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Nigerian Association of Law Teachers and the persistent disdain for its own business, and mandate (A wake-up call to the NALT Leadership)

By Sylvester Udemezue

(1). Introduction: A New Executive, the Same Old Culture

On 30 October 2024, following my lamentations on NALT’s persistent neglect of its own objectives while chasing after issues unrelated to its core mission, a colleague reassured me thus: “That is about to change. You were obviously absent at the manifesto programme today. The election of the new executive is coming up tomorrow.” That assurance sounded hopeful: a promise of reawakening. It suggested that NALT might finally confront the crisis of focus that has haunted it for decades. The next day a new leadership was installed for the NALT with huge promises of far-reaching reforms and positive changes. Sadly, one year later, after reviewing the papers presented at the just-concluded 56th Annual Conference of NALT, held at the University of Abuja (26–30 October 2025), one is compelled to ask: What has really changed? What tangible innovation has the current leadership of NALT introduced beyond organising another Annual General Conference where most papers once again have little or nothing to do with NALT’s constitutional objectives or the pressing challenges facing legal education in Nigeria?

(2). The Disconnect Between NALT’s Mandate and Its Conferences

The objectives of NALT, as enshrined in its Constitution, are clear: (i) to promote excellence in law teaching and research; (ii) to enhance legal education and pedagogy; (iii) to foster academic collaboration among law teachers; and (iv) to engage meaningfully with stakeholders on issues affecting the development, regulation, and quality of legal education in Nigeria. Yet, the 2025 Conference theme (“Law, National Development and Economic Sustainability in a Globalised World”) though lofty, is once again generic and detached from NALT’s true constituency. Out of the nineteen papers presented (four plenary and fifteen sessional), only a negligible few even tangentially touch on issues of law teaching, research, or education reform. Most others dwell on broad political and economic topics such as: Rejigging the Jurisprudence of Election Petition in Nigeria for National Integration and Cohesion; Challenges to Regional Cooperation for Economic Development; Economic Sustainability, State Sovereignty and the New World Order; and Examining the Implications of Nigerian Tax Reform Regime for National Development and Economic Sustainability.

While intellectually commendable, these papers are far removed from NALT’s foundational purpose. They contribute little or nothing to ongoing crises in law teacher welfare, curriculum review, research standards, professional ethics, ICT integration, or institutional synergy.

(3). The Real Issues NALT Conferences Keep Ignoring

If NALT were faithful to its objectives, its conferences would engage with the core challenges confronting legal education in Nigeria: the very areas crying for reform and advocacy. Legal education in Nigeria currently faces a multiplicity of interconnected crises that have undermined its effectiveness and global competitiveness. Chief among these are: Inadequate funding of law faculties and legal education institutions; Shortage, poor welfare, and low motivation of academic staff, leading to brain drain; Inadequate infrastructure, including poorly equipped libraries, obsolete ICT tools, and overcrowded classrooms; Over-enrolment and unsustainable student–staff ratios; Outdated curriculum misaligned with global practice and professional demands; Weak linkage between law faculties, the Nigerian Law School, and the wider profession, producing a chronic skills gap; Proliferation of law faculties without quality assurance or proper accreditation; Frequent industrial actions and unstable academic calendars that disrupt learning; Poor research culture, weak publication output, and lack of institutional support; Deficient use of ICT and e-learning in pedagogy; Inadequate clinical legal education and practical skills training; Weak regulatory enforcement by the Council of Legal Education (CLE) and the National Universities Commission (NUC); Low motivation and career stagnation among law teachers; Rampant brain drain to other professions and countries; and Lack of alignment between legal-education outputs and the needs of the legal market and society, among others. These challenges are existential to the health of legal education; yet NALT conferences consistently sidestep them, preferring to debate elections, federalism, or tax policy.

(4). Leadership Without Legacy

The situation is worsened by NALT’s short two-year leadership cycle, which hardly allows for vision, continuity, or institutional reform. If every leadership’s main legacy is merely “organising the next conference,” then the National Executive Committee (NEC) might as well be renamed the Annual Conference Planning Committee. Where are NALT’s sustained dialogues with the CLE, NUC, or NBA on curriculum reform, academic ethics, or faculty development?
Where are its policy papers or communiqués on teacher welfare, quality assurance, or technological adaptation in legal education, among numerous others? Without answers to these questions, NALT risks becoming an annual event without an annual impact.

(5). The Fifty Ignored Priorities: What NALT Should Be Discussing

The following fifty (50) pressing research and discussion areas have been lamentably overlooked at NALT’s Annual General Conferences, even though they lie at the very heart of NALT’s mandate and relevance: why is NALT’s leadership lifespan pegged at only 24 months, and what meaningful reforms can a leadership with such a short tenure realistically achieve? When will NALT amend its constitution to create a longer, more stable and impactful leadership structure? How do successive NALT leaderships feel after each conference without discussing topics central to the association’s raison d’être? Would the heavens fall if NALT’s conferences were redirected to tackle the real problems affecting its own constituency (law teachers, law students, and legal education institutions) rather than distant political and economic themes? For instance, NALT conferences should be examining:

(1) how to prevent the rampant sex-for-marks syndrome that tarnishes the image of academia; (2) lecturers’ involvement in exam malpractices, such as the shocking incident of a law lecturer caught impersonating a student during Bar Part II examinations; (3) the mistreatment of law teachers within the legal profession, particularly the discriminatory Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Guidelines that marginalise academics; (4) the serious synergy deficit between law faculties, the Nigerian Law School, and the Council of Legal Education regarding admission, qualification, and professional preparation; (5) the growing role of Artificial Intelligence in law teaching and learning; (6) controversies surrounding university admission quotas; (7) accreditation standards for law faculties and their enforcement; (8) election malpractice and unethical political involvement of some law teachers; (9) curriculum review, update, and implementation to meet global standards; (10) pervasive corruption in the management of law faculties; (11) inadequate teaching and learning facilities; (12) the unhealthy proliferation of substandard law faculties; (13) poor funding of legal education; (14) the negative impact of recurring industrial actions and strikes on the continuity of legal training; (15) the development of practical teaching and learning tools; (16) incompetence and non-commitment among some law teachers; (17) exam malpractice within law faculties; (18) whether substantive and procedural law training should be unified or remain bifurcated; (19) the possible introduction of entrance examinations for the Nigerian Law School; (20) the merits and demerits of making law a second-degree course; (21) synergy between the Bar and academia and the role of practitioners in legal training; (22) utilisation of ICT for effective law teaching and learning; (23) motivation and welfare of law teachers; (24) the poor culture of legal research and weak institutional support; (25) essential skills for effective law teaching; (26) emerging law modules and modernising legal curricula; (27) whether Nigeria has too many or too few lawyers; (28) teacher–student relationship ethics and standards; (29) brain drain among law teachers; (30) the effect of insecurity on legal education; (31) the state of Legal English and whether it should be mandatory throughout undergraduate study; (32) self-assessment of law teaching methods; (33) curriculum development and implementation challenges; (34) piracy in academic publishing; (35) ethics and integrity in academic writing; (36) the fight against plagiarism; (37) the role and effectiveness of the NUC and CLE in regulating legal education; (38) comparative studies on global best practices in legal education regulation; (39) the role of law teachers in promoting justice, ethics, and good governance; (40) inter-faculty collaboration and synergy in legal education; (41) standards and transparency in the award of professorships; (42) management and administration of law faculties; (43) the development of mock and moot trial programmes; (44) externship and internship policies; (45) modes of delivery and management of law examinations; (46) balancing law teachers’ careers with their personal and family lives; (47) motivation and reward systems for outstanding law students; (48) the growth and sustainability of law clinics; (49) issues around sabbaticals and academic exchanges; and (50) other emerging issues crucial to the advancement of law teaching and learning in Nigeria. These fifty areas (though not exhaustive) reflect the true business of NALT and define the intellectual agenda that its conferences should prioritise if the Association must remain relevant, effective, and true to its founding objectives. These are the true businesses of NALT; not the endless recycling of general national topics that have no bearing on its statutory objectives.

(6). The Way Forward: Turning the Annual Conference into an Annual Conscience

NALT’s failure is not intellectual; it is directional. Its conferences overflow with talent, yet suffer from misplaced focus. To reclaim its relevance, NALT must redirect its agenda toward advancing legal education quality and pedagogy; fostering ethical teaching and research culture; strengthening synergy among regulatory bodies; improving teacher welfare, training, and motivation; and aligning legal education with the demands of a globalised legal market, among others. Until NALT transforms its Annual General Conference into an Annual General Conscience, it will remain eloquent but empty: rich in rhetoric, poor in relevance.
Respectfully,
Sylvester Udemezue (udems)
Lawyer; Law Teacher; Member, NALT; &
Proctor, Reality Ministry of Truth and Justice (TRM).

  1. [email protected].

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu set to headline FIDA Abuja’s 2025 law week on women’s representation and Nigeria’s legislative future

The Deputy Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, will deliver the keynote address in the 2025 Law Week of the International Federation of Women Lawyers, FIDA Nigeria, Abuja Branch.

This year’s event, themed “Advancing Women’s Representation: Reserved Seats and the Future of Nigeria’s Legislature,” will run from November 14 to 18, 2025 and promises vibrant discussions, impactful sessions, and colourful activities centred on gender inclusion, political reform and more.

Chairperson of the Law Week Committee, Mrs Wendy Kuku, SAN, said the event aims to spark dialogue on strengthening women’s voices in governance.

According to her, the goal is to shape policies that will promote equitable representation in Nigeria’s democratic institutions.

Registration is open to both FIDA members and non-members, with fees structured by years of post-call experience.

Members with one to five years post-call can register for free, while senior lawyers, SANs, judges, and judicial officers will pay ₦100,000.

Non-members can also participate for ₦70,000.

The registration breakdown includes ₦20,000 for those with six to nine years of experience, ₦35,000 for 10–15 years, ₦50,000 for 16–25 years, and ₦65,000 for 26 years and above.

Payments are to be made to the FIDA (Nigeria) Abuja Branch account at FCMB, account number 6596953017.

With the spotlight on women’s representation and legislative reform, this year’s Law Week is set to be one of FIDA Abuja’s most influential gatherings yet.

The Law Week Committee assures that the event will not only celebrate progress but also challenge policymakers to create a more inclusive future for Nigerian women in leadership.

FCT Commissioner of Police redeploys DPO for professional misconduct

Miller G. Dantawaye, the Commissioner of Police for the Federal Capital Territory Police Command (FCT Command), has ordered the immediate redeployment of the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) in charge of the Gwarinpa Division, Superintendent of Police (SP) Babale Galadima, to the Command Headquarters. The move follows public complaints of alleged professional misconduct against him.

A statement issued on Saturday, November 8, 2025, by the Police Public Relations Officer of the FCT Command, SP Josephine Adeh, explains that Galadima is to face administrative disciplinary proceedings as a result of the complaints.

Commissioner Dantawaye reiterated that his earlier directive to all divisional officers and their subordinates—to act professionally, courteously and law-abidingly—remains in full effect. He warned that “any act of misconduct, unprofessionalism or abuse of office will not be tolerated and will attract appropriate sanctions.”

Simultaneously, the Command has approved the posting of CSP Nasir Gusau as the new DPO of Gwarinpa Division, effective immediately. He has been charged with upholding the highest standards of professionalism, respecting human rights and maintaining civility in all engagements with the public.

The Commissioner called on residents of Gwarinpa and its environs to cooperate with the newly posted officer and to continue supporting policing efforts to maintain peace, law and order in the division. He also encouraged members of the public to report emergencies or share actionable information via the Command’s hotlines: 0803 200 3913, 0806 858 7311, or the Police Complaint Response Unit (CRU) at 0810 731 4192.

Ex-Military Commander Gen. Ayoola says only terrorist sympathisers should fear possible U.S. strikes in Nigeria

Nigeria’s growing diplomatic standoff with the United States over President Donald Trump’s threat to deploy military forces to Nigeria has sparked a heated national debate.

While some Nigerians view the move as an affront to sovereignty, others see it as a long-overdue step toward ending years of bloodshed.

But for Maj. Gen. Henry Ayoola (retd.), former Commander of Operation Safe Haven — the multi-agency task force combating insecurity in Plateau and surrounding states — the only people who should fear possible U.S. strikes are terrorist sympathisers.

According to Ayoola, the uproar over Trump’s warning reflects a lack of understanding of how U.S. foreign policy on religious freedom operates.

“Many people talking about this issue don’t even know that the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) exists,” he said.

He explained that the USCIRF, established in 1998, monitors global religious freedom violations and annually recommends countries — including Nigeria — for CPC status.

“Since 2009, when Boko Haram emerged, Nigeria has been consistently recommended as a ‘Country of Particular Concern.’ We’ve been on that list every year.”

The CPC designation, Ayoola noted, does not automatically translate into military action.

“Being designated as a CPC doesn’t mean America will attack you,” he clarified. “This classification has existed since 2020 under Trump, and even when President Biden delisted us, the USCIRF protested.”

He urged Nigerians not to panic, describing the move as “a routine diplomatic classification” reflecting Nigeria’s ongoing security crisis.

Ayoola emphasised that the religious dimension of Nigeria’s conflict is often misunderstood.

“It’s not about whether only Christians or Muslims are being killed. Every life is sacred. The tragedy is that we’ve turned this into a sentimental argument.”

He urged Nigerians to unite in defending human dignity rather than politicizing religious identities.

‘Trump’s Order Is a Threat, Not an Attack’

Commenting on Trump’s reported order for the Pentagon to “prepare for possible action” in Nigeria, Ayoola said it merely reflects standard U.S. military readiness procedures.

“America cannot attack Nigeria on the grounds of a CPC designation. What we are seeing is deterrence, not aggression.”

‘Only Those with Something to Hide Should Fear Airstrikes’

Referencing The New York Times report on Pentagon contingency plans, Ayoola dismissed public panic.

“The only ones who should fear U.S. strikes are those who sympathise with terrorists,” he said.
“Those worried about America hitting insurgent camps should ask themselves whose side they are on.”

Ayoola noted that any U.S. military activity would require Nigeria’s consent, citing cooperation during the 2020 American hostage rescue mission.

“That mission was done with full Nigerian cooperation. Even under President Jonathan, private military contractors helped us fight Boko Haram.”

He acknowledged the risks of collateral damage but urged leaders to weigh them against the long-term goal of ending terrorism.

‘External Help Is Not Weakness’

“If we’ve been fighting terrorism for 16 years without success, why not accept help?” Ayoola asked. “Even America collaborates with allies. Cooperation doesn’t diminish sovereignty; it strengthens capacity.”

He highlighted the U.S.’s superior technology, such as satellite tracking, as key to achieving faster results.

Ayoola cautioned against viewing U.S. assistance as altruism.

“America is not Father Christmas. Every country acts in its own interest. What matters is ensuring Nigeria also gains.”

He criticised past governments for failing to convert foreign interventions into national advantage.

Responding to speculation that Washington might seek a military base in Nigeria, Ayoola urged pragmatic assessment.

“If external help can shorten this war, why not explore it? Let’s assess the risks and benefits dispassionately. Life is about trade-offs.”

Between Sovereignty and Survival

For Ayoola, Nigeria faces a defining choice between pride and pragmatism.

“The real enemies are not America or Trump. The real enemies are those killing innocent Nigerians every day,” he said. “Only terrorist sympathisers should fear U.S. strikes.”

This interview was culled from SUNDAY PUNCH.

Court moves Yahaya Bello’s trial on alleged money laundering charges to 29 Jan.

Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court, Abuja, on Tuesday, adjourned the alleged money laundering trial of the immediate past Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, to January 29, 30 and February 4 and 5, continuation of trial.

The matter was adjourned to allow the prosecution counsel, Kemi Pinheiro, SAN, to conclude the examination of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission’s seventh witness, Olomotame Egoro.

When the matter was called for continuation of trial, the Prosecution sought to tender documents marked as Exhibits 33 (1–11) and 34, while leading the witness, Olomotame Egoro, a Compliance Officer with Access Bank, in evidence.

But Defence Counsel, Abdullahi Yahaya, SAN, interjected, noting that the exhibit being demonstrated by the prosecution and its witness was not known to the defendant.

He further argued that the certificate attached to the document before the court, dated 17th, was signed by one Faruk Idiaro and not the witness in the box.

He noted that the defendant was served with a proof of evidence that was not the same as what the witness tendered.

Responding, the prosecution counsel, Kemi Pinheiro, SAN, said the certificate of identification might be different, but the substantive documents attached to it were the same.

He urged the court to stand down the matter to enable the defence team to confirm that the documents referred to in the certificate of identification were the same documents tendered.

The court stood down briefly and asked the parties to sort out their differences.

On examination, the witness, Egoro, confirmed that there were seven columns in the statement of account that was tendered and explained what the different columns stood for.

He was taken through the account statement of the Kogi State Government House Administration from December 2018 to August 2021.

The witness identified cash payments on 21 December 2018 to one Aminu J.O., totalling N50 million in tranches of N10 million each.

He also pointed out withdrawals in multiples of N10 million in favour of Abdulsalam Hudu on August 1, 2019.

Prosecution also asked the witness to go through Exhibit 33-8, a statement of Fazac Business Enterprise, from 1 January 2019, to December 31, 2022.

He identified inflows ranging from N4.49 million to N14.45 million from the local governments of the state on May 6, 2022.

On May 9, there were two inflows of N7.12 million and N9.4 million from two local governments and also withdrawals from the account.

At this point, Justice Nwite adjourned the case to January 29, 30 and February 4 and 5 for continuation of the trial.

The fourth prosecution witness of the EFCC
Mshelia Arhyel Bata, had reaffirmed at the preceding day’s hearing, that fund withdrawals by the state government did not breach any banking law.

During cross-examination before Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court on Monday, Mshelia Arhyel Bata, a Compliance Officer with Zenith Bank, also reiterated that the name of the former governor did not appear as a beneficiary in the account presented as evidence.

Niger State: Self-protection with what?

By Punch Editorial Board

In an effort to stem the tide of insecurity, Governor Mohammed Bago of Niger State has urged residents to “stand up and defend themselves,” declaring that his administration would neither negotiate with bandits nor pay ransom.

While this statement reflects the deep frustration of communities living under constant threat from terrorists, such a call for self-defence warrants scrutiny to prevent it from pushing the state into a spiral of lawlessness and anarchy.

During a recent visit to the people of Rijau and Magama LGAs, where communities were recently attacked by bandits in Kontagora, Bago declared, “The state has reached a point where the people must stand up and defend themselves because ransom will only turn kidnapping into a thriving business.”

He added, “We are surrounded by enemies, but we will not give up. The Constitution gives us the right to defend our lives and property, and we will do just that. There is no going back.”

Bago described the frequent invasion of communities and the displacement of residents as “embarrassing and unacceptable.”

He mooted his administration’s plans to recruit and train 10,000 members for the Joint Task Force to help restore security across the state.

As the state’s Chief Security Officer, Bago’s commitment to addressing insecurity is commendable. However, the responsibility for ensuring citizens’ safety rests with the state’s security apparatus, not with civilians.

The International Centre for Investigative Reporting estimated that between January 2022 and June 2023, Niger State recorded 1,552 people killed and about 1,044 kidnapped across those 18 months.

A survey by the National Bureau of Statistics estimated some 2.24 million kidnapping incidents between May 2023 and April 2024, with households paying an average ransom of N2.7 million. These are devastating figures. They show that insecurity has become systemic, not just episodic.

However, the Niger State governor needs to acknowledge that under the constitution, it is the state and its agencies — the police, the military, civil defence and other security organs — not civilians wielding military-grade arms that are tasked with the responsibility of protecting the populace.

In Niger State and beyond, the rallying call should be for citizens to stand by the state, shoulder their share of vigilance, but not take the law into their own hands. The governor’s vow to refuse ransom payment and negotiation is bold—but boldness must be matched with legality.

When civilians arm themselves in communities like Magama, Rijau, Wushishi, Kontagora or Mariga, what begins often as “defence” may morph into vigilantism, tit-for-tat reprisals, breakdown of the rule of law, and unchecked escalation. In effect, the state relinquishes its monopoly of legitimate force and invites chaos.

Violence and mass shootings are prevalent in the United States, where the law permits citizens to carry weapons. This is not advisable. So, the Nigerian state should be careful that it does not descend into further anarchy.

Niger State needs to reclaim its primary role. The constitution defines the roles of state security agencies; these must be reinforced with clarity, capacity, accountability and trust.

Dispensing with ransom payment and refusing negotiations are policy positions worth discussing — but they cannot replace a functioning security architecture.

There should be proper regulation of civilian defence, and they should be subordinate to the state government.

Community watch-groups or civil defence auxiliaries can assist—but only under lawful oversight, restrictions on arms, command structures, and clarity of mandate.

What Bago needs to avoid is sanctioning every resident to become a paramilitary actor against highly armed, organised criminal gangs.

Tellingly, the state governor has established a link between illegal mining and bandit access. Without tackling governance, economic opportunities, and forest security, any purely tactical defence initiatives will be short-lived.

The root causes of kidnapping in the state need to be tackled. High levels of kidnapping and killings fuelled by banditry often thrive where poverty, unemployment, forest access and illegal mining converge.

Rather than people resorting to self-protection, what the state government needs to reinforce is a strategic war on insecurity through stronger, intelligence-led policing, better coordination with local communities, equipment, logistics, rapid response, and prosecutions.

Bago should prompt his governor colleagues to intensify the enactment of the law for state police.

Nigerians cry out as banks pocket N14.7tn profit while charges crush customers

Nine major Nigerian banks earned a staggering N14.72 trillion in the first nine months of 2025.

This represents a 27.68 percent rise from N11.53 trillion in the same period last year, driven by soaring interest rates.

But while banks celebrate record profits, many Nigerians are groaning under relentless charges that drain their accounts daily.

From “maintenance fees” on dormant cards to repeated SMS alert deductions, customers say the charges are suffocating.

Only Sterling Bank has scrapped transfer charges, joining fintech firm PalmPay in offering free transactions.

For most Nigerians, however, the high cost of banking has deepened financial hardship amid rising inflation and unemployment.

The frustration is widespread.
The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission confirmed over 3,100 banking complaints between March and August 2025.

It recovered more than N10 billion for consumers affected by unfair deductions and failed transactions.

Banks and fintechs topped the list of offenders, according to the commission’s sectoral report.

Issues ranged from hidden fees to unauthorized debits, deceptive marketing, and unresolved service failures.

Lawmakers have now stepped in.
On October 14, the House of Representatives condemned the “arbitrary and excessive” bank charges hitting customers’ wallets.

The motion, sponsored by lawmaker Tolani Shagaya, called on the Central Bank of Nigeria to publish a clear list of approved charges.

The House also urged the CBN to sanction erring banks and create an easy complaint system for aggrieved customers.

A special committee will meet with CBN officials and top banks to address what it called “incessant and unjustified deductions.”

Meanwhile, the banks continue to post huge profits.
Access Holdings led the pack with N2.9 trillion in interest income, followed by Zenith Bank with N2.74 trillion.

Ecobank earned N2.33 trillion, while First HoldCo posted N2.29 trillion.

Smaller banks like Wema and Sterling also saw sharp growth, buoyed by high lending rates.

However, the Central Bank’s September rate cut to 27 percent could threaten these gains.

Global ratings agency Moody’s warned that lower interest rates might shrink bank margins if lending volumes do not rise.

Despite these risks, the gap between bank profits and public misery remains glaring. With 139 million Nigerians living below the poverty line, many are asking: who really benefits from Nigeria’s booming banks?

Analysts say it is time for the CBN, FCCPC, and lawmakers to act.
They warn that unchecked charges and weak regulation are eroding public trust and stalling financial inclusion.

Until real reforms are implemented, Nigerians will continue to count their losses—while banks count their trillions.

A nation living in denial

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

The flurry of activities since November 3, 2025, when America declared Nigeria as a country of particular concern, has been mind-boggling but generally not unexpected. The government has been in panic mode, with several inconsistent policies and statements.

While in one breadth it was touted that President Tinubu was on his way to the White House to meet with the American Vice President, another stated clearly that no such meeting was scheduled or envisaged. But one thing is clear, mainly that the government is coming to terms with the collapsing security situation in the country. If it takes President Donald Trump to wake up President Bola Tinubu to the reality of the enormous responsibility placed upon him by law to protect the people, so be it. Two recent events shaped my resolve on this issue.

I watched an unedited video of officers of the Nigeria Customs Service, narrating how they share confiscated rice to terrorists as a form of ransom to secure the lives of these officers and to buy peace. Then I listened to the former Editor of The Guardian newspapers, Mr. Martins Oloja, in another video interview, wherein he catalogued the various persecutions being suffered by Northerners who are of the Christian faith, undergoing so many deprivations and denials. Because of my own personal experience in the South-West zone of Nigeria, I truly do not see religion as the main issue facing us as a nation. But I cannot dismiss or close my eyes to the peculiar circumstances prevailing in the Northern States of Nigeria.

I grew up with Muslims, I ate and dined with a good number of them as my fellow Comrades, clients and colleagues and I have never truly felt the need to highlight religion as a dividing issue. I was actually trained in my law practice by a Muslim who believed solely in merit as the major factor of relating with people. We were trained to dwell together as one big family. Indeed, the Constitution of Nigeria in its section 42 prohibits discrimination against anyone on the ground of faith. It is that serious. But this is not to say that some others are not carrying on as if the Constitution does not exist. Those should be our target. And it is wrong to pretend that the extremists do not exist to derail the secular nature of our country. The various States in Nigeria that are busy implementing various Sharia Laws over non-muslims who reside and work in their States are undermining the sanctity of the Constitution and indeed the sovereignty of Nigeria. As it is presently, we seem to have lost our sovereignty to Sharia Law and jihadists.

Let me share with you a piece that I read on The Nigerian Lawyer WhatsApp platform and other opinions on this issue.

“Thank you for raising the point about Sharia Law’s sacred nature to Muslims. It is an important aspect of this discussion. However, Senator Cruz’s position is not an attack on the personal faith or religious practices of individual Muslims. Rather, it is a necessary stand against how certain aspects of Sharia Law are implemented by the state in ways that systematically violate fundamental human rights, often with deadly consequences. You questioned whether Senator Cruz truly understands Sharia Law, calling it a sacred, divinely derived framework from the Quran and Sunnah that forms the very way of life for Muslims, and suggested his bill reflects “crass ignorance,” much like his takes on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. With respect, that is a profound misunderstanding of both the bill and the realities on the ground in Nigeria. Cruz’s legislation is not meddling in theology or private devotion. It is a targeted response to state-enforced blasphemy laws that have led to mob lynchings, death sentences, and a culture of impunity. Far from ignorance, this is informed advocacy drawing on documented human rights abuses. Let me break it down. I asked what the state of Nigeria has done and how many constitutions it practices. This is central to the issue. Nigeria operates under one constitution, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). This supreme law guarantees fundamental rights to all citizens, including the right to life (Section 33) and the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion (Section 38). However, twelve northern states have implemented Sharia penal codes alongside the national constitution. This creates a de facto legal duality where state-sanctioned religious laws can, in practice, override constitutional protections. This is the very conflict Senator Cruz’s legislation seeks to address, sanctioning Nigerian officials who enforce these parallel systems, not Muslims practicing their faith.

Regarding people killed in the name of blasphemy and the state’s response:

The Tragic Reality: People have been killed through both extrajudicial mob violence and state-sanctioned sentences. The case of Deborah Yakubu in 2022 is a stark example. She was a Christian student beaten to death and burned by a mob after being accused of blasphemy on WhatsApp. Arrests were made, but the case has dragged on in court with many suspects released or granted bail, fostering a chilling sense of impunity.

State Inaction and Complicity:

The state’s response is often weak, delayed, or non-existent. Mob attackers are rarely prosecuted to conviction, and some individuals have been sentenced to death for blasphemy under Sharia codes, such as Yahaya Sharif-Aminu in Kano State in 2020. His death sentence was only commuted after years of international outcry and appeals. More recently, in 2023, a Bauchi court sentenced a man to death for similar charges, highlighting how these laws embolden vigilantes and perpetuate fear. Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission has documented over 50 blasphemy-related incidents since 2010, many unresolved.

Senator Cruz’s bill does not seek to tell Muslims how to practices their faith in private. It targets officials who enforce a parallel legal system that contravenes Nigeria’s constitution and international human rights obligations, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which Nigeria ratified. When state authorities arrest, try, and sentence a citizen to death for blasphemy or fail to protect them from mobs, it is not an act of private religious devotion. It is state-sponsored persecution. The question is not whether Sharia is sacred to Muslims, but whether any government should have the power to legally execute someone for insulting a religion. In a country that is a signatory to international human rights covenants and has a constitution guaranteeing freedom of conscience, the answer must be no. Senator Cruz is right to use the tools of U.S. foreign policy, including targeted sanctions, to hold accountable state officials whose actions directly enable this violence and persecution. This is not about religious intolerance. It is about defending the universal principle that no one should live in fear of their government for what they believe or say. If we truly value Sharia as a way of life, let’s ensure it is not weaponized by the state to end lives.” Chioma Kate Unini, Editor, The Nigerian Lawyer.

“Genocide is not a contest of body counts. It is not about how many die. It is about why they die. The Fulani militia that burn Christian villages in Benue or Plateau do not ask names. They ask about religion. They do not attack to steal. They attack to cleanse. That is the truth. To pretend otherwise is to help the killers. To explain away their acts is to join their intent. Obfuscation serves evil. It distorts the moral compass of a people. It makes the truth look like politics. The danger of obfuscation is that it normalises horror. When every killing is called “reprisal”, genocide loses meaning. When every massacre is called a “clash”, the state escapes blame. When every burnt church is called a “dispute”, the victims vanish into abstraction. This is how countries lose souls. History is full of such losses.”  Abdul Mahmud, Esq

“You see, it’s easy to protest against help when you have never lived under the sound of gunfire. Easy to speak boldly when you have never watched people die for simply gathering to pray. But when you come to the North, you see what it truly means to carry the cross in a land where faith is a risk. This is not politics; this is survival. People are being slaughtered, families displaced, churches burnt, yet some talk like we are exaggerating. Don’t speak of peace from the comfort of your air-conditioned room when others are weeping over the ashes of their homes. And hear me well; this is not a war against any tribe or religion. It is a stand against evil, against extremism that values blood over life. So, before you talk, listen. Before you post, understand. If your words won’t heal the wounded, don’t add to their pain. Nigeria is bleeding, and silence is no longer an option. We must speak the truth until justice reigns.” Prophet Isa El-Buba.

It is hypocritical to profess that genocide against Christians in Nigeria does not exist when hundreds of people are systematically being wiped out on a daily basis simply on account of their faith. We cannot say that the terrorists are not killing indigenous people and taking over their land but it is possible to posit that their actions do not represent the true religion of Islam. And if this be the case, then we should do all things possible to eliminate them as soon as possible. If we are unwilling or unable to do this, anyone who is able and willing to do it deserves the support and encouragement of all. Wherever terrorists operate, whether in the North or South, whether as Christians or Muslims, so long as they pose a threat to the unity and peace of our land, the duty of the government is to combat them and to eliminate them. This is a sacred responsibility imposed upon the government by section 14 of our Constitution. We do not need President Donald Trump to tell us this if we are indeed serious about the fight against insecurity. We prolong the issue if we live in denial.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Pastor Adeboye, Tinubu, Trump and truth

By Suyi Ayodele

They gave us civilisation and then said our forebears were wrong in speaking truth to power. A child of God, they reasoned, should pray “for kings and those in authority; that we may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty (1Timothy 2:2). We accepted the strange doctrines, and our leaders grew wings and became our tormentors.

While our forebears challenged kings and whipped them back to line, the new ‘civilisation’ asked us to raise our hands “first of all, (in) supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks…” (1 Timothy 2:1). By the time we opened our eyes, those whom our forebears used to command to go join their ancestors for bad rulership had become our masters. Through their bad leadership, they send us to early graves. Sadly, the modern-day spiritual fathers and mothers in Israel drowned our cries in ‘signs and ‘wonders’ that have neither been significant nor wonderful!

I may soon be ordained a pastor. Read that again and believe me. The time is close. Why? My Father-in-the-Lord, Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, the General Overseer of The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), is doing what the church is called to do at critical moments.

I am happy with Daddy G.O.’s message at the November Holy Ghost Service held last Friday. Now, we can boldly say that the Church is alive to its responsibility. I am faintly proud to be a member of the RCCG in recent times.

Before those who claimed to have given us ‘civilisation’ came, men and women who occupied high spiritual positions were a check on the African indigenous thrones. The Yoruba traditional administrative setting that I am familiar with places a premium on religion and religious leaders.

Ifa priests and our mothers played important roles in bringing orderliness to the society. Kings in those good old days would not do anything without the input of the knowledgeable. Our mothers, the very owners of the night, then, had a way of getting the thrones to act appropriately.

But when modernity came, they tagged our nocturnal esoteric gatherings as ‘coven’. Then they went ahead and replaced the ‘coven’ meetings with vigils, forgetting that covens and vigils are businesses of the night! They told us to stop chanting esoteric words and ‘impacted’ us with the Holy Spirit. They asked us to speak in tongues and do away with ayajo (evocation); two coded languages that are not easily sussed! They took away our gbere (incision) and gave us anointing oil. We accepted.

Africa’s fortune dipped because we suddenly became complacent. Nigeria, for instance, has suffered great misfortunes over the last three decades because we relied more on the dictates from the pulpits rather than taking our destiny in our own hands. Those we elected turned around to become our taskmasters, using the very resources they stole from us to buy our consciences. In all this, the Church universal – indeed, the strange religions imported from the West and the East – became accomplices.

Save for the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, which, to a large extent, has shown that the prophets of old were not power pleasers, the Nigerian cassock club has been partners-in-crime with the lethargic leadership that has been the bane of development in Nigeria. Clerics of the two dominant religions (Christianity and Islam) turned a blind eye when the Nigerian political class began this journey to the bottomless pit. Many of them found it difficult to distinguish between the pulpits and the campaign podiums. The compromise from the religious leaders is so much that nowadays, most crusades, homilies, messages and recitation sessions have become political campaign rallies!

Our leaders, the locusts, became emboldened because they know that the faithful-in-the-Lord have gotten their share of the national cake. We cannot forget easily how religious leaders, having attracted huge part of our patrimony to their faiths’ coffers, declared their support for the then President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan for the 2015 general election.

Or should we talk about the college of Bishops that endorsed the candidacy of the incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2023, wearing their funny cassocks as they filed to collect their alawee? For the eight ruinous years of General Muhammadu Buhari, who among us can recall a whimper from any of our Pentecostal pastors or Islamic clerics?

This is why the latest message of Daddy G.O. during the November 2025 Holy Ghost Service of the RCCG became instructive. I did not watch Pastor Adeboye preach at the service. But I have read the transcript of his message at the service. It is worthy of commendation, not because I am a member of the RCCG family, but because it appears that the Church, under the leadership of Daddy G.O., appears to be waking up from its pretentious slumber! We may well be returning to those epochs when the prophets of old spoke truth to power at the risk of their lives.

In his message that night, the preacher said: “This is not the time to joke. This is not the time for grammar, not time to argue, is it suicide or kidnapping? This is not the time to say it’s not Christians alone; Muslims are also involved. Innocent people are dying.” I read him over again to be sure that Daddy G.O. actually uttered those words. They are wonderful words no matter how late they are coming. The time a man wakes up is his morning, so, they say. If it has taken the threat from President Donald Trump of America to get our religious leaders to speak, so be it.

The most important thing now is that the pulpit is talking when it should. Pastor Adeboye said that when he heard President Tinubu beat his chest on October 1, 2025, that he had defeated insurgency, he knew that the President is surrounded by those who don’t like him. He added that hours after Tinubu declared Nigeria free of insecurity, “…The following day, we read that a traditional ruler was killed in Kwara or Kogi.” Then the clincher: “Somebody wrote it (the speech), but it was the President who read it.” What the clergy man did not say is that though, “There are several people around Tinubu who are not telling him the truth”, the president should be blamed for the choices he made in his aides. Daddy G.O. is right!

This is how men of God should speak during a crisis. The cassock must not be part of the President’s clappers’ club. Enough of diplomacy, enough of prevarication. Our leaders are surrounded by sycophants who would rather marinate the truth in a sauce of lies just to please the President. If not, there is no way Tinubu would have declared as Adeboye quoted that “displaced people have returned to their villages.” Thank the gracious God that Daddy G.O. did not quip, as an average Ijesha man would have done, kà íbi e rè (where was that)?

He went ahead to call on President Tinubu to be decisive on the steps to take to arrest the situation. Adeboye asked Tinubu not to be like his predecessor, Buhari, who shouted the order at his own parade but went back to sleep without ensuring that the colour party obeyed him.

This time around, the RCCG big shot said that the President must give the directives to his services chiefs, follow them up, set time limit for them “not only to eliminate the terrorists but also eliminate the sponsors, no matter how influential they may be” and fire the services chiefs if there were no results after the time frame! Wonderful counsel!

It appears the fear of Trump is the beginning of wisdom for us. In the last two weeks that the American President issued the threat of an invasion, our armed forces appeared to have gotten their mojo back. Bandits and other criminal elements, they told us, were being killed in their scores. That is the type of response we want from the Commander-in-Chief. Ragtag soldiers should not be making meals of our trained and sophisticated soldiers.

What Pastor Adeboye said on Friday is what other leaders of other faiths and sects should do. Nigeria must first be safe and peaceful for any meaningful crusade to take place. There is no point asking people to surrender to Jesus or be converted to Islam when there is no guarantee that the converts will live to see the light of the following days, because bandits, kidnappers and other bad elements wait in the corner to waste them! No matter how beautiful heaven and Aljannah are, we should be allowed to live and enjoy the good things of life before we go to meet our makers. After all, “all things bright and beautiful, the Lord God made them all”, the choir sings!

The time to rescue Nigeria is now. This is the message the Supreme Council for Shari’ah in Nigeria (SCSN) should imbibe rather than its recent voyage of discovery of who sent legal brief to the United Nations on the genocide of Christians.

It is bad for the SCSN, which urged “all Nigerians, Muslims and Christians alike, to reject narratives that seek to pit one faith against another”, asserting that the nation’s “common enemies are injustice, corruption, poverty, and insecurity”, to now look for a scapegoat to sacrifice for the activities of some bad elements in its midst.

The SCSN, rather than asking for the head of Professor Joshua Ojo Amupitan, the newly appointed Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), on the platter because of his 2020 brief, should look for Sheik Ahmad Gumis in its camp and caution them. The havoc the likes of Sheik Ahmad Gumi have wrecked in Nigeria through flippancy and intemperate utterances, can sink the peace which the SCSN seeks. Elements like Gumi are the reason why we have so much mistrust among the followers of the differing faiths!

It, therefore, baffles every rational mind that amid the present crisis, the SCSN would still drape its ‘genuine’ clamour for peace and religious harmony in Nigeria with the flag of politics! The religious body, like its Christian counterparts, should separate the hijab from the politicians’ babariga. Asking for the removal of Amupitan as INEC Chairman on account of the 2020 paper speaks volumes. It sounds like making a mountain out of a molehill while ignoring the more important matter of genocide which has become the concern of the Trump administration.

Nigeria is in a grave moment. Every man and woman of good conscience must be involved in the rescue mission.  The nation’s traditional institution must lend its voice. Many of them have been victims of the malady, and many more will become so unless the drift is halted. The Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, hinted at this a few days ago when he cautioned that “…terrorists don’t know the difference between Muslims and Christians. They see everybody as a prey, while they are the predator.”

Oba Ladoja, who received the President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN), Bishop Francis Wale Oke, at the Olubadan Palace, over the weekend, said that the period the nation is now in is the time for Nigerians to come together to fight terrorism and appease those who had fallen victim of the crisis.

According to the Ibadan king, “Many people have been killed and property worth an inestimable amount of money destroyed. Multitudes of families, particularly women and children, have been displaced. Kidnappings have taken place. Successive administrations have spent trillions to fight insecurity. When you look at this scenario over the past ten years, people are bound to feel aggrieved and resort to self-help.” He therefore recommended the prototype of the harmonious relationship that exists between the two major religions in the South-west to other parts of the country.

President Tinubu is lucky that in the face of the threat from President Trump, Nigerians of worth are offering him pieces of advice that could help him to navigate the current situation unscathed. I commend Oba Ladoja’s royal stance to other monarchs in the country. Rather than strutting the red carpets on the fashion runways, our monarchs should sit back and think of how they can add value and help solve the current national debacle.

From the Sultan of Sokoto to the Obi of Onitsha, from the Oba of Benin to the Agadagba of Arogbo Izon, our palaces should take a break from the narratives of those destined to be president and those not so fortunate to devote time to tangibles that will bring lasting peace to the nation.

The Church must not rest; the Mosque must not drop the megaphone. President Tinubu himself must walk the talk. It is not enough for us to consider Trump’s threat as an insult. Nigeria, particularly the President, must demonstrate that he indeed understands that the job he applied for is not hard as bricklaying, but one that requires him to think outside the box, harnessing geniuses around him to achieve lasting peace in the country.

Lastly, President Tinubu must not cower to the dictates of the sponsors of this evil just so he could extend his presidency beyond 2027. The realisation of that ambition is not worth the life of even a single Nigerian. The entire nation is, by now, tired of viewing gory videos of mindless killings all over the social media. We are tired of hearing muffled cries of widows and fatherless children whose benefactors have been incinerated in their own homes! We have had enough of reports of neonates and toddlers who are dispatched in cold blood back to their Maker alongside their helpless parents! Enough is enough!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Family condemns protection of military men who opened fire, injured policemen on Anambra election duty

The family of one of the officers of the Nigeria Police Force involved in providing security during the Anambra State governorship election, who were shot by some Nigerian Army personnel on Sunday in Onitsha while returning from election duty, has alleged a cover-up of the matter.

Agabi Yusuf, a brother of one of the injured police officers from Nasarawa state, told SaharaReporters on Monday that neither the Anambra State Police Command nor the Nasarawa State Police Command he has contacted provided clear details on the current status of the matter.

“My only surviving brother was shot yesterday in Anambra state by soldiers while returning from election duty. The Nigeria Police is trying to sweep it under the carpet and divert justice” Yusuf said.

“I need help to get justice. The PRO of Nasarawa state said he is not aware of the matter, that he only saw it on social media (this is exactly 24 hours after the incident), while the Anambra PRO is insisting that the matter has been resolved. 

“I asked him the outcome of the resolution, and he said I should come to Anambra if I want to know,” he added.

SaharaReporters reported on Sunday, November 9, that the army personnel were involved in an argument with the policemen at a checkpoint along Onisha Road before opening fire on the police officers.

“Happening now on our way coming back from the Anambra State election, we had a misunderstanding with Army personnel at a military checkpoint.

“Before we knew what was going on, they opened fire on us. One of us was shot directly in his chest, with many other policemen were injured,” a policeman told SaharaReporters.

The police officer told SaharaReporters on Sunday that the issue had escalated to a riot to the extent that they called for backup.

Narrating what transpired, Yusuf, whose brother was shot in the chest, told SaharaReporters that the officers were returning to Nasarawa state after the election duty when the incident happened in Onitsha.

“They reached an army checkpoint, and the soldiers granted their convoy passage; then the other side also granted their cars passage.

“One luxurious bus scratched one of the vehicles the policemen were in. On questioning the soldiers why they allowed the other side to come in while they had waved them to pass, one of the soldiers got furious and started saying, “they are just police,” and he used the butt of his rifle to break one of the glasses in the policemen’s convoy,” Yusuf said.

According to him, the action of the soldier triggered the policemen’s anger, and all of them alighted and demanded that their car be repaired. 

“The soldiers suddenly became confrontational and started firing in the air, but one of the soldiers just deliberately aimed into the crowd and opened fire, which hit my brother in the chest, slightly above the heart,” he said.

Unfortunately, Yusuf said that his efforts to get details of the case, including whether the soldier who shot his brother has been arrested, have failed as the Anambra and Nasarawa state police spokespersons are not providing any reasonable information on the matter.

“Now, the issue is that the police, for reasons best known to them, are avoiding holding the soldiers accountable and refusing to make the matter public on their official handles,” Yusuf told SaharaReporters.
 
“I called the State PRO for Nasarawa state in the morning, which is exactly 24 hours after the matter happened. The man reluctantly said he hadn’t heard about the matter; he only saw it online.

“I insisted that, considering his office, he can’t say he hasn’t heard an issue as delicate as this for the past 24 hours, but he just trivialised the matter as if it is nothing (maybe cause he thinks there is nothing I can do).”

In his further efforts, Yusuf said he called the police spokesperson of the Anambra state police command under whose jurisdiction the incident occurred, but he gave him a cold response and asked him to come to Anambra State if he wanted details on the matter.

“I then called the Anambra Police PRO, but he was trying to avoid the matter by just telling me that the matter has been resolved,” Yusuf said.

“I questioned him to tell me how it was resolved and the outcome, he then changed his words and said they are looking into the matter, that it takes a process before the Nigerian Army will release the soldier to them. 

“And he is refusing to disclose any information that will be of help to us, the family, even though I properly introduced myself to him. He just said I should come to Anambra if I want to get any information.”

SaharaReporters contacted the Anambra State Police Public Relations Officer, SP Tochukwu Ikenga, for comments on Yusuf’s allegations and explanations on the status of the matter.

However, though the police spokesperson read the message sent to him on WhatsApp, he has not responded as of the time of filing this report.

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