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Yahaya Bello and Cash on the Move: Witness details shocking transactions in Kogi LG accounts

The trial of former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Adoza Bello, continued on Tuesday, November 11, 2025, before Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court, Maitama, Abuja, with a prosecution witness making lengthy revelations on cash movements in and out of the Statutory Account of Kogi State Local Government Areas.

Bello is being prosecuted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission on 19-count charges bordering on money laundering to the tune of N80, 246,470, 088.88 (Eighty Billion, Two Hundred and Forty-six Million, Four Hundred and Seventy Thousand and Eight-nine Naira, Eighty-eight Kobo).

During the day’s proceedings, the Seventh Prosecution Witness, PW7, Olomotane Egoro, a compliance officer with Access Bank, while being led in the continuation of his testimony by prosecution counsel, Kemi Pinheiro, SAN, identified several bank documents already tendered and admitted in evidence by the court, including Exhibits 34(1) and 34(2), which he described as the Kogi State Government House Account Administrative Opening Package and the Kogi State Government House Administrative Statement of Account from January 1, 2016, to January 31, 2024, respectively, which he admitted related to the same account.

Pinheiro drew the witness’s attention to transactions dated December 21, 2018, where Egoro confirmed a series of cash withdrawals in favour of Aminu Jimoh Olarenwaju.

“My lord, there was a cash withdrawal of ₦10 million in favour of one Aminu Jimoh Olarenwaju,” he said, adding that there were two additional lodgements of ₦10 million each to the same beneficiary that same day.

Further analysis of the account revealed that on December 24, 2018, five cash payments of ₦10 million each, totalling ₦50 million, were also made to the same beneficiary. The pattern, according to the witness, was consistent across multiple pages of the statement, including transactions recorded on March 8, 2019, when 10 cash withdrawals of ₦10 million each, amounting to ₦100 million, were paid to the same account holder.

The witness also disclosed that on August 1, 2019, the account recorded 30 cash withdrawals of ₦10 million each, totalling ₦300 million, in favour of Abdulsalami Hudu.

He further disclosed that on July 31, 2019, the account received ₦300 million, and by August 1, 2019, the same amount was withdrawn in cash, a pattern he described as “suspicious.”

The prosecution further presented Exhibit 33(8), being the statement of account of Faza Business Enterprise, covering January 1, 2019 to December 31, 2022, which the witness confirmed as originating from Access Bank.

Reviewing transactions on May 6, 2022, Egoro told the court that the account, which previously had a balance of ₦75,728, received multiple inflows from statutory revenue and VAT accounts of 11 local governments of Kogi State. These included Omala, Yagba West, Idah, Okene, Ijumu, Olamaboro, Ofu, Okehi, and Ogori-Magongo, among others, totalling ₦103,375,059.75 on that single day.

On May 9, 2022, the witness disclosed that two more inflows of ₦7,440,972.06 and ₦7,122,729.92 were received from Ibaji and Dekina Local Government Councils, respectively, bringing the total sum from 13 local governments to approximately ₦117 million.

According to him, the funds were later withdrawn in cash by one Yakubu Adebenege Siyaka through cheque transactions between May 9 and May 26, 2022, leaving a closing balance of about ₦1.4 million.

After listening to the testimony, Justice Nwite adjourned the matter till January 29 and 30, 2026, and February 4 and 5, 2026, for continuation of trial.

Tinubu or Trump, the choice is ours

On Monday, the federal lawmakers in Ghana spent hours screening their Chief Justice nominee, Paul Bafour-Bonnie. While reeling off his resume, he said he spent two years in Nigeria in search of greener pastures. His audience guffawed and snickered. They could not imagine Nigeria ever had greener pastures. But she once was, the giant of Africa, a refuge, full of real green pastures. Indians, Ghanaians, Lebanese, Britons, Americans, everyone sought us out. Life here was sweet, peaceful. It had not always been this beastly and brutish. We got here slowly but steadily, tragically. Because we did not do what we ought to have done. We treated our leprosy like pimples, left our shrubs to become forests. What we considered a harmless earthworm is now a rattlesnake.

Something has to be done. Now. We either do it or someone else will do it. Yeah, we either support Tinubu to do clean this Augean stable or Trump will do it. Yes, Tinubu or Trump, the choice is ours, urgently. And circumcising an adult male is always painful, bloody and noisy. This foreskin must go.

There is a lot to worry about in Nigeria right now. Of course, there is and will always be something to worry about. It is Nigeria, right? And we are Nigerians. For instance, we are all worried about Donald Trump’s threat, even if we are pretending that ‘it can’t happen.’ We can do all the funniest skits about drawing the attention of the American troops to the difference between Auschwitz and Bauchi and that we just installed a new Olubadan. That is one of our national coping skills, being able to crack jokes even at the edge of a cliff. Many of us even think since President Trump did not bomb Sambisa immediately he issued the threat, he probably has forgotten all about Nigeria and moved on to bigger things at home. Ignoring a present and immediate danger, that is another Nigerian coping skills. We believe if we talk about our problems, make skits about deadly issues, they would go away and we can move on. That is how we have moved on from one trouble to another instead of actually fixing them, with a head screwed in place.

So let everybody else wish Trump away. I am not joining you multitude to do that evil. I am worried, even terrified. I do not think Mr Trump is to be toyed with. Indeed, I believe Nigeria is on his to-do list that he carried around in his breast pocket. When Trump said it will be ‘America for Americans’ and he would fence out immigrants and trespassers, has he made good his words or not? When he said he those who sneaked into America in the night would be fished out and sent back to where they came from, is he rounding them up steadily and hauling them back home or not? When he said there would no longer be automatic citizenship for foetuses hurriedly taken to America to be born as Americans, is he doing what he said he would do? When he moved our visas all the way down to three months, did our how-dare-you statements pluck a strand of hair from his body? And if we thought Trump was just trying to frighten us, did he not cancel the visa of a whole Professor Wole Soyinka, a whole Nobel Laureate, and announced gleefully that American visas are privileges,not rights! We have been a country of concern long before Mr Trump announced it, trust me.

So what is my prescription?

Brace up. Yes. Nigeria must brace up. I think this quick and sweet incursion into our forests promised by Mr Trump will come, maybe not today, but it will come.

All I recommend is we ‘guide the missile’ so it hits only the children of perdition, not the innocent. We don’t want our pregnant women, the aged, children already with special needs getting struck with the thunder of the thunderer. No, the bomb must go where it is needed. And may it kill the sponsors and the sponsored, all of them.

Ah, why is Funke talking like this? Does she know that if United States of America invades Nigeria, it will compromise our national sovereignty? So, I ask the ‘Our Sovereignty’ people these questions.

When 276 Chibok Girls were hauled off into dark forests from their warm beds in April 2014, what did that do to our sovereignty?

When, on July 6, 2013, Boko Haram men attacked the Government Secondary School in Mamudo, Yobe State, killing at least 42 people, was that good for a country that is sovereign?

If, according to UNICEF, 1000 children were abducted between 2013 and 2018 alone, are you saying that such bulk abductions of children are a signpost of national sovereignty?

How sovereign is a nation where 38,683 people have lost their sources of livelihood, where more than 2.5 million people are displaced and an estimated 952, 029 children made to drop out of school?

Isn’t a sovereign country the one with one flag hoisted across its length and breadth? Is the one with ISWAP and Boko Haram flags in between its green-white-green flag also among the comity of sovereigns?

You heard former president Olusegun Obasanjo on Monday as he spoke on Nigeria and its golden past. Obasanjo told some youths who converged in Abeokuta that right from independence, the world and the United States saw Nigeria as Africa’s leader. He said the country lost confidence at some point before the Murtala-Obasanjo military regime of 1976 to 1979 “brought it back.“

“When I was president and Head of State, three American presidents came to Nigeria. They had not lost anything that they were looking for in Nigeria. What did they see? At Independence, the world saw Nigeria as a giant coming up. Soon after independence, we lost that. When Murtala and I came into government (in 1975), we brought it back.

“The Americas saw that there was a possibility of Nigeria being Africa’s leader and we were on the way. When I was military head of state, President Jimmy Carter was the president of America, he would not do anything in Africa without informing us. They were not taking permission from us but they would tell us that ‘we are doing this.’”

Obasanjo spoke the truth. I, young me, witnessed a very promising Nigeria while growing up. We had leaders who were every inch leaders. Even those who had no degrees showed transparent learning and knowledge. But, that was Nigeria of yesterday. Today’s leaders have degrees; how many of them have education?

Our global stature has diminished and it keeps diminishing. We can pretend all we want and talk tough. We are not in a good place. Religious extremists and terrorists wield their rods of fear to whip us out of life. Schooled men who can’t build schools and populate the schools. Learned men who live in fear of unlettered terrorists, and clerics who say and encourage ungodly things.

Mr Trump’s fast and furious option may sound like an affront but as one pop lyric line said, “she na like this we go dey dey?” Do we want things to remain like this? Are we all satisfied with the way things are, this portioned country, this broken state?

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Bandits snatch nursing mothers, abandon babies as violence escalates in Kano and Nasarawa

Terror struck Yan Kwada village in Faruruwa, Shanono Local Government Area of Kano State on Sunday night as armed bandits abducted five nursing mothers and rustled about 50 cows.

The attackers reportedly stormed the community around 9 p.m. on motorcycles, throwing away the women’s babies before whisking the mothers into the bush.

Residents said the infants were left crying helplessly as the bandits disappeared into the night.

Chairman of Faruruwa, Yahya Bagobiri, confirmed the attack and lamented the repeated assaults despite the presence of security personnel in the area.

He said the community had alerted security agencies earlier that day but received no immediate response before the assailants struck.

“One of the kidnapped women escaped, but four others are still missing,” Bagobiri said.

He warned that the unending attacks have forced many residents to flee their homes, leaving villages nearly deserted.

Bagobiri appealed to President Bola Tinubu, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, and security chiefs to send urgent reinforcements to prevent total collapse of local communities.

Two weeks earlier, troops reportedly killed 19 bandits in a raid around the same area but lost two soldiers in the operation.

Meanwhile, tragedy also struck in Nasarawa State where suspected bandits ambushed and killed three men in Doma Local Government Area on Monday morning.

The victims, identified as Tailor Gayu, Zacharia Wudu, and James Delle Iwala, were travelling to Atukpo community when the attackers struck.

Residents said the victims left home around 8 a.m. before being waylaid and murdered, with their motorcycle stolen.

Their bodies were later discovered by farmers heading to their fields.

A relative, Nathaniel Ajeh, described the killings as heartbreaking and urged security agencies to track down the perpetrators.

“They went out early, not knowing it would be their last day. The government must stop these senseless killings,” he said.

The attack occurred barely two days after Governor Abdullahi Sule vowed to clamp down on rising criminal activities across Nasarawa State.

Senator Elisha Abbo faces rape charge, Police say they found nude photos of women on his phone

The Nigeria Police Force has filed multiple criminal charges against a former senator, Elisha Abbo, accusing him of raping and sexually assaulting a 13-year-old schoolgirl.

The charges were lodged at the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, on October 30.

According to People’s Gazette, the Inspector General of Police’s legal team submitted a nine-count charge against the former Adamawa North lawmaker, who was removed from office by the Court of Appeal in October 2023.

The charges, according to court documents, border on rape, sexual molestation and other offences involving a minor.

The legal action follows a police investigation into the disturbing claims. Investigators said their findings provided sufficient evidence “to test the case in court.”

The alleged offence is based on the detailed testimony of the victim, a Junior Secondary School 3 (JSS3) student, who narrated what she said happened on Sunday, June 29.School supplies

Victim Says She Was Lured To Katampe Residence

According to her account, she was at home in Gwarimpa when her elder sister’s friend, identified as Nafisa Chigli, came to persuade her to accompany her to a relative’s house. The girl initially declined but later agreed.

They reportedly took a ride to a residence in Katampe Extension, where they were welcomed by Mr Abbo. The former senator allegedly collected their phones upon their arrival. She alleged that the lawmaker instructed Miss Chigli to give them some privacy before proceeding to molest her.

The 18-year-old Miss Chigli was told to wait in the bathroom adjoining Mr Abbo’s bedroom. According to the victim, after Miss Chigli left the room, Mr Abbo forcefully undressed her. She said she had been wearing a hijab, a kimono, and a two-piece outfit — all of which the senator allegedly removed.

The victim, in tears, recounted that Mr Abbo smothered her trembling, exposed body with unwanted kisses, ignoring her repeated pleas to “please, stop.” She added that the more she cried and resisted, the more aggressive and angry the former lawmaker became.

When questioned about whether he had engaged in anal penetration, she denied it, stating, “He did not enter,” as was done to her private parts.

She said he only dripped the baby oil on her anal region and rubbed his private parts on it against her protests. The victim alleged that Mr Abbo poured a white substance on her genital area while whispering strange words.

She said, “When I kept telling him to stop, he said I should keep quiet and call him daddy,” adding that all her attempts to push him off of her only enraged him as he threatened to “go deeper and hurt me” if she continued to fight him.

The victim told The Gazette in tears, “He was on me and I was trying to like …push him, but he kept telling me that if I removed his hand, he would go deeper and hurt me. After a while, he was jerking off, and something white was coming out of him.”

The minor alleged that Abbo raped her and threatened to kill her and her family if she disclosed the incident to anyone.

Her account, along with the police findings, formed the basis for the charges brought against Abbo, who has strongly denied the allegations but must now prove his innocence in court.

Abbo stated that the minor accompanied a relative of his to his house and that they did not stay long. He admitted sending the minor ₦50,000 for “ice cream” via her father’s driver’s account and said he sent the same amount to Miss Chigli.

The former senator accused the two of stealing his wife’s gold earrings and necklace on June 30, the day after their visit, but both denied the claim.

He reported the alleged theft to the Dawaki Police Station on July 16.

Abbo also transferred ₦200,000 to the minor after she informed him about her birthday party. Police reviewed his WhatsApp chats and confirmed the minor had requested money to celebrate her 14th birthday.

He further alleged that Zainab Mohammed, the minor’s mother, began tarnishing his reputation with false accusations and demanded ₦5 million to stop making the claims.

He said he refused, arguing that paying would imply guilt. According to him, his refusal angered Ms Mohammed, who subsequently escalated the matter to the police.

The Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) seized Abbo’s Tecno Spark 40 phone for forensic examination.

While they found adult nude images downloaded from the internet, none belonged to the minor, as alleged by Ms Mohammed and former Senator Bima, the victim’s father.

Analysis of the phones belonging to Miss Chigli and her mother also produced no evidence supporting the rape allegation.

The police noted that the complainant, the minor’s mother, refused to submit her daughter’s phone for investigation.

However, a criminal investigation was initiated against Abbo to thoroughly examine the matter.

“There is a need to test this case in the court of law, as this will go a long way to satisfy the curiosity of the society,” the police stated in the report signed by Rita Emesim Oyintare, Deputy Commissioner of Police (Gender) at the FCID.

“That you, Senator Ishaku Elisha Abbo of Katampe Extension, Abuja, on or about 29th June, 2025, within the jurisdiction of this honourable court, did an illegal act, to wit, threat to life, when you threatened one and raped her without her consent,” read as the fifth count in the police case against the former lawmaker.

Video: Minister Wike in war of words with soldier over alleged land grabbing

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory FCT, Nyesom Wike, on Monday stormed Plot 1946 in Gaduwa District, Abuja, following reports that soldiers had taken over the disputed parcel of land allegedly linked to a former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Awwal Zubairu Gambo (retd).

Speaking during the unscheduled visit, Wike expressed anger that government officials from the FCT Department of Development Control were chased away from the site by armed soldiers while attempting to enforce a stop-work order earlier issued by his office.

The soldiers had blocked entry into the plot with a truck and physically prevented the minister who had tried to make his way in.

Wike said the incident was brought to his attention after the FCT authorities discovered that the developers had no valid documents or legal approval for the property.

“You are aware that the land departments and Development Control have been mandated to monitor illegal developments and land grabbing in the FCT.

“When this matter was brought to my attention, I directed that nothing should take place on that plot since there were no legal documents or urban regional approvals. Unfortunately, I was informed that soldiers chased our officials away”, he said.

Wike said he was surprised to learn that the soldiers allegedly acting on the instructions of the former Naval Chief had taken over the property.

“I don’t understand how someone who once occupied such a high office cannot come to the FCT Minister to explain his situation but instead uses soldiers to intimidate people. I am not one of those who will succumb to blackmail or intimidation”, he added.

According to him, when development control officials asked for the necessary land documents and building approvals, none were produced.

“How can we continue to allow lawlessness to prevail in this country? What about those who do not have the military or security forces to protect them?” Wike queried.

The Minister condemned any attempt to use security operatives to frustrate legitimate government enforcement actions, stressing that such behaviour would not be tolerated under his watch.

He disclosed that he had already spoken with the Chief of Defence Staff and the Chief of Naval Staff, who assured him that the matter would be resolved amicably.

“We are not here for confrontation or to cause chaos, but I will not allow illegality to thrive. The same way we enforce the law in other parts of Abuja is the same way we will do here. No one, not even a former Chief of Naval Staff, is above the law,” Wike declared.

The FCT Administration had in recent months intensified efforts to curb land racketeering and illegal developments across the territory, with several high-profile properties already demolished for noncompliance with planning regulations.

Four Nigerians in UK, others bag 55-year jail for robbery

Four Nigerians who were part of a phone-robbery syndicate terrorising the London metropolis have been sentenced to a combined jail term of 55 years by a Kingston Crown Court in the United Kingdom.

PUNCH Metro learnt this in a statement obtained from the UK Metropolitan Police website on Monday.

According to the statement, the convicts include David Akintola, Ayomide Olaribiro, Olabiyi Obasa, and David Okewole.

Others are James Adodo, Robert Hills, Nelson Joel, Michael Babo, Mushtakim Miah, and Laville Bloise.

The statement noted that between September and November 2024, the syndicate carried out 13 phone-robbery operations across different stores in the UK.

It continued, “The group targeted mostly EE stores, using threats of violence to force staff to open secure stock rooms before making off with high-value mobile phones and other devices. In total, they stole items with a total value of £240,000.

“Officers were able to link suspects to the scenes of the crimes through DNA evidence, as well as call data and vehicle records. They observed the group as they prepared for further offences, and on November 19, 2024, officers moved in to arrest four of the men in the act at an EE shop in Kilburn.

“Searches at addresses linked to the suspects led to the recovery of stolen devices and further evidence connecting the group to the robberies.”

The statement noted that the 10 suspects arrested in the operation were charged in court, and eight pleaded guilty to conspiracy to rob on January 30.

The statement noted that following their guilty plea, they were sentenced on Friday 7 November.

It highlighted their jail terms as follows: “James Adodo of St Martins Road, Dartford, Kent, was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment. David Akintola of Samuel Street, Woolwich, was sentenced to six years and six months’ imprisonment.

“Michael Babo of Gilbert Close, Woolwich, was sentenced to six years and 10 months’ imprisonment. Robert Hills of Mayfield Road, Gravesend, Kent, was sentenced to five years and three months’ imprisonment.

“Ayomide Olaribiro of Warrior Square, Manor Park, was sentenced to four years and six months’ imprisonment. Nelson Joel of St Martins Road, Dartford, Kent, was sentenced to three years and three months’ imprisonment.

“Olabiyi Obasa of Norfolk Close, Dartford, Kent, was sentenced to three years and six months’ imprisonment. David Okewole of Vale Road, Northfleet, Kent, was sentenced to seven years and six months’ imprisonment.”

The statement noted that two other defendants pleaded guilty to attempted robbery and were sentenced accordingly.

“Laville Bloise of Goldcrest Close, Thamesmead, was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, suspended for two years.

“Mushtakim Miah of Artillery Place, Woolwich, was sentenced to eight years and six months’ imprisonment,” it added.

This latest case comes amid increasing reports of Nigerians abroad being convicted for criminal offences.

PUNCH Metro reported last Wednesday that a Nigerian postgraduate student living in the United Kingdom, Chiemka Okoronta, will be deported following his 10-year jail term after being found guilty of raping a teenage girl.

14-year imprisonment for randy lecturers

By Tribune Editorial Board

A powerful and unequivocal statement against sexual harassment and exploitation in Nigeria’s tertiary academic institutions was made by the Senate last week when senators approved a legislation prescribing up to 14 years in prison for lecturers who sexually harass students. The introduction of the somewhat stiffer punishment will hopefully put paid to the application of the variants of punishment contained in the extant sanction grid, which have proved incapable of reining in the ignoble activities of randy lecturers in the ivory towers.

It can be imagined, for instance, how ineffective a deterrence it is to sentence a professor to a two-year jail term for committing the criminal breach of trust and abuse of power which sexual harassment constitutes. When signed into law by President Bola Tinubu, the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, will mark the beginning of a serious and genuine fight against sexual exploitation in tertiary institutions.

This is a serious menace that verges on betrayal of trust and abuse of power, which hitherto was neither accorded the attention it deserves by the gatekeepers in and outside of the tertiary institutions, nor frontally attacked with commensurate sanctions on the perpetrators.

Nonetheless, it is evident that the author of the bill, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele (APC, Ekiti Central), who is also the Senate Leader, has a full grasp of the enormity of the challenge at hand as he proposed provisions in the Act to address what constitutes impediments in the way of justice for victims of sexual harassment in tertiary institutions and how to lawfully circumvent the obstacles.

According to him, the bill seeks to dismantle a “culture of coercion and silence” that has eroded trust between educators and students. He stressed further that the legislation is crafted to “protect students from all forms of sexual misconduct and abuse within academic environments,” while enshrining respect for human dignity and ethical standards in teaching. He added: “This law safeguards the sanctity of the student-educator relationship built on authority, dependency and trust. It ensures that no educator ever uses that trust as a weapon of exploitation again.” Under the new Act, educators convicted of sexual harassment face a minimum of five years and up to 14 years imprisonment, with no option of fine.

It is also interesting that the Act has removed the excuse of lascivious lecturers who would always falsely claim to have a steady and consensual relationship with their victims. It removes the defence of consent, stating: “It shall not be a defence that a student consented to the act. Only a legally recognised marriage between both parties may serve as an exception.” This provision has effectively dismantled the usual hiding place for randy and irresponsible lecturers. However, there would appear to be a dilemma.

The provision in the new Act that seeks to recognise formal marriage as the only form of romantic relationship that could exist between lecturers and their students would seem to infringe on the rights and freedom of both parties to associate and be romantically involved without necessarily signing the dotted lines. On the surface, what the Act outlaws is sexual harassment; it does not seem to mean that educators and students cannot engage in romantic relationships. But what happens if a voluntary romantic relationship between a lecturer and his student goes awry, and the student mischievously reports sexual harassment to the authorities? The lecturer may find it difficult to prove consent in order to exonerate himself. After all, the usual refrain is that a student is not in a position to consent to harassment. Thus, it may be wisdom in certain circumstances to forfeit certain freedoms for one’s greater good and/or peace of mind.

The preponderance of cases of sexual harassment in some of the country’s tertiary institutions underscores the imperative of a legislation with stiffer provisions that would appear to impact citizens’ freedom in a tolerable fashion. At the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), one Professor Richard Oladele was jailed for two years in 2018 for sexually harassing a female student. Also, three lecturers of the institution were dismissed in 2021 for sexual harassment. Again, in 2022, a professor in the Department of Linguistics and African Studies was investigated for sexual harassment. Similarly, at the University of Abuja, two lecturers were dismissed in July 2023 for sexual misconduct. The university has reportedly implemented measures to report and address sexual harassment.

The University of Calabar is also on the ignoble list, as Professor Cyril Ndifon, the Dean of the Faculty of Law, was suspended and is currently on trial for alleged sexual harassment. The University of Lagos is not left out: a lecturer was suspended for raping a 21-year-old student in 2023. Other institutions whose lecturers were found guilty of sexual harassment of female students include the Kogi State Polytechnic, where a lecturer was dismissed for harassing a female student in 2023, and Ambrose Alli University, which terminated the appointment of a lecturer for sexual harassment in 2023. There is also the Federal University, Lokoja, which announced the dismissal of four lecturers for sexual misconduct in 2024, and the Lagos State University of Science and Technology, where three lecturers were dismissed for sexual harassment in 2025.

The list is literally endless, and even at that, many believe that it pales into insignificance in comparison with the preponderance of cases of sexual harassment in higher institutions that go unreported or are swept under the carpet after being reported. It is only in a few cases where the victims are uncompromising or bold enough to come forward to lodge complaints about their violators and where the authorities of the institutions are willing to investigate that there are documented cases of sexual abuse. It is really terrible.

For many years, the student-lecturer relationship which is built on authority, dependency and trust has been tested and betrayed by unscrupulous lecturers, leading to significant compromise of academic freedom and excellence. We, therefore, welcome any legislation that promises to usher in an era of zero tolerance for the sex-for-grade scandals that have rocked many campuses of tertiary institutions for years. And we urge  President Tinubu to sign the bill into law as soon as legislative scrutiny on it is concluded by the National Assembly.

Rights group raises alarm, says 117 worshippers killed as 14 churches Fall to armed attacks in Enugu

A chilling report has revealed that at least 117 worshippers were killed in 14 separate church attacks across Enugu State between May 2021 and June 2025.

The International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety) disclosed that the assaults were carried out by armed jihadists, targeting mainly Anglican and Catholic churches in Eha-Amufu, Isiuzo Local Government Area.

According to the report, twelve Anglican and two Catholic churches were hit, leaving entire communities in mourning. Recovered bodies were said to have been buried locally after the raids.

Among the most devastating incidents was the attack on Holy Trinity Anglican Church, Mgbuji, in May 2021, where 25 worshippers were killed. Another in January 2022 at St. Paul’s Anglican Church, Ogbete, claimed 40 lives.

Other churches affected include St. Barnabas, Ngene Aguiyi; St. Michael and All Angels, Okpurigwu; and Christ Church, Onumgba, with varying numbers of casualties. The most recent attacks in June 2025 at Our Saviour’s Iyi-Asaa and St. Paul’s Ikpakpara claimed 29 lives combined.

Intersociety Chairman Emeka Umeagbalasi, alongside a team of human rights lawyers, stated that many residents fled the affected communities between 2021 and 2024. Church services reportedly resumed only under heavy security in 2025, while some parishes remain deserted.

The organisation warned that the South-East is facing a growing threat from armed Fulani jihadists allegedly occupying more than 950 forest locations across 800 communities in the region.

It also accused the South-East governors of ignoring the escalating infiltration, saying their denial of armed herders’ presence endangers both religious and rural communities.

Meanwhile, Enugu State Commissioner of Police, Mamam Bitrus Giwa, announced that over 5,000 suspected criminals, including kidnappers, murderers, and cultists, had been arrested between March and September 2025.

Giwa said 113 kidnapped victims were rescued within the same period through intelligence-led operations, raids, and tactical surveillance.

He assured residents that security forces remain committed to keeping Enugu safe for citizens, investors, and visitors.

However, with churches under siege and villagers still fleeing for safety, many fear the crisis is far from over.

The plot to take over Nestoil/Neconde’s interest in OML 42 unravels

Fresh controversy has erupted over the far-reaching orders granted by Justice Dehinde Dipeolu of the Federal High Court, Lagos, which froze the bank accounts, shares, and assets of Nestoil Limited and its affiliates in a high-stakes debt recovery suit involving unverified claims exceeding $1.01 billion and N430 billion.

In a ruling on an ex parte motion dated October 15, 2025, and filed on October 20, Justice Dipeolu issued sweeping orders restraining Nestoil Limited, Neconde Energy Limited, and other Nestoil affiliates from operating their bank accounts or dealing with funds, shares, or assets held in any Nigerian financial institution.

At the centre of the storm is Neconde Energy Limited, which has faulted its inclusion in the Mareva and receivership orders obtained by FBNQuest Merchant Bank Limited and First Trustees Limited, describing the orders as wrongful, oppressive, and a clear case of judicial overreach.

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A response to the opinion “Nigerian Association of Law Teachers and the persistent disdain for its own business, objectives, and mandate” of Sylvester Udemezue – a creative diagnosis of self-manufactured maladies

By Bethel Uzoma Ihugba, PhD.

INTRODUCTION

It is obvious that the above opinion was authored from a place of love and altruism with the intent on improving service delivery of NALT. It is however, midwifed by palpable emotion resulting from a milieu of failure surrounding the education system, not just law teaching. After a careful reading of this opinion, I beg to differ 90 percent. This arises from the fact that a misdiagnosis no matter how well intended may cause more harm than the illness it sought to cure. The learned author’s opinion is a well-intended but erroneous diagnosis. This misdiagnosis therefore renders most of the prescriptions unfit.

The learned author set out with the argument that NALT is not meeting its objectives but ended up demonstrating that he has a different set of objectives for NALT. That is like setting a physics exam for your students and scoring them with a biology examination question marking scheme.

The question is whether NALT is meeting its objectives as set out in its Constitution? This is important as the author has also recognised that NALT has a constitutional mandate against which its success or failure should be evaluated. Any other criteria outside these mandates would be arbitrary, unfair and inaccurate. Unfortunately, this is essentially what the author did. I rely solely on the learned author’s list of NALTs constitutional objectives and mandates. He bears the blame for any mis-listing!

I now demonstrate my position below.

NOTE: This is different from whether the current Executive Officers (EXCO) of NALT have met their manifesto. Incidentally, the author did not explicitly make this point but at times conflated NALT with its EXCO. Though understandable, they are still two different entities. In other words, permit me to reiterate that my intervention is to the question raised by the learned author in relation to NALT, not its Executive Officers.

Having established this, let us take the NALT Objectives, as highlighted by the learned author, one after the other and assess whether or not they are “being” met. I choose “being” because we do not expect that it is resolved in one circle but that something significant is being done to meet the objectives.

OBJECTIVE ONE AND TWO: *To Promote Excellence in Law Teaching and Research and to enhance legal education and pedagogy.*

The conference and the opportunity to present papers which it offers, irrespective of topic, is a great opportunity for law teachers to promote excellence in law teaching and research by creating opportunities for participants to learn and teach best practices in legal research and teaching. It is an opportunity for law teachers to assess themselves while participating in the conference as presenters, discussants or audience. It enables them to know where they measure against best practice standards and contemporary discourse. It is an opportunity to know whether there is room for improvement or consolidation and to go ahead to achieve same. At the conference, individuals’ presentations are put to the test before an array of experts in different aspects of law. This means therefore that after a paper has undergone criticism, discussion and questioning, it will be shocking to say that no one learnt anything from the presentation. One must have either learnt a new thing or consolidated existing knowledge thus reassuring one that one is on the right track. If participants did any of these, then the objective of promoting excellence in law teaching and research would have been achieved.

To appreciate this, one should remember that many at times the discussion, including contributions from the discussants to questions and comments from the audience goes beyond the substantive argument in the paper presented to include issues of research methodology and teaching pedagogy. This therefore resolves promoting excellence in law teaching, research and teaching pedagogy.

OBJECTIVE THREE: *to foster academic collaboration among law teachers*

A careful examination of the practice for conducting the research and the presentation of papers at the NALT conference shows that it seeks to foster academic collaboration among law teachers. This can be seen from the practice of the allocation of papers to institutions instead of individuals. Whether law faculties and research institutions are taking advantage of this opportunity is a different issue for which NALT cannot be blamed. Topics are allocated to Faculties so that they go back and set up teams to complete the research. So if this is followed internal collaboration is encouraged. Then the appointment of universities and research institutes as discussants also meets the requirement for inter-faculty/inter-university collaboration. By being discussants, participants have the opportunity to provide further argument of the paper in areas not covered by the lead presenter, critique the paper, highlight its strengths beyond the observation of the lead presenter and suggest areas for improvement. If the observations of the discussants and audience are noted by both audience and lead presenter, knowledge would have been enriched through collaborative efforts. This is collaboration.

Also during the conference, conferees should be able to identify scholars in their areas of interests and develop a collaborative platform. For instance, I remember that at the NALT Conference a few years back, there were attempts to set up cohorts of experts in different areas of law: Constitutional Law, Tax Law etc. I joined constitutional law. Incidentally, things appear to have faded away. This is not NALTs doing. It is that of the individuals in those groups, I included. NALT created the environment and opportunity to foster academic collaboration among law teachers, it is our duty as individual law teachers to sustain it. Not necessarily NALT as an organisation.

NALT Conference is a great opportunity for individual scholars to network with others and co-author papers in reputable journals and carry out impact oriented empirical research in law. This will not be done by NALT or its executive officers but by individual members, the learned author, Sylvester Udemezue, included.

OBJECTIVE FOUR: To engage meaningfully with stakeholders on issues affecting the development, regulation, and quality of legal education in Nigeria

Now this is the area where 90 percent of the learned author’s assessment falls into. Incidentally, this cannot be assessed based on the conference alone. This should be a round the year engagement with necessary stakeholders. More importantly, it should be a year round implementation of extant NALT and Teaching regulations. Incidentally, some of the issues raised have extant laws and regulations which do not require NALT intervention. For instance examination malpractice should not be a role for NALT. It is both a criminal offence and against University regulations. Dissipating NALT energy on it will be committing the crime for which the author is accusing NALT. Brain drain among law teachers is not peculiar to NALT. As far as our shores are less green than the shore ten feet away, brains shall drain. The NALT conference cannot resolve it. This is a job that should be put squarely on the government. Well maybe, NALT will help put it there!

At best the conference can be an opportunity to harvest ideas for resolving pressing issues which are within NALTs mandate and capacity. For example NALT can mandate the EXCO to report progress or otherwise on tasks taken or allocated to them which directly affects all or any of the constitutional mandates of NALT. This can be done during the AGM. The tasks or issues can be drawn from communiques after each session of papers. Not necessarily so, but that is a good opportunity to identify pressing issues.

The question is are there issues peculiar to law teachers on this particular objective no 3 which are not being addressed. Should NALT go it alone? If I should rely on the learned authors list, then I would say that law teachers by participating in ASUU, churning out great scholarly and policy work are already working on meeting this objective. Can NALT do more and better? Yes it can and I will demonstrate below.

SOME WAYS TO DO MORE AND BETTER ON THE OBJECTIVES AND MANDATES

The assessment of NALT as showing *Persistent Disdain for its Own Business, Objectives, and Mandate* is incorrect. While NALT may not score A plus, it is far from showing persistent disdain! One can confidently, at the risk of sounding brazen, score NALT 65%. That is a B! While not an A, it is a recognition of its great achievements so far. Should NALT go for an A plus? Yes, it should and can with additional proactive strategy and hard work. I therefore humbly suggest the following:

1. To further meet its Objective One, NALT must ensure that uniform best practice is maintained in research and teaching. For instance, the NALT Manual on Legal Research, Basic Guide for Law Faculties and Legal Research Institutions in Nigeria (NALT BLUE BOOK) should be aggressively implemented and followed in all law faculties from LLB projects to PhD thesis and Journal publications. Also, law teachers should task themselves to read the guidelines and contact the Monitoring and Implementation Committee (of which I am a member) should areas for improvement be identified. The Committee can also be invited by faculties for sensitisation on the use of the Guideline, how to update the postgraduate school and how apply it within the law faculty etc.

2. The presentation opportunities during the conference should be taken more seriously. Cramming presentations into half the originally allocated time while rushing contributions undermines the process. Serious attempts should be made to follow allotted time and discussants given the opportunity to make their contributions. The same applies to responses from the audience.

3. Participating in the NALT conference as either discussant or lead presenter should be awarded marks, if not already done for promotion within the law faculties. It may also be necessary to introduce sanctions against universities that either fail to make their presentations or fail to appear as discussants. Discussants should be required to make written submissions which should be forwarded to the Conference Committee. We should all take it both as a privilege and duty.

4. The AGM should be an opportunity for NALT through its EXCO to present a progress report on issues tabled before it preceding NALT Conference or issues of direct concern to law teachers that happened within the year. This feedback loop will help put Law teachers in the loop and give law teachers better information to assess NALT performance against its mandates and objectives.

5. To further meet its Objective Three, NALT may explore proactive ways of opening opportunities for its fulfillment. For example, NALT may reassess its practice of allocating topics to universities and change it to listing out themes and allow universities to select themes and develop their own topic. This is more democratic and collaborative. It helps resolve the allegations of not creating space for law teachers’ oriented topics (including on issues of direct concern to law teachers), while avoiding the learned author’s erroneous attempt to impose transient topics on NALT Conference as “priorities”. This is important as the NALT conference is both academic and professional. It will give a better opportunity to contribute both academic and profession specific scholarly papers. This will allow faculties to submit papers that seek to resolve some specific NALT related challenges and from the faculties position of strength.

6. To benefit from this opening of spaces and identify areas to address for the year post the conference, there should be a secretariat for each conference session. The role of the secretariat amongst other things should be to harvest recommendations for possible action by the NALT leadership and identify recurring issues of concern. The practice of developing a communique upon which the EXCO or identified Committees could be mandated to resolve should be introduced.

7. At the AGM, one of the key agenda should be for the NALT leadership to report its success or failure to achieve previous conference resolutions and mandates as contained in the published communique. This will give participants an opportunity to suggest ways for resolving challenges the EXCO could not resolve. It will also provide further basis and standard for assessing the progress or otherwise of NALT.

8. NALT should introduce periodic newsletters and magazines. This will be a platform to update members of happenings and also an opportunity to invite members to make contributions on Law-Teacher-Specific concerns. This way, NALT or its EXCO does not have to wait for a whole year to identify issues of concern or harvest solutions to recurring or emerging concerns.

CONCLUSION
NALT is doing a great good that can be further enhanced. The promotion of the NALT Research and Reference Guidelines, the creation of platforms for presentation and discussion are some of its achievements. Through the NALT Blue Book Committee, NALT has established a uniform standard for conducting and assessment of scholarly research work in law faculties and research institutions. Although, and regrettably, this work is being fueled by the passion and persistence of individuals like Prof Emily Alemika, it is a great achievement for NALT. It addresses at least two of the constitutional mandates and objectives of NALT.

Making the third objective of NALT a daily target with members regularly updated via NALT newsletters and NALT Website is another way to go. NALT members need to know what is going on and how they can contribute. For example, the SANship debacle could be resolved via transparent and regular engagement even through periodic newsletters and NALT Magazines. We need to agree whether it is necessary to open up the SAN space for more academics or should lecturers be precluded from SANship. Should non-regular academics be precluded from Law Professorship? Should there be a choice of either Professorship or SANship with either attracting the same benefit for legal practice? Should SANship be by paid application or invitation upon merit? These are some questions I have heard law teachers raise and they can be resolved when the NALT Conference topic allocation is democratised and communique introduced. Also through regular engagement in NALT Newsletters and magazines.

Finally, most of the observations, for which we should be immensely grateful, by the learned author, Sylvester Udemezue, while they are germane to expanding opportunities for NALT fall short of a demonstration of NALT’s disdain for its objectives and mandate. Rather, they are a call or better, a set of recommendations for new perspectives. Until these new perspectives are adopted they do not qualify as standard for the measurement of NALTs success. I so humbly submit.

Dr Bethel Uzoma Ihugba is a Law Teacher, Scholar and the Coordinator, Centre for Advanced Executive Education Programme, National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies, National Assembly, Abuja.

He can be reached via 09037074135 [email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

TIPS