of this Honorable Court, did circulate information to the public through your social media handle @JusticeCrack, regarding alleged inadequate feeding of Nigerian Army personnel, which you know the said information to be false but posted it for the purpose of causing annoyance, ill will, and hatred, especially among the citizens who hold divergent views and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act, 2015, as amended.”

The case has continued to attract public attention, with supporters describing the prosecution as an attempt to suppress dissent, while authorities insist the charges are in line with existing laws regulating online publications.

Sad lives of men married to lazy women, By Funke Egbemode

Some men are unlucky.

All their wives brought to the ‘table’ are banging bodies and colourful sex styles. Husbands who are treated like beasts of burden.

These are men who carry marriages on their heads like our grandmothers carried heavy pots of water from the village stream, one hand holding the load, the other hand swatting flies, necks bent, sweat pouring down their backs.

When you see these guys outside, they are smiling, wearing clean kaftans, spraying money at parties. They are suffering, smiling and muttering “God is in control.”

God may indeed be in control, but Uncle Bode is burdened, tired from picking all the bills.

Look around you, too many tired brothers who are actually not married to wives. They are married to dependents with permanent subscription to enjoyment.

Now before angry women gather firewood to roast me alive, let me quickly balance this matter. Yes, there are many hardworking, supportive wives holding families together like iron pillars. Some women are feeding homes, paying school fees, nursing sick husbands, running businesses and still doing family shopping and cooking by themselves. I salute them.

But today is not their day.

Today is for those women who think marriage means becoming Managing Directors of Sleeping and Stretching after the wedding ceremony.

Women whose only contribution to family development is changing hairstyles every other week, keeping spa appointments and providing great sex. All of that is cool and keeps the man interested but will kill the man in steady instalments.

There are wives who spend their days in pleasure, soft wives who can finish entire season of a television series in one sitting but cannot or will not do anything to support the home. Such wives exist and the men married to them are quietly dying.

The soft wife leaves her husband to pay the children’s school fees in full and still refuses to buy sports wear. In fact, something as little as End-of-the-year-party fee must still be paid by the man.

Babe, you know I need to make my hair and buy a new dress for Junior’s school party.

Babe, don’t forget to send me data and ‘buy light’.

Darling, the two cars are due for service.

Babe, I need to change the pots, their handles are falling off.

The children’s snacks have finished.

My mum is ill, I need to send money to her.

My skin care products are finished.

I need to pay for gym.

I need a new bone-straight wig. All the ones I have are too long and wavy.

The beast of burden has to pay for everything. His wife is a billing machine.

When Tunde married Amaka, his friends envied him. Fine girl. Light skin. Sweet voice. Tiny waist. Everywhere she entered, heads turned like standing fans.

Tunde was proud.

“God has blessed me,” he would say. For where?

The gods were laughing.

Three months after marriage, Tunde discovered that his wife and hard work were enemies from their grandfather’s village.

The first sign appeared one morning.

“Sweetheart, there’s no bread,” Tunde said while dressing for work.

Amaka yawned.

“So?”

“So maybe you can quickly get some downstairs.”

“My love, must I be the one doing everything?”

Tunde blinked.

Everything?

He looked around the house. The dirty plates were his. The electricity bill was his. Rent was his. Internet subscription was his. Even the rice they ate was bought by him.

What exactly was “everything”?

But love is blind and newly married men are often deaf too.He ignored the early warning signs.

Then came unemployment.

Tunde lost his banking job during downsizing. Suddenly life became harder than mathematics without calculator.

He sat with his wife one evening.

“Baby, things are rough. Maybe you can revive your catering skills for now.”

Amaka looked offended.

“You want me to stress myself because of temporary problems?”

Temporary?

The “temporary problems” lasted two years.

During that period, Tunde became driver, delivery man, tutor, POS operator and agent of one betting company. The man hustled like ten people combined.

Madam?

She became motivational speaker.

“God will do it.” “Men should provide.” “I can’t kill myself.”

But she could kill data bundles watching TikTok from morning till night or playing ludo with the neighbour’s wife, another soft life wife.

Amaka, a.k.a Mummy Blessing bought cooked rice and beans from the hawker on credit.

She made her hair on credit.

She bought biscuits for the kids on credit.

Tunde, a.k.a Daddy Blessing had to settle everything upon his return from multiple hussles. Poor ass.

One afternoon, Tunde returned home exhausted. Rain had beaten him like a wandering stubborn goat. He had made only N5,000 all day.

He entered the kitchen.

Nothing.

No food.

He checked the room.

Madam was snoring peacefully under AC.

“Tunde, welcome,” she said lazily after waking.

“Did you buy something on your way, like bread and ankara. If not, please bring money so I can go and buy small garri and make small okro soup. The children will also need noodles and spaghetti for tomorrow.”

The man sat down quietly as something broke inside him.

Not anger. Not love.

It was that dangerous moment when a man realises he is married to himself and hypertension at 41. When Tunde left home the following morning, he did not return. He started a new life, alone, unmarried, afraid of women. He sent money for the upkeep of his children every pay day. Don’t ask me about what happened to soft-life Mummy Blessing, not today. All I can volunteer is she stopped playing Ludo all day.

Many men are silently suffering.

Society does not like discussing struggling husbands. A man is expected to endure. To provide. To absorb pressure like a shock absorber.

Once he complains, people mock him.

“She has given you three beautiful children.”

“A real man should provide.”

“Are you competing with your wife?”

So many men keep quiet while drowning financially and emotionally.

A supportive wife does not necessarily have to earn millions. That is not the point. Support is not only money.

Support is effort.

Support is partnership.

Support is seeing your husband struggling and saying: “Let me reduce the pressure.

“Let me contribute ideas. Let me manage our resources wisely. Let me stand with him.”

A lazy wife is like a jailer. She turns marriage into punishment.

She waits for the man to provide everything while contributing nothing except appetite and complaints. She breaks her man. She pushes him to his limits and still keeps pushing. What if he dies? What if she meets a supportive woman? It happens, you know.

Otunba Laoye was a successful contractor in Lagos. Money flowed like bottled water at owambe parties. His wife, Bose, became famous among her friends for one thing: money-na-water enjoyment.

Dubai today. London tomorrow. Aso-ebi every weekend.

Madam changed cars more often than some people change curtains. She did not think of investing against rainy day. She was so sure the tap would never run dry, until it did.

People admired her life.

What they did not know was that Otunba’s kind of business sometimes experience long dry spells. Contracts became scarce. Debts piled up. Change of government led to payments delays.

One night he sat his wife down.

“Bose, we need to cut costs.”

She laughed.

“Cut what costs?”

“No more unnecessary travel for now.”

Her face changed immediately.

“Ah-ah! So because business is slow, I should suffer?”

Suffer?

The woman had three housemaids and two drivers. This is a woman whose busy schedule were mostly about spa, party or vacation.

Otunba tried to explain better.

“Maybe you can support with your boutique.”

Madam’s boutique was another comedy show. Opened by 10am, closed by 1pm because “I’m tired.”

Sometimes no sales for weeks because the owner was in Abuja attending birthday party of friend’s cousin’s ex-boyfriend’s sister.

She lived large on Instagram even as the tap dropped only trickles. Let it not be heard that that a whole Otunba’s wife was broke.

Then the final blow came.

EFCC froze one of Otunba’s accounts during investigation into contract payments. Overnight, cash disappeared. Many sleepless nights and anxious days later,

Otunba fainted in the sitting room.

Doctor diagnosed stress-induced raised blood pressure complications.

Did Bose change? No, she only cried loudly and called in prayer warriors. It was village people attack.

But practical support? Zero. Madam faded on social media. Her husband became a shadow of himself. A man married to a air-head who want to live in the lap of luxury is a man who may not live long.

Nothing finishes a man faster than hitting financial downtime without a supportive wife. What destroys many men is carrying poverty alone while their wives watch like spectators in football stadium.

Yes, women should be taken care of. Even I love spending money, especially someone else’s money. But there is a dangerous lie spreading around, about some women thinking being “soft” means refusing responsibility entirely, thinking cooking occasionally is oppression and that helping their men financially is slavery. Not true. A wise woman is the one who helps to keep the castle running. If your man is doing well, help him to do better.

Marriage is not a retirement package.

Our mothers understood partnership better. Even with their petty trade, they contributed immensely to their homes. They woke before dawn, traded under harsh sun and still raised children.

Today some wives cannot boil water without posting: “Self-care first.”

Self-care is good but family care matters too. A marriage where one person carries all burdens will eventually crack like an overloaded bridge.

Ayo was an honest secondary school teacher on a modest salary. Decent life.

His wife, Linda, however loved appearances.

Everything had to look expensive.

She pressured Ayo constantly.

“Your mates are buying houses.”

“Your mates are travelling abroad.”

“Look at what Sandra’s husband bought.”

The woman herself worked nowhere.

Every business idea failed because Madam lacked consistency.

She sold perfumes for two weeks. Started baking for nine days. Opened YouTube channel for four uploads.

She abandoned everything eventually.

But her demands never reduced.

One December, school salaries delayed for two months. Ayo became stranded.

He begged his wife: “Please let us reduce expenses till salary comes.”

Linda exploded.

“What kind of useless life is this?”

That sentence pierced him deeper than spear.

Useless life.

From the woman eating from his “useless life.”

That evening, Ayo parked beside a filling station and cried inside his car like child.

Not because he was poor.

Because he felt unappreciated.

Men need respect the way lungs need oxygen.

A supportive wife can make a struggling man feel like a king even in his financial valley but an ungrateful lazy wife will make a hardworking man feel like a failure.

Many men no longer rush home after work. Not because of side chicks but because their homes have become headquarters of pressure and criticism.

The hidden cost of having a lazy wife goes beyond money. There is the mental exhaustion that comes with endless bills; school fees, rent, family expectations and emotional loneliness simultaneously.

There is also the two-way loss of respect.

When a wife contributes nothing yet complains constantly, respect dies slowly from both wife and husband. The children learn wrong values like nagging and laziness. Children observe everything. The sons may grow resentful toward marriage. The daughters may grow entitled.

A lazy wife makes her husband vulnerable.

A man constantly starved of peace and appreciation becomes vulnerable to outside comfort. And there are a dozen women who want to comfort him.

Lazy unsupportive wives are likely to be found guilty of premeditated murder in my court, if their husbands die prematurely.

Stress kills men silently. Hypertension, depression, anxiety and then one day he slumps. Many men laughing loudly at parties are actually tired souls wearing expensive perfume. They may be walking corpses for all you know.

Marriage is not a football viewing centre where the viewers enjoy while the waitresses and waiters rush up and down with beer, nkwobi and isi-ewu.

A home should be built by two people, not one person sweating while another person supervises with crossed legs.

Supportive wives are treasures.

The woman who says: “My husband is struggling, let me help.” The woman who manages money wisely. The woman who encourages instead of hurling insults. The woman who stands beside her husband during storms. Those are real women, blessings to their husbands.

Such women build empires. Even when their husbands stray, they always return home, to their firm foundation, their soft reliable cushions. But lazy, entitled wives?

Those ones reduce the most energetic and resourceful men to shadows of themselves.

And sadly, many men cannot even speak out because society will mock them.

So they endure silently, smiling outside, bleeding inside.

Marriage should not feel like carrying cement bags uphill alone.

It should be partnership and friendship where couples make mutual sacrifice.

Because when one person keeps pouring while the other only keeps taking, one day the container will become empty.

And when a man finally breaks emotionally, the world often acts shocked. The truth is nobody breaks suddenly. Long before the collapse, a man would have been sending silent distress signals nobody noticed.

Or nobody cared to notice.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Ex-Power Minister bags 75-year jail term in stunning corruption verdict

Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court on Wednesday sentenced former Minister of Power, Saleh Mamman, to 75 years imprisonment after finding him guilty of corruption linked to the Mambilla and Zungeru hydroelectric power projects.

The court convicted Mamman on a 12-count charge and ruled that the prison sentences would run consecutively, resulting in a total jail term of 75 years.

Justice Omotosho also ordered that the sentence would take effect from the day the former minister is arrested. He further directed security agencies to apprehend Mamman wherever he is found.

In addition, the court ordered the forfeiture of all monies and properties recovered from the former minister to the Federal Government. The judge also directed Mamman to refund the outstanding balance from the alleged N22 billion tied to the Mambilla and Zungeru hydroelectric power projects.

The Court on Thursday, May 7, convicted Saleh Mamman, on a 12-count fraud and money laundering charge preferred against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

Mamman, who served in the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, was found complicit in the illegal diversion of public funds totalling about ₦33.8 billion.

Justice Omotosho found that he made a cash payment of $655,700 (equivalent to ₦200 million) for landed property in Abuja, without recourse to a financial institution.

He was also found guilty of criminal breach of trust in relation to funds released by the federal government for the Mambilla and Zungeru Hydroelectric Power Plant projects.

The court noted that most of the funds were siphoned through Bureau de Change operators (BDCs), who converted the money into foreign currencies and handed it over to the defendant.

“The evidence of the prosecution is overwhelming as against the scanty and almost absent defence of the defendant.

“The defendant did not offer any credible evidence to rebut the prosecution’s case,” Justice Omotosho held.

The trial judge lamented that the defendant, as Minister of Power, was not bothered about leaving a lasting legacy.

“Rather than creating a legacy to tackle the epileptic power supply in the country, the defendant was living large at the expense of ordinary citizens.

“Little wonder that Nigerians have remained in darkness till today,” the judge added.

Meanwhile, the defendant was absent when he was convicted by the court.

Consequently, the court deferred his sentence, even as the EFCC applied for a warrant of arrest to be issued against him.

A lawyer, Mr. Mohammed Ahmed, who announced his appearance for the defendant, told the court that since last Tuesday when the notice of the scheduled judgment was issued, the defendant’s whereabouts had remained unknown.

He said the defendant’s personal assistant later disclosed that he was sick. The defence lawyer’s spirited efforts to persuade the court to defer the judgment to a later date failed.

The trial judge referenced news items indicating that the defendant had been actively involved in political activities, having purchased a form to contest the governorship election in Taraba State.

On his part, the EFCC’s lawyer, Mr. Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, urged the court to proceed with the judgment, insisting there was no reasonable justification for the defendant’s absence.

“My Lord should go ahead. If the judgment is in his favour, we know what to do. If it is against him, we also know what to do,” the prosecution counsel added.

Mamman was arrested in 2021, about four months after he was removed from office by ex-President Buhari.

The EFCC produced 17 witnesses who testified before the court and tendered 43 exhibits before closing its case.

The agency, among other things, alleged that he conspired with staff members of the ministry to divert about ₦22bn that was meant for the Zungeru and Mambilla Hydro Electric Power projects.

The anti-graft agency said its investigations revealed that the suspects used the funds to acquire choice assets, both within and outside the country.

Medical School hopeful, Daniella Owoeye Jesudunsin tops 2026 UTME with 372, as JAMB reveals 11 best scorers

  • Runner up Enwere Kingsley Ikenna, scored 370

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has unveiled the top-performing candidates in the 2026 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), with an aspiring medical student emerging as the overall best.

Here are 11 highest scoring candidates in the 2026 UTME

Owoeye Daniella Jesudunsin (Ekiti State) – 372

Owoeye Daniella Jesudunsin emerged as the highest scorer in the 2026 UTME with an outstanding 372 marks. The Ekiti-born candidate selected University of Lagos (UNILAG) as her first choice, where she hopes to study Medicine and Surgery (MBBS).

Enwere Kingsley Ikenna (Imo State) – 370

Ranking second is Enwere Kingsley Ikenna, who scored 370. He chose Nile University of Nigeria as his preferred institution, with a focus on Computer Science.

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Bamisile Ayomide Emmanuel (Ondo State) – 369

Bamisile Ayomide Emmanuel secured the third position with 369 marks. He selected Federal University of Technology Akure (FUTA), where he intends to study Software Engineering.

Olabiyisi Olanrewaju Oluwatimileyin (Oyo State) – 368

Olabiyisi recorded 368 and chose Pan-Atlantic University for Mechatronics Engineering.

Victor-Onyeka Daniel Ifeanyi (Imo State) – 368

Also scoring 368, Victor-Onyeka opted for University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT), where he plans to study Electrical/Electronic Engineering.

Osagiobare Daniel Osaherumwen (Edo State) – 368

Osagiobare matched the 368 score and selected University of Benin (UNIBEN), aiming for Mechanical Engineering.

Ademiluyi Adebowale Anthony (Osun State) – 368

Ademiluyi also scored 368 and chose Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) to study Computer Engineering.

Azike Kenechukwu Anthony (Anambra State) – 368

Azike, another top scorer with 368, selected Afe Babalola University (ABUAD) for Software Engineering.

Offorike Michael Okechukwu (Abia State) – 367

Offorike scored 367 and chose University of Ibadan (UI) as his first choice to study Computer Science.

Adebisi Eniola Sonari (Ogun State) – 367

Adebisi also recorded 367, selecting Covenant University for Computer Science.

Umukoro Gift Oghenevovwero (Delta State) – 367

Umukoro rounded off the list with 367 marks and chose Pan-Atlantic University to study Electrical/Electronic Engineering.

Africa’s Growing Xenophobic Culture: A dangerous trend, By Olufunke Baruwa

For a continent that proudly sings the anthem of Pan-Africanism, Africa is increasingly becoming hostile to Africans themselves. From the streets of Johannesburg to troubling incidents in Ghana, Kenya, Libya, Tunisia and counting, a dangerous tide of xenophobia is sweeping across the continent. Africans are turning against fellow Africans with alarming bitterness, violence, intimidation and exclusion. What once appeared as isolated incidents is now evolving into a troubling continental culture.

In recent weeks, diplomatic tensions have risen between Ghana and South Africa following reports and videos of Ghanaians and other African migrants being harassed in South Africa. Ghana summoned South Africa’s envoy over what it described as disturbing xenophobic incidents against its citizens. South African authorities themselves acknowledged the rise in anti-immigrant violence and promised crackdowns on perpetrators.

The Rise of a Dangerous Continental Culture

Yet perhaps the most disturbing development is that xenophobia is no longer confined to South Africa. Ghana itself — a country historically celebrated for Pan-Africanism and hospitality — has recently witnessed disturbing rhetoric targeting Nigerians. Videos and social media campaigns emerged in which some Ghanaians threatened Nigerians and demanded they leave the country. Reports of harassment and inflammatory language exposed an uncomfortable truth: the xenophobic bug is spreading.

South Africa may be the most visible theatre of this crisis, but it is certainly not the only one.

Across North Africa, migrants from sub-Saharan Africa have faced racial attacks, arbitrary detention and even slave-market conditions over the past decade. In parts of West Africa, resentment against foreign traders periodically erupts into hostility. In East Africa, political rhetoric increasingly blames outsiders for economic hardship. Even online spaces have become toxic battlegrounds where Africans attack one another based on nationality, language or ethnicity.

The painful irony is impossible to ignore: Africans who suffered centuries of slavery, colonialism, apartheid and racism are now reproducing similar patterns among themselves.

The contradiction is even deeper when one considers Africa’s liberation history. During apartheid, several African countries hosted South African exiles, funded liberation movements and paid enormous economic and diplomatic prices to support freedom struggles. Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Tanzania and others stood firmly with South Africans during some of their darkest years.

Today, many Africans feel betrayed by the erosion of that solidarity.

Why Xenophobia is Growing in Africa

The first driver of Africa’s growing xenophobia is economic frustration. Across the continent, unemployment, inflation, inequality and declining living conditions have created widespread anger and anxiety. In such difficult environments, migrants become convenient scapegoats. Politicians, populist movements and frustrated citizens blame foreigners for crime, job scarcity, pressure on social services and economic decline.

It is easier to accuse a Zimbabwean shop owner, a Nigerian entrepreneur, a Somali trader or a Ghanaian worker than to confront decades of policy failure, corruption and elite capture.

History shows that xenophobia thrives where governments fail to provide economic security and social justice. The foreigner becomes the visible target for invisible structural failures.

Second, Africa suffers from a growing crisis of nationalism without Pan-African consciousness. The dream of African unity championed by figures such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Thomas Sankara and Nelson Mandela has weakened significantly. Today, many Africans identify more strongly with narrow national interests than with continental solidarity.

Third, political opportunism is fuelling dangerous narratives. Anti-immigrant rhetoric is increasingly becoming a political tool. Leaders and activist groups gain popularity by presenting themselves as defenders of citizens against “foreign invasion.” Social media has worsened this problem, amplifying misinformation, hate speech and inflammatory propaganda.

Once xenophobia becomes politically profitable, it quickly normalises violence.

Weak institutions and poor migration governance have also deepened tensions. Many African states lack coherent immigration systems, regional labour agreements or social integration policies. Borders are porous, documentation systems are weak and migration flows are poorly managed. This creates public anxiety, suspicion and resentment.

There is also a deeper psychological contradiction at play. Africans routinely demand dignity and fair treatment abroad while denying the same to fellow Africans at home. Africans protest racism in Europe and America but sometimes reproduce tribalism, ethnic hatred and xenophobia within Africa itself.

We cannot credibly condemn global racism while nurturing local intolerance.

The consequences are severe. Economically, xenophobia damages African integration and trade. The African Continental Free Trade Area depends on mobility, cooperation and trust among African nations. Businesses cannot thrive where migrants fear violence and discrimination.

Diplomatically, xenophobia weakens regional relations. Repeated attacks on Nigerians in South Africa, and recent tensions involving Ghana, demonstrate how quickly citizen-targeted violence can escalate into interstate friction.

Socially, xenophobia destroys the moral fabric of African societies. It normalises mob violence, hate speech and exclusion. Children grow up learning suspicion instead of solidarity.

Most dangerously, xenophobia threatens Africa’s long-term political vision. A fragmented continent cannot effectively confront global economic inequality, geopolitical competition, climate crises or technological disruption. Africa’s strength has always depended on collective unity.

So how do we end this dangerous trend?

Rebuilding the Spirit of African Solidarity

First, African governments must stop treating xenophobia as isolated criminal incidents and recognise it as a structural political and social problem. Strong condemnation alone is insufficient. Governments must prosecute perpetrators consistently, dismantle violent extremist groups and enforce laws protecting migrants and minorities.

Second, Africa urgently needs economic reforms that address inequality and youth unemployment. Xenophobia feeds on desperation. Where millions feel economically abandoned, anger will always seek vulnerable targets. Governments must invest seriously in jobs, education, entrepreneurship and inclusive growth rather than symbolic politics.

Third, the African Union must take a more active role. Xenophobic violence should trigger continental accountability mechanisms, diplomatic mediation and coordinated policy responses. Pan-Africanism cannot remain ceremonial rhetoric spoken only during summits and anniversaries. It must become a lived political commitment.

The AU should also strengthen continental migration frameworks that protect migrants while supporting host communities.

Fourth, African education systems must intentionally teach Pan-African history and values. Many young Africans know little about the solidarity that shaped independence struggles across the continent. They are growing up in digital echo chambers filled with nationalist anger, stereotypes and misinformation.

Education must rebuild the consciousness that Africa’s liberation has always been interconnected.

Fifth, media organisations and digital platforms must act responsibly. Sensationalist reporting often inflames tensions by portraying migrants solely as criminals or economic threats. Social media algorithms reward outrage and hate. Responsible journalism and digital literacy are now essential tools against xenophobia.

Finally, Africans themselves must reject the politics of blame and fear. Ordinary citizens must resist the temptation to turn vulnerable migrants into symbols of frustration. A struggling Nigerian in Johannesburg, a Ghanaian trader in Pretoria, a Sudanese refugee in Tunisia or a Somali entrepreneur in Nairobi is not the cause of Africa’s governance failures.

The real enemies are corruption, inequality, weak leadership, underdevelopment and institutional decay.

Africa cannot build continental unity while Africans are hunted for being African.

The tragedy is not only that Africans are attacking one another. The deeper tragedy is that we are forgetting who we are supposed to become together.

Until Africa rediscovers the moral courage of solidarity, Pan-Africanism risks becoming merely a slogan repeated at conferences while fear, violence and division quietly define the continent’s future.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

“This Amateur Cover-Up Will Fail”: Odinkalu rejects Anambra probe that cleared Governor’s security adviser

A bitter public confrontation has erupted between the Anambra State Government and outspoken human rights lawyer and public commentator Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu after a state-appointed investigative panel dismissed allegations against Governor Chukwuma Soludo’s Security Adviser, Mr. Ken Emeakayi, as “false and misleading.”

But rather than ending the controversy, the government’s report appears to have detonated a much larger political firestorm.

Within hours of the state’s announcement, Odinkalu fired back in a blistering statement on X, rejecting the probe as an “amateur cover-up” and insisting that his allegations “stand unimpeached.”

The escalating war of words is now exposing deeper tensions around political accountability, elite power networks, and public trust in internal government investigations.

The Allegation That Sparked the Crisis

The controversy began after Odinkalu alleged that a senior security adviser in the Anambra State Government was involved in an improper relationship with Mrs. Mmasi Nwangwu, wife of convicted businessman Chukwudozie Nwangwu, popularly known as “Akwa Okuko.”

The allegation quickly ignited political controversy in Anambra, forcing the state government to establish a Fact-Finding Committee to investigate the claims.

In a statement released on May 11, 2026, the government said the committee — chaired by the Anambra State Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Tobechukwu Nweke, SAN — interviewed all parties connected to the allegations, including Mr. Ken Emeakayi, Mrs. Nwangwu, and legal representatives linked to Akwa Okuko.

According to the government, the committee found no evidence of any improper relationship.

“The testimonies were consistent in establishing that Mr. Ken Emeakayi and Mrs. Nwangwu did not have any personal or improper relationship,” the report stated.

The government concluded that Odinkalu’s claims were “false and misleading.”

Officials also accused the professor of ignoring repeated invitations to provide evidence supporting his allegations.

Odinkalu: “I Declined to Dignify Their Transmission”

But Odinkalu is not backing down.

In a lengthy response posted on his X account, the former chairman of Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission released screenshots of WhatsApp messages allegedly sent to him by Attorney General Tobechukwu Nweke requesting sources for the allegations.

Odinkalu ridiculed the process, questioning why an official government investigation would be conducted through WhatsApp messages rather than formal correspondence.

“It also seemed to me incongruous that an investigation should be run by WhatsApp,” he wrote.

“Surely, an Attorney-General claiming to be a SAN ought to know how to write a letter.”

The professor said he deliberately ignored the messages because he was sceptical about the legitimacy and structure of the committee.

“For the record, the message did not disclose the composition of the so-called ‘we’ or ‘investigation’; the basis of its authority, or its Terms of Reference,” he wrote.

“I declined to dignify their transmission.”

Odinkalu then escalated the confrontation dramatically.

Murder Allegations Resurface

In perhaps the most explosive part of his response, Odinkalu referenced decades-old allegations involving Ken Emeakayi and the killing of a former chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association in Onitsha and his wife.

“For the record,” Odinkalu wrote, “Ken Emeakayi was the suspect named in the vile murder nearly 25 years ago, of the former chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association in Onitsha together with his wife.”

The statement instantly raised the political temperature surrounding the dispute and shifted public conversation far beyond the original affair allegation.

As of the time of filing this report, there was no immediate official response from Emeakayi regarding the revived allegation.

A Government Under Pressure

The Soludo administration has framed the investigation as proof of its commitment to due process and fairness.

“The Anambra State Government reiterates its commitment to due process, fairness, and the protection of the reputation of public officers from malicious and unsubstantiated claims,” the official statement said.

But critics say the government may now face a larger credibility challenge after Odinkalu publicly questioned the legitimacy of the investigative process itself.

The optics of a state government attempting to investigate politically damaging allegations against one of its own senior officials — while relying on informal WhatsApp outreach to the accuser — has already triggered heated debate online.

Political observers say the controversy reflects a growing crisis of confidence in internal state probes across Nigeria, where official investigations are frequently dismissed by critics as exercises in damage control rather than independent accountability.

“I Stand By Everything I Have Said”

Despite the government’s findings, Odinkalu insists the matter is far from over.

“This vain and valiant attempt at a cover-up is all the proof there is as to the credibility of the claims I made,” he wrote.

“I stand by everything I have said.”

What began as a scandal allegation involving a governor’s adviser has now evolved into a full-blown political confrontation, one mixing accusations of misconduct, institutional credibility, elite power struggles, and unresolved historical allegations.

And in Anambra’s already volatile political environment, few expect the battle to end anytime soon.

‘My Daughter Was Stolen’: Family alleges teen girl was forced into Islam and marriage after abduction, while authorities look away

Jinkai Simon in hijab flanked by members of Hisbah board

By Ladidi Sabo

The family of 17-year-old Jinkai Simon says their daughter left home for school on a quiet March morning in Zaria and never came back.

What followed, according to a petition now before the Kaduna State Commissioner of Police, was a disturbing chain of events involving alleged abduction, religious conversion, age falsification, and forced marriage,  a pattern rights advocates say has become frighteningly familiar in parts of Northern Nigeria.

Jinkai, a student of St. Bartholomew’s Secondary School, Wusasa, disappeared on March 9, 2026, while living with her elder sister in the Kuregu area of Zaria, Kaduna State.

Her family says she was last seen with a neighbour identified as Ruqaiya.

Days later, the family alleges, they received shocking information: their teenage daughter had allegedly been converted to Islam, moved to Kano, handed over to the Kano State Hisbah Board, renamed, declared older than her real age, and married off.

In a petition dated May 6, 2026, the family accused authorities and individuals involved in the process of orchestrating what they described as an illegal and deeply coordinated operation.

According to the petition, Jinkai’s name was allegedly changed from “Jinkai Yusuf” to “Aisha Sani” before she was reportedly married to a man identified as Abdulsamad.

Read Also: 9 years after atrocious abduction case, Ese Oruru graduates from university

“She is now going by the name Aisha Abdulsamad,” the petition stated.

The family further alleged that official documents were manipulated to make the teenager appear legally old enough to consent to marriage.

Attached court records reportedly show Jinkai swearing an affidavit in a Kano High Court declaring she was 19 years old — despite her parents insisting she is only 17.

“To perpetrate these illegal acts,” the petition reads, “the Hisbah Board went as far as forging consent documents purported to have been signed by parents.”

The family insists they never consented to either a conversion or marriage. They are demanding an immediate police investigation and the safe return of their daughter.

But for many observers, the case is not simply about one missing teenager. It is about a growing national fear.

“She Left Home and Became Somebody Else”

Across Nigeria, particularly in parts of the North, families have repeatedly alleged that underage girls disappear only to later re-emerge with new religious identities, altered ages, and husbands they never knew.

In many cases, prosecutions rarely happen. Parents file petitions. Police open files. Civil society groups raise alarms. Then silence follows.

One of the most haunting examples remains the case of Ifesinachi Ani, a teenage girl allegedly lured away from her family home in Abuja years ago.

According to reports at the time, the matter reached both the FCT Police Command and the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP). Yet despite public outrage, no successful prosecution was ever announced.

Her distraught mother publicly alleged that her daughter had been converted and renamed “Amatullahi.” The case eventually disappeared from public attention, much like many others before it.

Rights groups say that lack of accountability has emboldened networks allegedly involved in coercive conversions, trafficking and underage marriages.

Critics argue that institutions often move swiftly to legitimize controversial unions through affidavits, religious documentation and court procedures, while parents spend years navigating bureaucracy with little success.

A Long and Painful History

The Jinkai Simon case has revived memories of several nationally controversial incidents involving underage girls.

The 2014 abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls by Boko Haram remains Nigeria’s most globally recognized case of mass kidnapping and forced conversion allegations.

Other names, Ese Oruru, Rita Ukeje, Charity Uzoechina, Lucy Ejeh, have periodically surfaced in media reports tied to claims of abduction, religious conversion, and forced marriage.

In many of those cases, families alleged their daughters were isolated from relatives, pressured into conversion, and shielded from recovery efforts.

Human rights lawyers maintain that the Child Rights Act clearly prohibits marriage involving anyone under 18 and criminalizes child abduction and unlawful removal from parental custody. Yet enforcement remains inconsistent across states.

Legal experts also note that conflicting religious, customary and statutory systems frequently complicate such disputes.

“No Girl Should Leave for School and Vanish”

But women’s rights advocates insist the deeper issue is institutional failure.

“No girl should leave for school and vanish into a system that changes her identity before her family can even locate her,” one Abuja-based child protection advocate said.

For many parents, the fear is no longer hypothetical. It is immediate.

The anxiety cuts across religion and ethnicity: That a teenage girl can disappear, and within weeks, official papers emerge declaring her older, renamed, converted, and legally married.

In the Jinkai Simon case, photographs allegedly attached to the petition reportedly show the teenager wearing a hijab alongside individuals linked to the Kano State Hisbah Board.

The family also submitted what they describe as forged birth records and consent documents allegedly used during the process.

The petition has been copied to the Inspector General of Police, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), the Anglican Diocese of Wusasa, Christian Solidarity Worldwide Nigeria, and youth religious organizations.

As of the time of filing this report, no arrests or prosecutions had been announced. For Jinkai’s family, the central question remains painfully simple:

How does a 17-year-old girl leave home for school, and legally become someone else before her parents can bring her back?

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