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Nasir El-Rufai’s hypocrisy, manipulation and the politics of manufactured northern victimhood

By Sa’adiyyah Adebisi Hassan

Former Kaduna governor Nasir El-Rufai is at it again weaponising religion, inflaming northern emotions, and inventing conspiracies just because he is no longer the one sitting close to the corridors of power.

He shared Bello Doka’s article alleging that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is “waging a quiet war against the Muslim North.” Coming from a man whose politics has been built on religious division, the propaganda is painfully predictable.

But let us tell ourselves the truth:
Politics of religion is dead. Competence has taken centre stage. The North will not be dragged backwards by one man’s bitterness.

El-Rufai’s Problem Is Not the North; his problem is that Tinubu is not using him.

This sudden defence of “Muslim North” did not exist during Buhari’s government. Where was this righteous energy when Buhari filled every important office with northern Muslims?
Chief of Army Staff – Muslim, North
Chief of Air Staff – Muslim, North
Defense Minister – Muslim, North

What happened?
Banditry exploded
Kaduna burned
Zamfara collapsed
Katsina was bleeding
Farms became graveyards
Schools were turned to kidnap markets

So let’s ask El-Rufai:
If Muslim appointments automatically bring security, why did your own Kaduna become the epicentre of killings under a Muslim – Muslim government?

The hypocrisy is loud
When Buhari filled Nigeria with northerners, El-Rufai said: “Appointments should be based on competence.”

Today Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu balances appointments and suddenly competence no longer matters, only religion matters?
Where did this sudden “love” for northern Muslims come from?

El-Rufai, the same man who said Kaduna South complaints against Muslim – Muslim ticket were childish, is now crying religion?

The hypocrisy is disgusting.
The North must stop allowing political manipulators to play saviour.

The same El-Rufai who silenced clergy in Kaduna is now pretending to defend Islam? The same man who divided Kaduna by religion for eight years now wants to preach religious fairness?

Nigeria knows him, Kaduna knows him, history knows him.
Whenever Nigeria begins to unite, El-Rufai appears with matches and kerosene.

Religion is his political oxygen.
Division is his comfort zone.
Chaos is his political career.

Tinubu owes you competence, not sectarian appointments.

The entire idea that “Northern Muslims are being removed” collapses when placed beside reality:

Middle Belt finally has representation;
Northerners are still in key offices;
Christian Northerners are finally considered human beings.

Appointments are no longer a religious monopoly. Is that war? Or sanity? A northerner is not defined by religion.

El-Rufai’s logic is clear: If you are not a Muslim, even if you are from Northern Nigeria, you don’t belong.
So Plateau, Benue, Southern Kaduna and Taraba should become foreign countries?
This is exactly why Middle Belt shunned northern politics under Buhari.
Tinubu is correcting decades of marginalisation inside the North itself.

Tinubu is doing what El-Rufai never had the courage to do:
•Balancing the system
•Uniting the country
•Reducing ethnic monopoly
•Restraining religious dominance

And that is what truly frightens him.
Nigerians are tired of religious merchants:
We want roads;
We want electricity;
We want better security;
We want working economy;
We want competent appointees;
Not loud emotional blackmail from political middlemen searching for relevance.

If Northern Muslims like Buratai, Sadiq, Monguno, Badaru and others could not secure Nigeria when they controlled everything, then the problem is not religion.

The problem is that incompetent people were recycled because they were Northerners and Muslims, not because they could deliver.
Tinubu is ending that rubbish.
El-Rufai, the game is over
The era of religious extortion is gone
The North is wiser
Nigeria is tired
And the Muslim North you are trying to provoke has suffered enough under the same system you defended for eight years.

If you have a presidential candidate for 2027, bring him.
Tell Nigerians his achievements;
Tell us what he did;
Tell us where he succeeded;
But don’t hide behind Islam. We are not buying that trick again.

Nigeria is moving forward.
With or without the tears of expired politicians.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Dear Bishop Matthew Kukah, Judas Iscariot is only remembered for the last week of his life

Dear Bishop Matthew Kukah, Judas Iscariot is only remembered for the last week of his life: In the last “week” of his life, Bishop Matthew Kukah, age 73, has rubbished an entire lifetime’s reputation and inexplicably, decided to go the way of Judas Iscariot, the most infamous betrayer known to mankind… Kukah’s new stance betrays all the priests and seminarians that have been kidnapped and beheaded, the CAN chairman forced to dig his own grave before being beheaded, the mother whose seven children were slaughtered, those slaughtered and buried in mass graves… The callousness of his recent “10 million killed” comment, which came after massive criticism of his initial denial that there is ongoing Christian genocide in Nigeria, makes Judas Iscariot appear to be a better person because Judas at least showed a measure of regret; while Bishop Kukah doubled down and became more arrogant and cruel, dismissing the slaughter of tens of thousands of his flock with bombastic head-scratching jargon.

Dear Bishop Matthew Kukah, Judas Iscariot is only remembered for the last week of his life
Bishop Kukah

By Lilian Onoh

I feel sorry for Bishop Matthew Kukah.  To me, he epitomises Ezekiel 18:24: “If a righteous man turns from their righteousness and …does the same things that a wicked person does will they live? Of course not.  All their righteous acts will be forgotten and they will die for their sins.”

In the last “week” of his life, Bishop Matthew Kukah, age 73, has rubbished an entire lifetime’s reputation and inexplicably, decided to go the way of Judas Iscariot, the most infamous betrayer known to mankind.

Nobody knows exactly how old Judas Iscariot was when he died.  We know he walked with Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ as part of His inner caucus of twelve disciples for three and a half years and was among those that performed miracles in His Name.  We know that he was in charge of the money and that he stole from the general purse of the God of Creation, Jesus Christ.

READ ALSO: Christian Genocide: Jihad is the official motto of Nigeria’s Army

We also know that he had zero true love and respect for God in the flesh; and in the last week of his life, he was furious with Mary (Lazarus’ sister) for daring to lavish her expensive perfume on Jesus Christ instead of selling the perfume and putting the money in the purse for him (Judas) to steal from.  In his eyes, Jesus was unworthy of Mary’s worship whereas he, Judas, deserved to have the funds from the perfume put into his hands so he could steal it. 

As the first example of those who follow Jesus for material gain, it didn’t take long before he went to the leaders, the enemies of Jesus Christ, to collect thirty pieces of silver as payment for betraying God.  He foolishly believed he could ‘419’ Jesus Christ’s enemies after collecting his fee in advance because he thought that Jesus would definitely escape them after he (Judas) identified Him to His enemies in Gethsemane. 

Judas’ shock was that Jesus did not disappear after he identified Him to his enemies; and that his greed resulted in the murder of the Son of God by the leaders of the day.

But to Judas Iscariot’s credit, he became remorseful once his Advance Fee Fraud led to the death of Jesus Christ. He promptly tried to give back the money he collected for betraying Christ. When his paymasters refused to collect the money, he killed himself out of shame/ remorse / bitterness/ whatever.

To betray a child of God is to betray Jesus all over again. One of the current High Priests in Nigeria, Bishop Matthew Kukah, is no different from Annas or Caiaphas.  I’m not sure who represents Pilate in Bishop Kukah’s life because in today’s Nigeria, the power brokers in the orchestrated killings are many.

This is the same Bishop Matthew Kukah, who in 2022 was summoned by the DSS for criticising the Government for complicity in the kidnappings and other persecution of Nigeria’s Christians. His about-turn in suddenly denying the existence of systemic genocidal killings of Christians is so total that even Judas Iscariot might have suffered whiplash had he been alive to witness it. 

Kukah’s new stance betrays all the priests and seminarians that have been kidnapped and beheaded, the CAN chairman forced to dig his own grave before being beheaded, the mother whose seven children were slaughtered, those slaughtered and buried in mass graves.

His stance betrays Bishop Wilfred Anagba and the courageous priests still speaking out at the risk of their lives. It betrays Leah Sharibu, who at only 14 years of age, refused to deny Jesus Christ and has been kept in captivity as punishment, enduring horrors that Bishop Kukah will never endure rather than deny our Lord Jesus Christ. She displayed a level of courage that Bishop Kukah has never shown.

I cannot fathom the volte-face by Bishop Kukah, especially his recent attempt to arrogantly educate us about the definition of genocide, saying that even if 10 million people were killed – 10 million! –  it didn’t amount to genocide because “intent” is what determines genocide. 

We therefore have to question his academic qualifications because he obviously doesn’t understand the intent behind the name of Islamic State-West Africa Province (ISWAP), or Boko Haram, or Fulani Jihadists shouting “Allahu akbar” as they slaughter innocent Christians in their sleep and abduct the young girls to rape, forcefully convert and impregnate to reproduce more terrorists. He must also have gone blind in his old age not to see the number of burnt churches and Christian villages taken over by Fulani terrorists who sacked indigenous Christian populations. I haven’t even seen one single comment from him about the 315 abducted children from the Catholic school in Niger State! I haven’t heard him advocate for Leah Sharibu or Deborah Samuels or Sunday Jackson. Instead, he chose to showcase that his grasp of English is at par with Boko Haram terrorists’.

The callousness of his recent “10 million killed” comment, which came after massive criticism of his initial denial that there is ongoing Christian genocide in Nigeria, makes Judas Iscariot appear to be a better person because Judas at least showed a measure of regret; while Bishop Kukah doubled down and became more arrogant and cruel, dismissing the slaughter of tens of thousands of his flock with bombastic head-scratching jargon.

At this time, I can only assume that he has fallen victim to the judgment in Hebrews 6:4-6, which states that it is impossible for those who once tasted the heavenly gift of salvation and the goodness of the Word of God to be brought back after falling away because they are betraying Christ all over again and subjecting Him to public disgrace. That is the only spiritual state that can explain Bishop Kukah’s current stance.

We need not be angry with him anymore.  Bishop Kukah has exceeded the 70 years in Psalm 90:10 and is in his final “week” on earth. He has cast off all restraint and pretence and there is no way back. 

Like Judas Iscariot, he will only be remembered for this last “week” of his life. All he did in the past is long forgotten as a mirage or a deception. His epitaph will always have this as his final definition.

He appears to have made his peace with hell and does not care what anyone thinks. We wish him bon voyage! 

He is equally free to join Abike Dabiri to misdefine this as a vendetta in his next English definition lesson on the meaning of “genocide”.

  • Lilian Onoh was Nigeria’s Ambassador to Namibia and former Chargé d’Affaires to Jamaica

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Advancing women’s leadership in Nigeria’s judiciary, By Amie Lewis

In a three-day workshop held at the National Judicial Institute in Abuja, Nigeria, in February 2025, women judges, justice-sector stakeholders, andrepresentatives from the National Association of Women Judges – Nigeria (NAWJN) and the International Association of Women Judges (IAWJ) gathered to determine how to best promote sustainable leadership pathways for women in Nigeria’s judiciary. Organized by Women in Leadership in Law (WILIL) representatives from IAWJ and NAWJN, the objective of the convening was to identify barriers to women’s advancement in the judiciary, propose actionable solutions, and foster collaboration between women judges and key justice-sector stakeholders to implement systemic changes.

Unpacking the Barriers

The challenges women face in Nigeria’s judiciary are deeply embedded in cultural, legal, and institutional frameworks. One major issue discussed was the discrimination faced by women who relocate to their husband’s state upon marriage. Despite years of judicial service in their home states, these women often find themselves denied promotion to leadership roles in their new (husband’s) state due to being considered “non-indigenes.”

Another pervasive obstacle is the lack of systemic support for women of childbearing and child-rearing age. Judicial work often involves long hours and transfers, yet few provisions exist—such as crèches or flexible work hours—to support women during these crucial life stages. This results in talented female lawyers delaying appointments or opting out altogether, missing opportunities to build seniority, a key criterion for being appointed to leadership positions in the judiciary.

Participants also highlighted political and procedural disparities in judicial appointments, including opaque recruitment methods and reliance on male-dominated networks for endorsements. These practices not only discourage women from applying but also entrench the gender imbalance.

Sexual harassment, limited mentoring opportunities, and deeply ingrained socio-cultural norms were also noted as critical barriers to women’s progress.

Devising Actionable Solutions

Despite these stark realities, the workshop was not solely about identifying barriers—it was a call to action. Several promising solutions and commitments emerged from the deliberations.

The Chief Judge of Jigawa State—
where cultural norms have long hindered women’s participation—pledged to ensure more women are appointed in the next judicial recruitment cycle. Similarly, the Chief Judge of Anambra State acknowledged the declining representation of women and committed to reversing the trend.

The National Judicial Council (NJC) was commended for standing firm against discriminatory practices favoring “indigeneity,” particularly in cases involving married women seeking to obtain appointments or promotions on the bench in a state she relocated to upon marriage. However, participants agreed that these positive precedents must be codified. A written policy allowing married women the flexibility to adopt either their natal or marital state for official purposes was strongly recommended.

To push for broader systemic change, the participants also advocated for a national policy mandating at least 35% female representation in judicial appointments. This gender quota would help ensure that more women are entering into the judiciary and subsequently have equitable access to leadership positions, which are often based on seniority, across all states.

A Turning Point
Through the WILIL initiative, NAWJN and IAWJ are taking these efforts further by engaging stakeholders at both state and national levels. Targeted workshops, letters, and high-level meetings are planned to keep the momentum going.

This workshop marked a turning point in Nigeria’s journey toward gender equity in the judiciary. For women judges who have been systemically excluded, the workshop validated their experiences and outlined institutional changes that will enable women judges to advance within the judiciary. Achieving gender equity in the judiciary will take sustained
advocacy, clear policy reforms, and cultural shifts. With the groundwork laid by NAWJN and IAWJ through the WILIL initiative, efforts will continue over the coming years to drive meaningful institutional reforms that foster an environment where women judges can enter, rise, and thrive within the Nigerian judiciary.

Balancing the Bench and Motherhood: Women, work-life balance, and gender inclusion in Nigeria’s judiciary, By Joy Azu, Intern IAWJ  

The Nigerian judiciary stands as a symbol of justice, integrity, and the rule of law. Yet behind the dignified courtrooms and the authority of the bench lies a quieter narrative—one of women who must constantly negotiate between their professional roles and the expectations society places upon them.

On  13th of November 2025, the National Association of Women Judges (NAWJ-Nigeria), in collaboration with the International Association of Women Judges (IAWJ), convened a landmark webinar on “Enhancing Work-life balance and accessibility in a court setting”. 

Gathering accomplished judges, scholars, and court administrators, the webinar shed light on both the systemic challenges faced by women in the judiciary and the inspiring resilience of those who continue to break new ground. Through personal stories, institutional case studies, and policy recommendations, the sessions highlighted how the judiciary can become more inclusive—and what remains to be done. 

Joy Azu, intern with the International Association of Women Judges (IAWJ)

Wisdom from the Bench: Navigating Work-Life Balance 

The opening session, delivered by Hon. Justice Adenike Josephine Coker (JP) and Hon. Justice Josephine Oyefeso, explored the realities of blending judicial duty with motherhood. Justice Coker addressed the long-held notion that pregnancy can hinder professional performance, especially for newly appointed judges: 

“Pregnancy is not a disability, but it can be perceived as a hurdle to high productivity, especially if you’re just starting your childbearing,” she noted.  

She stressed the importance of strong support structures—both familial and professional—so women are not overwhelmed by the dual pressures of early career expectations and motherhood. 

Justice Oyefeso echoed this sentiment, drawing attention to the lack of formal structures to support young female judicial officers. She described what she called the current “do-it-yourself system” faced by many women: 

“Thankfully, we all have our chambers. You can bring your baby in with your nanny, or leave them with your parents. But whoever is coming onto the bench must realize it’s a do-it-yourself system.” 

Both judges emphasized personal well-being as essential to judicial excellence. Hon. Justice Oyefeso reminded participants to prioritize self-care, using a vivid metaphor: 

“Put on your face mask before helping someone else.” 

Her message—clear and compassionate—resonated strongly throughout the session.  

A Creche in Court: Institutional Support in Action

The second session showcased a promising initiative for institutional support: the revival of a creche within the Abia State High Court. The presentation, prepared by the Honorable Chief Judge of Abia State, Justice Lilian Abai, was delivered on her behalf by Administrative Judge Hon. Justice Chinwe, illustrating how such institutional initiatives can transform the daily realities of working mothers.” 

Justice Chinwe explained how the project began: 

“When the Chief Judge came into office, she discovered that the creche was abandoned. She took up the challenge to restore it,” she said. With the assistance of Her Excellency the wife to the governor of Abia State, Mrs. Priscilla Chidinma Otti, the creche was renovated and formally launched during the 2025 World Breastfeeding Week. 

The impact was immediate and tangible. Two young mothers on the court’s staff shared how the proximity of a creche completely reshaped their work performance. One who had once balanced childcare with demanding chamber duties reported newfound efficiency in assisting with court proceedings and case management. The other, previously overwhelmed by record-keeping responsibilities, described a remarkable improvement in her ability to meet—and even surpass—work; Honorable Justice Chinwe summarized it succinctly: 

“The proximity of the creche allows mothers to concentrate better on their work without the distraction of managing a child at the workplace. It gives them peace of mind, enhances productivity, and opens avenues for career growth.” 

More than just a convenience, the creche symbolizes a deeper cultural shift: a recognition that motherhood and professional ambition need not exist in conflict. It stands as an example of how thoughtful institutional policies can directly contribute to a healthier, more equitable judiciary. 

The Need for Gender-Inclusive Policy 

The third session, led by Chief Registrar Nkechi Yvonne Usani of the Cross River State Customary Court of Appeal, confronted structural barriers that limit women’s advancement in the judiciary. Her presentation highlighted the ways marital status, cultural biases, and outdated administrative practices often disadvantage women—regardless of their qualifications or years of service. 

Drawing from personal experience, she described a persistent dilemma: 

“I got married to a proud Yakurr man from Cross River State. For my career progression, where exactly do I come from? My birth state or my marital state?” 

Her story underscored the uneven expectations placed on women. While a man’s marital status rarely affects his judicial career, a woman’s marital status can raise questions about her state of origin or where she ‘comes from,’(is she from her birth state or her husband’s state) which can unfairly influence decisions about postings or promotions. 

She also presented sobering statistics: 

Men constitute 70% of the Supreme Court, 68% of the Court of Appeal, 64% of the Federal High Court, and in many state high courts, men hold more than 60% of judicial positions. 

In her own court—the Customary Court of Appeal—80% of judicial officers are male. 

She argued that gender parity is both a practical need and a constitutional obligation. She called for reforms aligned with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and CEDAW, urging judicial institutions to eliminate practices that penalize women for marriage, childbirth, or cultural expectations. 

Her message was powerful: 

“Achieving gender parity in judicial leadership is not just about fairness. It strengthens public trust and creates a judiciary that is more inclusive, responsive, and representative of the society it serves.” 

A Judiciary that Reflects Society 

In their closing remarks, Justice Mulibat Oshodi and Amie Lewis emphasized that a judiciary’s strength lies in its ability to support all its members—including those balancing caregiving responsibilities. 

Amie Lewis who is the senior programs officer of the IAWJ observed: 

“When courts accommodate the realities of caregiving and accessibility, talent can thrive, career satisfaction is enhanced, inclusivity becomes a lived reality.” 

The webinar pointed toward practical reforms: on-site childcare facilities, breastfeeding and nursing rooms, flexible scheduling where possible, and transparent, gender-neutral recruitment and promotion standards. These are not luxuries—they are necessary steps toward a judiciary capable of drawing from the full range of talent Nigeria has to offer. 

Conclusion: A Path Forward 

The stories and insights shared during the webinar form more than a discussion—they form a roadmap. They illustrate what a gender-inclusive judiciary can look like: one where women do not have to choose between motherhood and professional excellence, where policy reflects the reality of modern families, and where justice is not only practiced but embodied within the institution itself. 

A judiciary committed to fairness must extend that fairness inward. And as this webinar showed, Nigeria is already taking promising steps toward that future—creche by creche, policy by policy, voice by voice. 

Joy Azu is a final year law student, University of Calabar, Calabar. She is currently an intern with the International Association of Women Judges (IAWJ). 

Top journalist exposes systemic bias against Christians in the north, says it’s hidden from media

Veteran journalist and former Guardian Newspapers Managing Director Martins Oloja has accused political leaders in northern Nigeria of quietly enabling discrimination against Christian communities while publicly denying systemic bias. Speaking on Channels Television’s Inside Sources with Laolu Akande, Oloja described what he called “state-backed marginalisation” that rarely makes it into mainstream media coverage.

Oloja cited a long-running crisis in Bauchi State’s Tafawa Balewa Local Government Area, which he said has a Christian majority but was stripped of its constitutionally listed headquarters under former Governor Isa Yuguda. According to him, the headquarters was “unilaterally relocated” to Bununu—a move he described as unconstitutional and politically motivated.

Meanwhile, Bununu is an Emirate headquarters located within the Tafawa Balewa Local Government Area.

He recounted how the only Christian member of the Bauchi State House of Assembly at the time—a woman—was suspended for criticizing the relocation. “She was suspended for three years, from barely a year after inauguration till the end of the session,” he said.

Oloja revealed that although the relocation had been upheld by a State High Court, the Court of Appeal in Jos overturned the ruling on September 30, 2025, affirming that no state government or legislature has the authority to alter local government headquarters listed in the Constitution. “You won’t read this in the media,” he added.

The veteran editor also described what he said were routine barriers faced by Christian youths seeking education in northern states. He told the story of a girl from Gwoza, Borno State, who scored 277 in the UTME but was denied a certificate of origin at the Borno State Liaison Office in Abuja—while Muslim applicants obtained theirs “before her very eyes.” A female police officer present, he claimed, confirmed she had to rely on a Muslim intermediary to secure her own certificate.

According to Oloja, such patterns are widespread but rarely acknowledged. “Most children of Christians from many northern states cannot get admission into Medicine, Law, Engineering or Computer Science—even when their parents are professors,” he said. In one case, he alleged, a student admitted to study Medicine was arbitrarily transferred to Christian Religious Knowledge.

“These things are not in the media,” Oloja stressed. “Our leaders making noise in Abuja won’t talk about the things they do back home.”

After collapsing in office, Bayelsa Deputy Gov. Ewhrudjakpo dies in FMC Yenagoa

The Bayelsa State deputy governor, Senator Lawrence Ewhrudjakpo, has died after collapsing suddenly in his office.  

SaharaReporters had reported that the deputy governor slumped in his office and was rushed to the Federal Medical Centre (FMC), Yenagoa. 

Family sources confirmed that he was pronounced dead shortly after arrival. 

The incident occurred at about 1:30pm, prompting an immediate emergency response.

Eyewitnesses had also claimed that the deputy governor appeared to be in a serious condition as he was hurried into the hospital’s emergency unit. 

A source close to the deputy governor had attributed the collapse to the deputy governor’s demanding workload.  

While the exact cause of the medical emergency has not been officially disclosed, multiple sources suggested it might be linked to a possible cardiac complication.

Security operatives have since taken control of the hospital premises, restricting access as top government officials file in to show solidarity.

Efforts to reach the deputy governor’s media aide, Mr. Doubara Atasi, were unsuccessful as of the time of filing the report.  

$9.58m Dispute: Glo, NCC, Megatech hit with contract lawsuit

Telecommunication giant, Glo Mobile Limited, Nigerian Communication Commission (NCC) and an indigenous company, Megatech Engineering Limited, have been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja over alleged breach of contractual agreement.

They were sued by an indigenous Company, Mosakab Nigeria Limited and its promoter, Mashood Mustapha, who are claiming over N20 billion as damages for the unlawful contractual agreement breach.

In the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1534/2024, the two plaintiffs are praying the court for an order voiding or setting aside the sale of the Spectrum Licence in the 2.6 GHZ Band by Megatech to Glomobile on the ground that the purported sale was accentuated by fraud and illegality.

The suit has Megatech Engineering Limited, Glo Mobile and NCC as 1st to 3rd defendants.

In the suit filed by George Ibrahim SAN of Ogwu James Onoja SAN law firm in Abuja, the two plaintiffs asked the court to order Megatech to honour its monetary obligation
of ten million US dollars due to them in their Consultancy Agreement executed of June 29, 2017.

Also, they are praying for an order compelling the NCC to revoke the Spectrum License in the 2.6 GHB Band issued to Megatech in March 2020 at their facilitation as Consultants.

Besides, the aggrieved plaintiffs asked that Megatech be ordered to pay them N5bn for breach of contract and another N10bn as general damage for the injury inflicted on them through the breach of the contract.

Similarly, they want the court to order Megatech to allot between 5 and 10 percent of its outstanding shares to the second plaintiff in line with the executed Consultancy agreement of June 29, 2017.

In their statement of claims, the plaintiffs averred that Megatech Company in 2017 consulted and retained their services as consultants to facilitate and secure the procurement of 2.5/2.6 GHZ Band for National License operation.

In furtherance to the engagement, the 1st plaintiff, Mosakab Nigeria Limited, was said to have executed a formal agreement in June of the same year, prompting its promoter to deploy both human and material resources for the realisation of the agreement.

After a series of meetings with government agencies, the NCC on March 26, 2020, was said to have offered a Spectrum License of 40 MHZ (TDD) on the 2.6 GHZ Band to Megatech for nationwide deployment for a period of 5 years.

After a series of correspondence on behalf of Megatech with NCC, the plaintiffs claimed that statutory payments were made by the company.

The plaintiffs, however, claimed that along the lines, Megatech opted to share the Spectrum Band with Glomobile and that they, as consultants, achieved the feat with NCC and their resources of USD 250, 000

They averred that trouble began when Megatech reneged in the payment of USD 10M due to them but only paid USD 421,052 leaving a balance of USD 9, 578, 947 unpaid despite the formal agreement.

Megatech after taken the benefits of the Spectrum Band allocation was said to have entered into agreement with Glomobile to sell its interest without paying the plaintiffs, outstanding USD 9, 578, 947 as contained in the agreement.

They therefore prayed the court for declaration that they carried out their obligations as contained in the agreement and that they are entitled to be paid USD 9, 578, 947 as outstanding balance.

Plaintiffs also asked the court to compel the defendants to pay them N50M as the cost of litigation.

Meanwhile, Justice Mohammed Garba Umar has fixed March 3, 2026, for hearing of the suit.

My position on the events surrounding the 2025 SPIDEL elections, By Dr. Anne Agi

Dear colleagues, good afternoon.

When the Electoral Committee of our Section (the Section on Public Interest and Development Law-SPIDEL) issued the notice of elections and called for nominations, I complied fully with the process. I downloaded the nomination form, completed it for the office of Secretary, and submitted it within the stipulated timeline. The Committee neither queried nor faulted my documents. In the report of the committee, published by a member, I was not just recorded as the only validly nominated and qualified candidate for that office, I was the only candidate who applied for that office.

In keeping with the guidelines, I expected the list of cleared candidates to be published. It was never released. As the election day approached, rumour began to circulate that a different list was being prepared. I refused to rely on rumours and waited for due process to follow its course.

Before the conference, I placed a call to the Caretaker Chairman, Prof. Paul Ananaba SAN, to respectfully inform him of my intention. He acknowledged it and stated that he had no objection to my candidature. He then added that I should call Mr. John Aikpokpo Martins to persuade him to step down from the chairmanship race and that once I succeeded, my candidature would present no issues. I was to call him back after I had carried out this assignment. I did not consider this request appropriate and did not act on it.

Indeed, I am not so desperate to be SPIDEL Secretary that I would be moved to do what was being proposed, just to be secretary. It’s not that serious.

While at the SPIDEL Conference in Uyo, I was informed that a meeting had been held on Tuesday, 2 December. Present at that meeting were the NBA President, Mazi Afam Osigwe SAN, the Caretaker Chairman, Prof. Ananaba SAN, Dr. Monday Ubani, SAN, Mr. John Aikpokpo Martins, Mr. Kunle Edun, SAN, Mrs. Princess Frank-Chukwuani, Dr. Uju Agomoh and several senior members of the Section. I was further informed that at this meeting, the electoral committee chairman sought to present the electoral committee report, but the same was jettisoned (grounds upon which he resigned). I was further informed that the issue of my candidature was discussed, and the NBA President reportedly stated categorically that he did not want me. He then personally put forward the name of my branch chairman, Mr. Enome Amatey, who was present at that meeting, as the person he preferred for the office of Secretary. My Chairman did not submit a form for that office or any office.

When the full account of the midnight meeting was brought to my attention, I reached out to some of those who attended to understand whether the reports were true and what position the elders of the Section had taken. The feedback I received was disheartening. I was informed that since the NBA President stated clearly that he wanted neither me as Secretary nor Mr. John Aikpokpo Martins as Chairman, those present felt there was nothing they could do, but comply.

One may wonder why I should be of such consequence that an NBA president would sit in a meeting and insist that I must not emerge as secretary. I am little me, after all. The reason is neither complex nor speculative. The President has long been upset that I did not support or vote for him in the NBA elections. This is not conjecture. He told me so himself two years before he even contested. In 2022, I called him to invite him to my book launch. Rather than receive the invitation, he expressed great anger and said a close friend of mine had told him I was not going to vote for him in 2024, but for Chukwuka Ikwuazom, SAN. He threatened to reveal the name of this friend. I waited. He never did. The call ended. From that moment, every chance meeting was coloured with hostility. I could not understand why anyone would be upset over an election that was still two years away.

After his inauguration, I simply kept my distance.

When I was later approached by a mentor and respected learned silk to serve as Chief Rapporteur of the 2025 NBA Annual General Conference, I declined because of my schedule. When he insisted, I explained the reasons, including my concern that the NBA President would not approve it. The learned silk disagreed and said he would call the president to confirm. The call was made. As I predicted, the President vetoed it. His initial excuse was that I had served as Chief Rapporteur at the 2024 AGC and failed to submit the conference communique. When this got to me, I clarified that I was not the Chief Rapporteur for that Conference. When this was conveyed to the President, he then admitted that the real issue was that I did not vote for him. To avoid misunderstandings, I sent a WhatsApp message to him, correcting the wrong assumption about my involvement in the 2024 AGC and non submission of a communique and moved on.

When the SPIDEL Caretaker Committee was setting up the CPC for the SPIDEL 2025 Conference, I was approached on 2 occasions to serve. I declined again because I knew the NBA President would oppose it.

When the SPIDEL elections approached, I decided to take a chance to serve the section because I believed that a democratic process would prevail, the offices being elective. I believed that SPIDEL, a section that prides itself on public interest and the rule of law, would uphold its own rules. I was wrong.

On the 4th of December, 2025, despite all the rumors, I decided to go to the SPIDEL AGM myself to see whether or not the elders of the Section would keep the banner pristine as they had espoused at the different panels of the conference.

At the AGM, the caretaker leadership announced that the Electoral Committee report had been rejected because of alleged errors, and since they was no time to conduct elections, certain other persons had been selected to man the affairs of the section. Mr. Nasarawa, a member of the electoral committee, then presented a report of the electoral committee different from what is in circulation, to the effect that there were irregularities in the committees work, hence the need to select persons to man the affairs of the section. Some of the irregularities he claimed, included the fact that some persons had been disqualified for non payment of BPF, even when they had network issues. He also informed us that the electoral committee Chairman, Mr. Kunle Edun, SAN had resigned, and he had been directed to present this new report to the AGM.

Yet the original electoral committee report itself has been circulated by a member of the committee and shows that the Committee carried out its mandate in accordance with the published guidelines. It shows clearly that I was validly nominated, unopposed, and qualified for the office of secretary. The only apparent problem was that some preferred aspirants were disqualified on legitimate grounds.

Mr. Nasarawa then reeled out the names of these selected persons, and my name was announced miraculously as a council member, even though I never applied for that position. On the floor of the house, I immediately objected. I made it clear that I did not agree to the truncation of the electoral process and that I would not be pacified by being handed a position I neither sought nor applied for. I requested that my name be immediately removed, and it was. All other selected members were called out, and those individuals came forward and were presented to the meeting as the new executives of the section. A motion was moved and seconded by those recognised by the interim Committee Chairman, Prof. Paul Ananaba, SAN, adopting the selected persons, and all individuals who sought to take counter motions were denied.

The result is that persons who did not go through the legitimate electoral process, including persons earlier disqualified, were announced as the new leadership of SPIDEL.

This action undermines the Electoral Committee, disregards the guidelines and the NBA Constitution, and nullifies the effort of those of us who complied with every requirement. For the office of Secretary, for which I was validly nominated and unopposed, another person was declared Secretary without any election.

It has been said that some of those present at the meeting on Tuesday night, including learned senior advocates, stated openly that they could not contradict the NBA President when he objected to my candidature. I find this profoundly troubling. The leadership of Sections has never been determined by the unilateral preferences of an NBA President. What happened in SPIDEL is an anomaly and a personal vendetta carried too far. It is even more disturbing that men we consider elders of the Bar sat through it in silence.

None of these elders of the section, whom I once held in high esteem, thought it necessary to call me or explain the decision taken at this midnight meeting. Instead, they assumed that inserting my name as a council member would somehow placate me, a position I understand was equally not acceptable to the NBA president. There assumed wrong. This is not a Council I want to be associated with.

Much has been said about sacrifice for SPIDEL. If there is anyone who has sacrificed, quietly and consistently, it is I. We do not publicise the work we do, but the work exists. Until the last administration was suspended, I was the Editor-in-Chief of the SPIDEL Newsletter and produced the first ever official publication of SPIDEL housing articles by members. (The soft copy is attached and printed copies are at the NBA Secretariat). Yet I now hear SPIDEL elders are making phone calls and falsely claiming I abandoned the section, to justify their illegal actions.

Dear colleagues, I am done. Let those who wish to become SPIDEL executives by any means carry on. I will not be part of anything that undermines SPIDEL. The manner in which this exclusion and imposition was executed is nauseating and makes it clear that the years I have devoted to this section are not valued. I would rather invest my time and service elsewhere.

A section that speaks loudly on public interest, due process, and the rule of law must hold itself to those same standards. When gatekeepers forget this, when the procedure is discarded, and when personal grievance becomes the compass, the Section loses its moral voice.

This entire episode has been a sober lesson on betrayal, the fragility of integrity, and the emptiness of friendship when power is involved. Persons I considered to be men of integrity could not say no or take a stand when it mattered. It’s very revealing!

Dear colleagues, I owe you all the truth. This is my record. This is for my peace of mind.

There is a righteous judge.

I remain my father’s daughter.

Dr. Anne Uruegi Agi

AGF takes over trial of lawyer, influencers accused of cyberbullying Senator Shehu Buba

The Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice has taken over the prosecution of an Abuja lawyer and four social media influencers accused of cyberbullying serving Senator Umar Shehu Buba.

The Minister took over the trial of the defendants from the Inspector General of Police at Thursday’s proceedings at the Federal High Court in Abuja.

At the proceedings before Justice Rita Offili Ajumogobia, Nueebu Leyii Abueh announced appearance and the takeover of the prosecution on behalf of the AGF.

The counsel from the Federal Ministry of Justice told Justice Rita Offili Ajumogobia that the AGF has taken full charge of the case from the police.

The takeover of the trial came amid the granting of stringent bail conditions to the defendants by Justice Rita Offili-Ajumogobia.

In three separate rulings on bail applications, the Judge admitted them to bail in the sum of N1M each and one surety each in the like sum.

The surety must be a grade level 12 in the federal government employment.

In the alternative to government employees, the surety must be a person of standing repute and must have landed property at the Abuja Municipal Area Council AMAC of the Federal Capital Territory FCT.

The property must have a Certificate of Occupancy, and the original must be deposited with the Registrar of the Court.

Besides, the surety must swear to an affidavit of means and deposit two passport photographs each before being released on bail.

Justice Rita Offili-Ajumogobia ordered that the inability of the defendants to meet the bail conditions would automatically lead to the revocation of the bail.

Pending the perfection of the bail, the Judge ordered that they should remain in custody.

Meanwhile, the matter has been adjourned to January 26, 2026, for continuation of the trial.

Ahmed Abdulrahman, a lawyer and four other Social Media influencers have been prosecuted by the Inspector-General (IGP) on allegations bordering on cyberbullying Senator Shehu Umar Buba, Chairman, Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence.

The IGP, in the charge, marked: FHC/ABJ/CR/526/2025 and filed by Anthony Egwu on October 6, named Abdulrahman, 41 years; Daure David, 35; Ishaq Muhammed, 25; Abdulrashid Musa, 30; and Nasir Abubakar, 21, as 1st to 5th defendants respectively.

The defendants were, on October 30, arraigned on an 11-count charge which also bordered on cybercrime, defamation, advance fee fraud, among others.

They, however, pleaded not guilty to the counts, and Justice Ajumogobia ordered their remand at the Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID).

In count one, the defendants were alleged to have, sometime in 2025, conspired among themselves “to commit an offence, to wit: cyberstalking against Senator Shehu Buba Umar.”

The offence is said to be contrary to Section 27(1)(b) and punishable under Section 21(1)(b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention etc.) Act 2015 (as amended) 2024.

In count three, Abdulrahman, the 1st defendant, was alleged to have, sometime in 2025, intentionally sent a video via his TikTok handle with the user name “Kibanna Channel” and his YouTube channel to defame the lawmaker by linking him to sponsorship of banditry with a view to tarnishing his image as a serving Senator.

The suspect was alleged to have stated that “Senator Umar, a serving Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is a sponsor of banditry and called for his investigation, a statement you made by means of computer systems and network knowing same to be false, for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order and causing the Senator fear of death”.

The offence is also said to be contrary to Section 24(1)(5) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 (as amended) 2024, among other counts.

In one of the counts, Daure David was accused of attempting to collect N5 million from Senator Umar Umar under false pretences that the money would be used to settle those planning to protest against him.

Meanwhile, the matter has been adjourned to January 26, 2026, for continuation of the trial.

Osimhen crowned GQ sportsman of the year amid Nigeria’s CAF voting scandal

Super Eagles striker and Galatasaray standout Victor Osimhen has been named Turkey’s GQ Sportsman of the Year, adding another major accolade to what has been a career-defining spell in Istanbul.

Osimhen received the honour on Wednesday night at a black-tie ceremony in Istanbul, where GQ Turkey celebrated leading figures in sports, entertainment, fashion and culture.

A Record-Breaking Season

Since joining Galatasaray, Osimhen has become one of the club’s most influential stars. His debut season was nothing short of dominant:

  • 37 goals and seven assists in 41 matches,
  • A domestic league and cup double,
  • And a transfer that made headlines—Galatasaray activated a permanent deal worth €75 million, the highest in Turkish football history.

Though hampered by injuries this season, Osimhen has maintained his scoring touch, netting 11 goals in 14 appearances across all competitions.

A Pillar for the Super Eagles

Osimhen also remains central to Nigeria’s national team. Despite missing the first four games of the 2026 World Cup qualifiers, he returned in explosive form, scoring six goals in five matches and leading Nigeria into the play-offs.

He scored twice in the semi-final win over Gabon, but a late injury limited his impact during the final against DR Congo, where Nigeria fell on penalties.

Osimhen is expected to spearhead Nigeria’s attack at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, scheduled for December 21 to January 18, 2026.

The striker thanked GQ Turkey, Galatasaray, and fans worldwide, promising to “continue giving his best for club and country.”

Other GQ Honorees

The ceremony also recognised leading figures across Turkish entertainment and culture.

  • Aras Aydın: International Achiever of the Year
  • Sinem Ünsal: Woman of the Year
  • Edis: Music Person of the Year
  • Bahtiyar Büyükduman: Chef of the Year
    Eleven other awards honoured influencers across media, arts and business.

CAF Awards Ignite Controversy in Nigeria

Meanwhile, the release of the 2025 CAF Awards voting results has triggered widespread backlash in Nigeria, with critics raising questions about transparency and fairness.

Morocco’s Achraf Hakimi won African Footballer of the Year with 533 points, ahead of Mohamed Salah (317) and Osimhen (240), despite the Nigerian striker’s exceptional club season.

The fiercest criticism followed the ballot submitted by CAF Technical Expert Daniel Amokachi, who ranked Osimhen fifth, awarding him just one point.
Fans reacted with anger, accusing some delegates of “undermining Nigerian players on the global stage.”

Nigeria’s head coach, Eric Chelle and team captain William Troost-Ekong had both voted Osimhen first, placing Hakimi second.

Debates Also Hit the Women’s Categories

Morocco’s Ghizlane Chebbak won Women’s Player of the Year, ahead of Nigeria’s Rasheedat Ajibade and Esther Okoronkwo.
Nigerian media delegate Samuel Ahmadu prompted further uproar after ranking Ajibade fifth and placing Goalkeeper of the Year winner Chiamaka Nnadozie only fifth on his ballot.

He also ranked Tanzania above Nigeria for Women’s Team of the Year—a category Nigeria still won by a narrow margin.

Calls for CAF Voting Reform Grow

Analysts say the voting irregularities highlight systemic issues. Some national associations failed to submit ballots, while others may have misunderstood the scoring system.

CAF has said votes were based on performances from January 6 to October 15, ahead of the November 19 ceremony in Rabat.

As debate intensifies, Nigerian fans and football analysts are calling for stricter guidelines, greater transparency, and independent oversight to protect the integrity of African football’s biggest awards.

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