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Ali Baba and a midnight honour

By Suyi Ayodele

The celebrated British author, Jeffrey Archer, on July 4, 1993, published a bestseller titled Honour Among Thieves. The novel takes its roots from a phrasal pithy saying. The phrase, honour among thieves’, on the surface, underscores the fact that among dishonest and dishonourable people, there are sets of rules and principles which are considered sacrosanct, and all must respect.

A deeper analysis of the phrase takes us to the level where we understand that members of the underworld or those involved in one despicable act or the other always find a means to project one another in positive ways. This tendency is not limited to individuals or groups. Nations and international bodies on the various politico-economic divides of the world do such too. It is called group solidarity or fraternity in simple language.

Members of such groups or gangs usually find a convenient time to pay back an old favour to any member considered to have contributed to the entrenchment of the groups or gangs’ values. They do this through unmerited favours, national honours or unfettered access to the corridors of power. They are always together because of the values and vices alike they share together. There is a way our cradle minds described such a relationship.

Ornithological specimens of identical plumage invariably conglomerate to the nearest proximity! Pardon the pedantic pomposity of the lexicons. They are not mine, I swear. 

I first stumbled on the pseudo-scientific clause in one of our then secondary school English Language textbooks: “Essentials of English Language” by Olu Oladunjoye (I hope that is the correct author).

In the textbook, the author warns that expressions should be made simple. He says further that most students fail the English Language examination because they think that sounding bombastic impresses the examiners. Foul! What the author failed to realise then was that while those highfalutin jargons might not have impressed the examiners, our female counterparts rated and loved us based on how bombastic we were. Life and its numerous contrasts! Phew!

In my place, when a man speaks grandiloquently in the home of his in-laws, he is compelled to interpret the magniloquence. The simple meaning of the above tumid is birds of a feather flock together. The expression suggests that people with similar values, thisness or characteristics have the tendency to associate with and support one another. In any matter involving them, the sense of identification and solidarity is usually high.

This level of support and solidarity is found mostly among gangsters, the esoteric and men of the underworld, who do everything to watch one another’s back. In the Yoruba worldview of the initiates, members of the group, known as Awo, are more inclined to help people from the same group.

The awos do that so that the Ogberis (non-initiates) will not understand the secrets of the group or expose bona fide members to ridicule. The saying: Awo ní ún gbón awo ní ìgbónwó; tí awo ò bá gbón awo ní ìgbónwó, awo á té, awo á ya (The initiate supports another initiate otherwise, the intimate will be disgraced and the secret open), establishes that group solidarity more than any other aphorism.

Many underdeveloped countries of the world have been found to have done such in the past. For instance, two years ago (2024), the South Asian country of Sri Lanka was reported to have appointed a member of the notoriously criminal Ava Group as a ‘local mobilizer’ for the country’s major political party, the United National Party. By the appointment, the gang was granted unprecedented legitimacy for its criminal activities. This was just as members of the gang won major contracts awarded by the government.

In Indonesia during the New Order era of President Suharto (1966-1998), the concept of the preman (gangster or strongman) was a permanent feature of that era. Then, the line between crime and politics was completely obliterated and criminal gang members were beatified as “protectors of order” and were publicly recognised.

South Africa and Bangladesh have also had their shares of the perfidy through the South African car “spinning” concept; a euphemism for honour done to deceased gang members, and the Bangladesh military providing open cover for men of the underworld as they operate with crass impunity to the chagrin of decent members of the public.  

The Yoruba people have a philosophical expression for that kind of behaviour. They say:  Give me, I give you is what toad says at the riverbank (Bù fún mi, kíi unbùn fún e l’òpòló ún ké lódò). Could that ancient philosophy have informed the decision of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to confer on his Lebanese friend and business partner, Gilbert Chagoury, the second highest honour of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON)?

President Tinubu, had, in a letter addressed to Chagoury, stated: “In exercise of the powers vested in me under section 1(4) of the National Honours Act, 1, BOLA AHMED TINUBU, President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in recognition of your outstanding virtues and in appreciation of your services to our country, Nigeria, HEREBY award to you to have, and enjoy title, dignity and all the privileges of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) GIVEN at Abuja under my Hand and the Public Seal of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,”

A lot of questions have been raised about the GCON conferred on the Lebanese. The first of such posers is the secrecy of the conferment. Not a few people have wondered why Tinubu chose the cover of the night to honour his friend and business partner with the nation’s second highest National Honour.

Nigerians have watched either live or on their television sets, the fanfare involved when past honourees were awarded honours. Why the president elected to route this honour through the dark alley, reminiscent of the modus operandi of the nether regions, beats everyone’s imagination.

But more intriguing is the claims by Tinubu that Chagoury deserved the honour because of his “outstanding virtues and….services to our country, Nigeria.” The questions Nigerians are asking are: which values? Which services? When the idea of the honour was conceived, did the President take time to ask if the honouree’s character and personality meet the basic requirement of the National Honours Act No. 5 of 1964, which envisages that the honours will be conferred on Nigerians and other nationals who have rendered service “to the benefit of the nation.” What is the standing of Chagoury in the eyes of the average Nigerians? How beneficial has Chagoury been to Nigeria and its people?

Gilbert Chagoury, in the reckoning of many Nigerians, will be remembered as one man who collaborated with the expired Nigerian military Head of State and dictator, General Sani Abacha. The Lebanese, Nigerians will easily recall, ganged up with Abacha to steal Nigeria dry such that 28 years after the Kano-born soldier died, nations of the world are still repatriating money he stole from our patrimony.

Incidentally, and sadly enough, Chagoury remains one of the conduit pipes through which the late Abacha syphoned from the public till. The empirical evidence of how the Lebanese business partner of Tinubu ripped off this country are too palpable for him not to feel while considering the idea of a GCON honour on him.

Shortly after Abacha died on June 8, 1998, Chagoury returned an estimated $300m to the Nigerian Government. He turned in the huge amount of money to secure a soft-landing from prosecution for the crime of money laundering. Guess that is part of the ‘deserving’ “services” Chagoury rendered to Nigeria in Tinubu’s imagination!

The same Tinubu’s 2026 GCON honouree was, in 2000, prosecuted and convicted by the Swiss authorities in connection with laundering funds tied to Abacha’s regime. After his conviction, the Lebanese entered a plea bargain and agreed to forfeit the sum of $66 million to the Nigerian Government as part of a settlement! Do we ask President Tinubu if that is part of the “values” that qualified Chagoury for the GCON honour?

Again, in 2010, the United States Government Department of Homeland Security, arrested and detained Chagoury at the Teterboro Airport for over four hours, on the account that his name featured on the Department’s “no-fly list”, and later apologised to him. Eight years later, in 2018, the businessman and two other associates had to “resolve” a federal investigation into an alleged conspiracy to violate U.S. federal election laws.

How could President Tinubu, his handlers and members of the National Honours Awards Committee have missed the above negative activities of Chagoury to have honoured him with the national Honour of GCON. The painful aspect of the honour is that by the stroke of his pen, President Tinubu has added the name of Chagoury to those of respectable individuals like Queen Elizabeth II, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya and Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India. Nothing can be more insulting to the memories of those noble people!

Tinubu is an old Yoruba man. The tradition of the race forbids a younger individual to speak in parables when an elder is involved. Otherwise, I would have loved to ask the President if the saying of his age grade, to wit: Odigba ti o ba fi ore re han mi kii unto mo iri eniyan ti o je (Show me your friend and I will tell you the type of person you are), has no meaning to him. I say this because I find it implausible that despite the public outcry against the unholy alliance between Tinubu and Chagoury, our President carries on as if the people and their feelings don’t matter.

This is where the problem lies with those defending the unpardonable mistakes of the Tinubu administration. How they will successfully reconcile the fact that, while the people suspect the President of being light-fingered, the same man is always seen playing with a kid in dark places of the village, will be the eight wonder of this epoch. The noise of how Tinubu awarded the controversial Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway contract to Chagoury’s company has not died yet.

The alleged involvement of Seyi Tinubu, the President’s son in the Board of Directors of the Chagoury Group is still raging. The embarrassment that Chagoury chaperoned Tinubu on his ‘official visit’ to France is something that haunts Nigeria to date. Now, the one on whose behalf his aides and hangers-on embark on dry fast relishes tree-square meals daily. Rather than being sober, the President has decided to list a man whom the entire sane comity of nations avoids among the Hall of Honour of Nigeria.

Granted, Chagoury has chains of businesses in Nigeria. Given that he is a long-time business partner and friend of the President, and they run shows together. However, his antecedents, especially, his involvement in money laundering activities in Nigeria, should be enough reasons why Mr. President ought to be more politic in this particular choice.

Conferring the GCON honour on Chagoury leaves us with no option than to conclude that President Tinubu is giving life to the ancient bon mot of our ages to wit: Ìdí igi ni igi ùn wó ewé sí (the leave sheds its leaves by its trunk). It is nothing but fidelity to gangsterism! It stinks, very badly, too!

In case the President is too busy to know: National Honours are given to those who merit them without any blemish. Gilbert Chagoury, by all standards, does not number among them. Like our elders are wont to say: Oníbàjé ò mo’ra, akówó ojú ebo ò mo l’ólè (The badly-behaved lacks discretion, the one who takes the deity money doesn’t consider it theft). I hate to think that our President is a bad combo of the two proverbial individuals!

If President Tinubu does not know, we owe him the responsibility of telling him that Gilbert Chagoury, with his nauseous antecedents, as a holder of the Nigerian honour of the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), is one insult too many from this administration. Nothing but a reversal of the absurdity will take the edge off the people!

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

NBA–SPIDEL repositions public interest law as Nigeria’s democratic guardrail

At a time when Nigeria’s democratic institutions are under mounting strain, the Nigerian Bar Association’s Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA–SPIDEL) has moved to reclaim what it describes as the law’s most critical function: serving as the country’s democratic guardrail.

That was the central thrust of a three-day Strategy Workshop and Executive Committee Meeting held in Abuja, where senior lawyers, human rights advocates and development partners confronted the growing gap between constitutional promises and lived reality—marked by insecurity, shrinking civic space, and declining public trust in state institutions.

The message emerging from the sessions led by the NBA–SPIDEL Chairperson, Assoc. Prof. Uju Agomoh was unequivocal: public interest law is not a peripheral advocacy tool, but the stabilising framework that holds democracy in place when politics falters.

Law as the Last Line of Democratic Defence

Opening the workshop, NBA President Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN, underscored the responsibility of the legal profession in moments of national fragility, warning that when institutions fail, the burden of accountability often shifts to the courts, civil society and principled legal actors.

Participants noted that Nigeria’s current trajectory—characterised by selective law enforcement, executive overreach and citizen helplessness—has elevated public interest litigation from a specialist practice into a national necessity.

From Visibility to Democratic Relevance

While SPIDEL has historically played a decisive role in rights protection and institutional reform, the workshop acknowledged that influence alone is insufficient if it is not continuously asserted in the public domain.

Facilitators stressed that silence by credible legal institutions allows distortions to harden into accepted truth, weakening democratic norms over time. As such, communication was framed not as publicity, but as a constitutional duty.

This reframing placed SPIDEL’s media strategy in its proper context: as a support system for democratic defence, not a branding exercise.

Explaining What the Law Means for Democracy

Under the revised strategy, SPIDEL will move beyond reactive commentary toward agenda-setting—interpreting national events through the lens of constitutionalism, separation of powers and human rights obligations.

Rather than asking merely what happened, SPIDEL aims to clarify what it means for democratic governance.

Success, participants agreed, would be measured not by media mentions, but by whether journalists, citizens and policymakers instinctively turn to public interest law for authoritative framing during moments of crisis.

Building Capacity to Hold the Line

To sustain this guardrail role, the workshop endorsed structural reforms including strengthened governance codes, communication discipline and internal accountability mechanisms—recognising that democratic credibility begins with institutional integrity.

Initiatives such as coordinated member engagement, rapid legal response systems and human-centred legal explanations were adopted as tools to ensure that constitutional principles are defended swiftly, clearly and consistently when threatened.

Development partners, including the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), reiterated the importance of independent legal voices in policing reform, peacebuilding and accountability frameworks—areas where democratic erosion often begins quietly.

The Guardrail, Not the Spotlight

By the close of the workshop, SPIDEL’s leadership was clear-eyed about its role in Nigeria’s democratic ecosystem. It is not to dominate headlines, but to prevent democratic freefall—often before the damage becomes irreversible.

As one closing remark captured the mood: “When public interest law is weak, democracy has no brakes.”

A Call to Action: Let’s get it right, Ụmụ Igbo! 🌟

By Kachi Okezie, Esq.

The response to the New York Times story has been, let’s be honest, a bit all over the place 😅. We’ve seen everything from angry tweets to passionate op-eds, but what’s missing is a unified, strategic approach. It’s time to get our ducks in a row and show the world we mean business! 💪

Here’s a guide to help us do just that:

Responding to the New York Times Story: A Guide for Ụmụ Igbo

The recent New York Times article has sparked outrage among Igbo people, with allegations of bias and bigotry. Here’s a guide on how to respond:

  • Understand the Context: The article is seen as part of a larger narrative of marginalization and stereotyping of Igbo people. Be aware of the historical context and how similar stories have been used to perpetuate negative stereotypes.
  • Fact-check and Verify: Before responding, verify the facts presented in the article. Look for credible sources and evidence to support or contradict the claims.
  • Respond, Don’t React: Craft a thoughtful response addressing the issues raised. Focus on the facts and avoid inflammatory language.

Channels for Complaint

Examples of Successful Complaints

  • In 2019, a complaint against CNN led to an apology and retraction of a false report on Nigeria.
  • In 2020, a complaint against Al Jazeera resulted in a correction and apology for a biased report.

Key Points to Emphasise

  • The article perpetuates negative stereotypes and bias against Igbo people.
  • The story lacks credible sources and evidence.
  • The Nigerian government is accused of using taxpayer money to plant fake stories.

Sample Response
“Dear @nytimes, I am writing to express concern about your recent article. The story lacks credible sources and perpetuates negative stereotypes about Igbo people. I request a correction and apology. Sincerely, [Your Name]”

Stay United
Share your responses on social media using hashtags like #IgboLivesMatter and #StopHateSpeech. Encourage others to speak out against bias and misinformation.

Seek Support
Reach out to Igbo organisations and advocacy groups for support and guidance.

Let’s work together to promote accurate representation and challenge bias. 🙏🏾

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Where is Sadio Mane in your team?

By Martins Oloja

Morocco, the host of the just concluded Africa Cup of Nations, (AFCON 2025) has continued to receive rave reviews over what has been generally noted as provision of world-class facilities. Even Gianni Infantino, president of FIFA, couldn’t hide his praise for Morocco’s role as the host of the AFCON 2025, highlighting the country’s organisational excellence and world-standard football infrastructure.

In an interview with Al Sharq Sports on the sidelines of the World Sports Summit in Dubai, Infantino described Morocco as a “great country and a wonderful host” for the championship. Specifically, the Italian FIFA boss spoke on the quality of the stadiums and facilities prepared for the tournament, stating that the infrastructure in Morocco is “amazing” and reflective of a nation capable of hosting continental and even global football’s premier events. He concluded that Morocco has joined the global football elites. He wasn’t exaggerating. As the North African country has been also been preparing for the 2030 World.Cup as a co-host, Morocco renovated and also constructed new stadiums in cities like Rabat, Casablanca, Tangier, Agadir, Marrakech, and Fez, which have all been commended for meeting and often exceeding international standards.Besides, the high-quality hybrid pitches have been specifically noted by players and coaches, including Senegal’s IdrissaGanaGueye and Mali’s Tom Saintfiet.

What is more, the quality at issuein Morocco extends beyond the stadiums to overall infrastructure, including hotel accommodations, transport logistics and security. Organisers also noted systems inspired by major world events, such as dedicated World Cup-style base camps for all 24 teams and high-speed rail links between host cities, a first for AFCON.

As a result, delegates, fans, leaders of football federations, sports journalists and experts and supporter clubs have highlighted the warm Moroccan hospitality and professional organisation, contributing to a positive and vibrant tournament atmosphere.

What is more interesting, Morocco is seen to have also raised the bar for sport broadcasting with technical innovations like spidercams, drone cameras and fully centralised audiovisual production, providing an enhanced viewing experience for a record number of international broadcasters. Training centres are different from stadiums and are equipped with modern facilities.

For example, there have been reports that the MAS Fès training centre, where the Super Eagles were domiciled before moving to Marrakech for their quarterfinal match against Algeria, represents one of Morocco’s deepest advantages at the Africa Cup of Nations. The centre is a reflection of permanent football infrastructure designed for daily excellence, not occasional spectacles. The pitches are firm, well-drained and consistently match-ready. Rain does not disrupt sessions. Players train at full intensity without fear of injury. Recovery spaces are close, functional and professionally managed. Tactical rooms sit just a few steps from the pitch.

Nothing in Morocco for the AFCON is accidental. More important, the environment is controlled, not so invasion-prone without provocations such as happened during the final between Senegal and Morocco.

As observed by a Nigerian journalist, “while many countries still treat tournaments as temporary events — borrowing facilities, improvising logistics, and overusing match stadiums — Morocco treats tournaments as extensions of an already-functioning football ecosystem”.

All told, the Confederation of African Football designated 24 base camps across Moroccan cities, assigning every participating nation a dedicated training ground — another first by Morocco.

The quality of the facilities has understandably helped teams to their full potentials. According to SegunOdegbami, a Super Eagles legend, the facilities might have helped the Nigerian team which struggled for performance at home in Uyo to play seamlessly, getting the desired results.

Talking of the round of 16 win against Mozambique, Odegbami said; “What was it that made the difference for a group of great players that have not been able, for some years, to find their rhythm as a team, and have been struggling to win even the easiest of matches on home soil?

The answer isn’t too far to seek. There are several other factors contributing to some scintillating performances in Morocco, so far, but the single most important but least acknowledged, is the exquisite playing surface.

You read reports such as this: “Morocco has invested in constructing part of the best football pitches in the world – lush green, perfectly flat, manicured grass fields that provide the surface for the best players in the world to showcase their skills and play their best football.These pitches are all over Morocco. They do not have or tolerate a single patch of an uneven grass surface, making every move and every pass a work of art.That’s what the Uyo Township Stadium lacks. It is the ‘best’ facility in Nigeria, but from close examination it is a planet away from what AFCON 2023 in Cote D’Ivoire and AFCON 2025 in Morocco offer”.

The legend challenged Nigeria sports authorities to take the bull by the horn and ensure that the right facilities and set of people are in place. His words that should not be disregarded by sport powers and principalities in Nigeria:

“Nigeria should now take the bull by the horn, remove the wool from her face, get rid of pretenders that do not know why they should invest in constructing the best grass surfaces in all the major stadia around Nigeria, with a maintenance regimen that will sustain it.”

Morocco’s sports infrastructure revolution goes beyond the 2025 Cup of Nations as it was not a coincidence that the country has bailed out CAF on several occasions. Morocco recently turned a new hosting bride for the continent after it was awarded the hosting of the just concluded festival, making it the first time any country would be staging the biannual championship for three consecutive times.

That is why analysts have noted that Nigeria should learn significant lessons from Morocco’s approach to hosting the Africa Cup of Nations, which primarily centered on long-term strategic planning, institutional strength and a business-minded approach to sports development.

Another lesson: Morocco is leveraging the epic event to promote itself as a top travel destination. It has implemented specific measures to encourage visitors and expects a significant influx of fans. 

For AFCON 2025, Morocco reportedly issued e-visas through the Yalla App free for all travellers to the tournament to ease entry. Additionally, visa-free travel agreements were established with some countries (like Ghana) to further boost fan participation.The initiative is part of a broader national strategy to use high-profile sporting events to build lasting confidence in Morocco’s tourism sector and enhance its global visibility. 

Speaking on the development, Sunday Oliseh, former Super Eagles captain and coach, praised the North African country, reeling what they had achieved through sustained sports development. His weighty words:

“You see, they have built infrastructure, they have set up a strategy. One thing that is very clear in Morocco is accountability and responsibility. The country is pushing forward, and they are now Africa’s number one team.

They were the first African nation to get to the semi-finals of the World Cup. They were bronze medalists at the last Olympics. They came third. They would have won it, but they lost to the eventual winners, Spain, in the semi-finals.

Oliseh continued: “When you look at it from every direction, Morocco has built infrastructure. They have a strategy. They have decided on a playing style. They have set up a wage system. Their male teams are doing well, and in the African Champions League, Moroccan clubs are dominant.They are winning trophies. They just won the Under-20 — a trophy we have never won. That tells you that being organised is not un-African. Moroccans are Africans. South Africans are Africans. So, we also just have to decide as a race that this is what we need to do, for the benefit of the people…Because of what King Mohammed VI did and the structures they built, there is now an industry employing millions of Moroccans. It is a football industry…This football thing is not just fun or going to the viewing centre. No. Football is job creation. If youths are not put into industries like sports, they will do wrong things.”

Oliseh concluded that such can actually happen in Nigeria with deliberate planning:“If we plan and do the right thing, we can leverage sports to advance our youths…Our population is youth-populated. If anyone doubts that Nigerian youths are talented, look at our music and entertainment industry. When youths are allowed to set up their own businesses, we excel so much that even artists from the United States are begging to collaborate with Nigerian artists.I am optimistic because all we have to do is get it right. Everything is already there. We are like a bomb waiting to explode — but in the right direction”.

Meanwhile, there are so many leadership lessons from the Morocco 2025 that should go beyond the realms of entertainment and tourism. I think Nigerian leaders at all levels including the sport sector’s should swallow their pride and vanity and learn from the national culture, which culminated into dynamic capabilities of Morocco in the just concluded AFCON 2025. The first point Nigerian leaders should bear in mind before shifting their responsibility to their followers is that ‘everything rises and falls on leadership’ as John Maxwell has simplified.

Sadio Mane’s leadership during the AFCON 2025/26 final was truly inspiring. He showed that you don’t need a title to be a leader. When his teammates walked off the pitch in protest, Mane stood still, seeking advice from former coach Claude Le Roy, and then persuaded them to return. His calmness and sense of responsibility saved the game from descending into chaos that would have been reproachful to his country and African football.

Mane’s actions embodied the spirit of football and its values. The former Liverpool super star prioritised the integrity of the game and his country’s reputation over winning at all costs. His leadership went beyond the pitch, as he appealed for calm from furious fans and emphasised the importance of respecting the game, the finesse the Senegalese coach and his entire coaching staff missed in a fit of anger. This remarkable display of leadership has drawn comparisons to Robin Sharma’s ‘The Leader Who Had No Title’. Mane’s influence and selflessness have made him a hero in Senegal, and his legacy will extend far beyond this tournament.

Let’s explore further the fact that Sadio Mane’s leadership raises important questions for African elites and citizens. When will they take leadership positions without waiting for titles or appointments? When will Nigerian leaders and managers prioritise selflessness and calmness in crisis, like Mane did during the AFCON final?

Doubtless, many African leaders on all fronts often face criticism for prioritising power and self-interest over the greater good. Mane’s example challenges them to rethink their approach to leadership and management.

This development has provoked a useful question: ‘Where is the Sadio Mane in your team?In the world of leadership, titles are often seen as a prerequisite for influence. However, Sadio Mane’s remarkable display of leadership, in this regard has challenged this notion.

Here is the thing, as we reflect on Mane’s exemplary leadership, we must ask ourselves: What are we doing to inspire and motivate our teams and people in despair? Are we prioritising the greater good, or are we focused on personal gain? Are we willing to take risks and challenge the status quo? The Sadio Mane you need in your team is not just a person; it’s a mindset. It’s a willingness to lead, to take charge, and to put others first. It’s a commitment to excellence, integrity, and selflessness.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The latest FG-ASUU agreement

MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE writes that if properly implemented, the new pact between the government and university lecturers can come to fruition.

Pardon my passion, please. In only three and half years, this is the seventh time I’m writing on the difficult relationship between the government and the major umbrella organisation of Nigeria’s public university academics in my column. “Pick Your Fights, ASUU Members”, “Nigerian Public Universities’ Limbo Moment”, “ASUU and Two Super Ministers”, “Before the Next ASUU Strike”, “Who Will Save Our Public Universities Now?” and “This Recurring FG-ASUU Tango” were my humble interventions in the protracted transgenerational crises bent on sabotaging the achievements and prospects of Nigerian universities, particularly the publicly-owned ones.

As stated elsewhere, it’s hard for me to ignore this educational component, having obtained all my degrees from two federal universities and now privileged to teach in one of them. The last article, Tango, published in September last year, ended thus: “One can only hope that fatigue hasn’t set in. Like some of the administrations before it, the government of President Bola Tinubu is yet to exhibit sincerity of purpose in this regard. Time has come for the lecturers to prioritise their own personal concerns and stop acting like godfathers of the citadels of learning. At a time when the very survival of Academic Staff Union of Union of Universities (ASUU) members is in jeopardy, doing otherwise would be senseless.”

Like many other watchers, I seemed to have reached my own wit’s end on the matter and had probably concluded that no positive or mutually agreed terms could be sealed by both sides and that Tinubu’s administration would most likely continue with the way of its predecessors: wrestle the lecturers to the ground, further demonise them in the estimation of students, their parents and guardians, and, indeed, the generality of Nigerians. There still isn’t any extraordinary action that warrants drumbeating at present; but there are now some reasons for optimists to work with. The country has witnessed too many near-compromises and bungled solutions to go into any jubilation which might prove premature.

Even then, the federal government is upbeat about what it claims is its glamour moment. Education minister, Dr Tunji Alausa, has just announced a new deal with ASUU and declared that it signalled a “historic turning point” in the much-canvassed rejuvenation of the nation’s universities, particularly the public ones. Now, should it be denied the right to congratulate itself?

Those who have cause to doubt the authenticity of the nascent peace between the government and university dons can hinge their attitude on the chequered journey leading to this unfolding denouement. In contention is the implementation of the agreement mutually entered into in 2009 by the employer and its perennially aggrieved workers. Designed to be reviewed every three years, 2012 came and went without the expected actions. For the lecturers, the instrument they had hoped would ensure sanity in the ivory towers had become a dream deferred. The document quickly became an albatross on successive administrations and a reference point to the aluta-minded leaderships of ASUU to continue with the struggle. On Agreement 2009 they’ve all stood! Unyielding. Unbending. Unsmiling.

In five years alone, from 2017 to 2022, renegotiation committees headed separately by Dr Wale Babalakin, Prof. Munzali Jibril and Prof. Nimi Briggs were instituted to resolve the stubborn issues. Yet, no tangible results. And then the Alhaji Yayale Ahmed committee came on board in October 2024 which produced the consensus that has now been adopted 14 months after. If, and only if, genuine commitment is invested and displayed here, especially by the government – clearly the more powerful party – the benefits would be truly profound and far-reaching. Tinubu and his team can then proudly own the glory for defeating the devils that have displaced for too long a healthy teaching and learning environment in a most critical aspect of the nation’s life.

The details of this accord appear cool. Relatively, that is. One way to remain happy is to avoid doing a naira to dollar calculation as it affects your purchasing power. I won’t forget the day I had breakfast in Paris some years ago worth 53 euros and remained very hungry afterwards. As I converted that figure to my own beloved currency in my angry mind, I endured the exercise with sadness to match. So, knowing, for instance, that professors will, beginning from this month, earn additional N140,000 monthly for research-related expenditures or that all categories of the teaching staff have landed 40 percent salary increment could be rubbished if strictly viewed through forex lenses and the current pitiful weight of the naira. And, of course, these increases aren’t enough for family members and hangers-on to readjust their own expectations. But then, what is happening is remarkable, also considering the other packages that border on welfare.

This, no doubt, is the way to go. A path characterised by the sincere desire of all stakeholders to pursue enhanced morale, improved productivity, and domestic and global competitiveness. Not to mention the badly-needed reversal of the brain drain that has hit our tertiary institutions, notably within the past decade. Or the stemming of the massive out-flow of hard currencies in pursuit of degrees and diplomas. The university teachers, on their part, need to take up the challenge of demonstrating a true love for academics. Waiting for perfect conditions would be selfish and counterproductive. Relevant variables can always be repositioned to get better.

One often overlooked consequence of the cultures of strikes and withholding of salaries which have somewhat defined a chunk of campus life in Nigeria is the struggle for survival. In so doing, some lecturers have stumbled on good income earners. Roles and priorities have changed in the process, sadly. Lecturing, originally primary on the scale, moves to number two or three. Arresting this tragedy won’t be easy. If only our politicians can develop the capacity to take schooling a bit more seriously.

ASUU, having fought this gallantly, can add feathers of integrity and fruitfulness to its cap by partnering with the various universities to show better creativity in terms of funding, especially. Beyond government allocations and subventions, private sector players can be wooed, grants can be sourced and alumni endowments can be encouraged. These would yield their autonomy faster. The union should also be honest and firm in telling its members that it would be practically impossible to achieve uniformity of rights, privileges and entitlements since the ownerships of the institutions differ. Anyways, the stage is set for a healthier university experience.

But, in a year being prepared to enthrone politics, it makes sense to keep the flowers that belong to this government. For now.

Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board
X: @monday_ekpe2

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Nigeria Customs Collected ₦7.28 Trillion in 2025. Ordinary Nigerians are still waiting to see the benefit

By Lillian Okenwa

Nigeria’s revenue story is improving. Its governance story is not.

The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) says it collected a record ₦7.281 trillion ($4.7 billion) in 2025, one of the highest non-oil revenue performances in the country’s history. The figure exceeds the agency’s target by more than 10 percent and marks a 19 percent increase from the previous year.

Yet for most Nigerians, the announcement has raised a familiar and uncomfortable question: what happens to the money?

The revenue milestone was disclosed in Abuja by Comptroller-General of Customs Bashir Adeniyi during the 2026 World Customs Day celebration. Adeniyi credited reforms, digital tools, and improved compliance, insisting the gains were achieved without stifling legitimate trade.

“These figures are not for self-congratulation,” Adeniyi said. “They demonstrate that reform is producing tangible outcomes.”

But Nigeria’s recent history suggests that strong revenue performance rarely translates into improved living conditions.

Despite decades of oil wealth, rising tax receipts, and repeated revenue windfalls, Nigeria remains mired in failing infrastructure, chronic power shortages, overstretched hospitals, and deepening poverty. More than 133 million Nigerians—over half the population—are classified as multidimensionally poor, according to official figures.

The credibility gap is widened by the country’s long record of corruption and mismanagement. Since its independence, Nigeria is estimated to have lost over $582 billion to corruption and illicit financial flows. Even recovered stolen assets have not escaped controversy. Billions of dollars looted by former military ruler Sani Abacha were returned to Nigeria over the past two decades, yet citizens struggle to point to any visible, transformative public projects funded by the recovered money.

In a further blow to public trust, former Attorney General Abubakar Malami is currently facing prosecution over allegations linked to the mismanagement of recovered funds, fuelling concerns that looted money is simply recycled through new hands.

Nigeria’s oil sector remains a major drain. Despite being Africa’s largest crude producer, theft and smuggling have reportedly cost the country billions of dollars annually. Outside oil, systemic leakages persist through inflated contracts, opaque procurement, and so-called “ghost workers” embedded across public institutions.

Transparency International continues to rank Nigeria among the world’s most corrupt countries. In its latest Corruption Perceptions Index, Nigeria scored 26 out of 100—well below the global average.

Meanwhile, the social consequences are stark. Youth unemployment remains among the highest globally. Public investment in health and education is weak.

And despite allocating over ₦17 trillion to security between 2021 and 2025, violence, banditry, and kidnappings continue to spread across large parts of the country.

Customs revenue growth, analysts say, highlights a deeper paradox: Nigeria’s problem is not revenue generation—it is governance.

Without transparent tracking of public funds, independent oversight of revenue agencies, and credible prosecution of financial crimes, record collections risk becoming accounting achievements with little impact on real lives.

For international observers, the Customs announcement underscores a troubling reality: Africa’s largest economy is generating more money, yet delivering less for its people.

Kano braces for baby boom as health system strains under population surge

Kano State is preparing for a demographic surge that could see between 600,000 and 700,000 babies born in 2026 alone, a projection that underscores mounting pressure on an already overstretched healthcare system amid Nigeria’s deepening economic and infrastructure crisis.

The estimate, based on a 3.5 percent population growth rate projected from the 2006 census, was disclosed over the weekend by Dr. Mansur Mudi Nagoda, Executive Secretary of the Kano State Hospitals Management Board, during the maiden convocation ceremony of the Sardauna College of Health Sciences and Technology, a private health institution in the state.

While the figures reflect Kano’s youthful and fast-growing population, Nagoda warned that the scale of expected births presents a daunting public health challenge, particularly in a state grappling with shortages of skilled personnel, inadequate facilities and uneven access to basic services.

“Kano is facing a serious manpower crisis,” Nagoda said, noting that the state currently has a deficit of about 4,000 professional health workers. “Our population growth is outpacing the capacity of our health system.”

Health experts say the warning highlights a broader national dilemma: rapid population growth colliding with fragile infrastructure and limited public investment, especially in northern Nigeria, where poverty rates remain among the highest in the country.

Nagoda urged training institutions to prioritise practical, community-oriented medical education, stressing that graduates must be equipped to deliver frontline services, particularly in rural and underserved areas. He disclosed that the state government plans to recruit additional health workers and deploy them to hard-to-reach local government areas such as Doguwa, Rogo and Sumaila.

Yet analysts caution that recruitment alone may not be enough. Nigeria’s public health sector continues to suffer from chronic underfunding, uneven distribution of resources and weak primary healthcare infrastructure, problems that have persisted despite repeated policy announcements and reform pledges.

The situation in Kano mirrors a national demographic shift of historic proportions. Nigeria currently records between 7.5 million and 9.2 million births annually, a figure that now exceeds the combined number of births across Europe and Russia, estimated at about 6.3 million per year.

With a fertility rate of roughly 4.7 to 5.3 children per woman, Nigeria stands in sharp contrast to Europe’s aging societies, where birth rates have fallen below replacement levels. As of early 2025, Nigeria’s population is estimated at over 235 million, making it the sixth most populous country in the world.

United Nations projections suggest that by 2050, Nigeria could become the third most populous country globally, with more than 400 million people, and by 2100, its population may exceed 700 million, potentially surpassing the entire population of Europe.

Nigeria’s population is also strikingly young, with an estimated 120 million people under the age of 15, a demographic profile that could deliver a powerful economic dividend—if matched with education, jobs and infrastructure.

For now, however, the reality remains stark. Unemployment exceeded 40 percent in 2023, inflation continues to erode household incomes, and access to basic services such as healthcare, clean water and electricity remains uneven, particularly in northern states.

Critics argue that the country’s demographic momentum is being squandered by poor governance and mismanagement of resources, in a nation widely regarded as wealthy enough to meet its citizens’ basic needs.

As Kano braces for hundreds of thousands of new births in a single year, the warning from health officials is clear: without urgent investment in healthcare infrastructure, workforce expansion and economic stability, Nigeria’s population boom risks deepening inequality rather than driving development.

The question facing policymakers is no longer whether Nigeria’s population will grow, but whether the state can keep pace with the lives it is bringing into the world.

Court paves way for AGF to review ICPC’s fraud case against Ozekhome

The Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice (AGF), Prince Lateef Fagbemi SAN, has secured the approval of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory FCT to review the case file of the fraud charges brought against Professor Mike Ozekhome SAN by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Offences Related Commission ICPC.

Consequently, the arraignment of the legal luminary and Constitutional lawyer, slated for Monday, has been shifted to February 24.

The AGF, who took over prosecution of the charges on Monday, said that he needed time to thoroughly review the case file and take a well-informed decision.

At the Monday’s proceedings, the Head of High Profile Prosecution Department of ICPC, Dr Osuebeni Akpomesingha Akpos, had announced appearance for the prosecution.

A former AGF and Minister of Justice, Kanu Agabi SAN and 15 other SANs announced their appearance for the defendant.

At this point, the Director, Public Prosecution of the Federation DPPF, Mr Rotimi Oyedepo SAN, announced his appearance on behalf of the AGF and informed Justice Peter Kekemeke of the decision of the AGF to take over the case from ICPC

He said that the decision was pursuant to Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution and to collaborate with the ICPC to ensure that the prosecution meets the highest standard of effectiveness, efficiency, diligence and compliance with due process of law.

The DPPF further told the court that the decision was also guided by public interest and to instil confidence, fairness and competence in the criminal justice.

He assured the court that the right of the defendant will be protected and that no party will be made to suffer any adverse consequences, adding that inter-agency cooperation to fight corruption was also considered by the OAGF.

He therefore asked the court to take judicial notice of the takeover of the trial by the AGF Office.

The AGF therefore sought adjournment to enable his office retrieve the case file from the ICPC to thoroughly review it and take the next line of action.

Counsel to the ICPC did not object to the takeover and promised that the commission would cooperate fully with the AGF office, being the agency that investigated the matter.

By consensus of lawyers, Justice Peter Kekemeke fixed February 24 for arraignment.

Airtel in copyright storm as court orders ₦210 million payout over ‘Nigeria go survive’

The Federal High Court, Ikoyi, has ordered Airtel Nigeria to pay Two Hundred and Ten Million Naira (N210 million) to Veno Marioghae Mbanefo for copyright infringement.

Presiding Judge Honourable Justice Ibrahim Kala handed down the judgment after finding that Airtel Nigeria unlawfully used Mbanefo’s song, “Nigeria Go Survive,” without her authorisation.

The ruling marks a significant legal victory for the artist and underscores the enforcement of intellectual property rights in Nigeria’s entertainment industry.

In September 2022, the singer sued the telecommunications company, Airtel Network Limited for “unauthorised use” of her musical work.

In a statement sent to SaharaReporters at the time, the veteran singer said she “found out a few months ago, that Airtel had been using my song, ‘Nigeria Go Survive,’ to market their products, using their telemarketing numbers, without my permission.

“Following the discovery, I contacted my lawyer, Rockson Igelige of Felix, Igelige and Associates, who promptly wrote to them. Rather than look into our authentic claim, they responded by not only denying all culpability, but also defamed me and threatened criminal charges against me.

“We then took our case, backed by our witnesses, IT & Evaluation Specialist and evidence, to the Nigeria Copyright Commission which began an investigation into our claim.

“While the criminal investigation into our claim is still on, my lawyers and I are, however, filing a civil suit against Airtel on 23/9/22 at the Federal High Court, Ikoyi, Lagos to show how they have flagrantly not only infringed on my copyright by using my song without permission, but have also brazenly denied all responsibility, despite all evidence.”

The veteran artiste earlier in a letter to the Chief Executive Officer of Airtel Network Limited, Ikoyi, Lagos, accused the telecoms company of using her song, ‘Nigeria Go Survive’ to promote its TV app and ‘The Voice Nigeria’, without her permission.

The letter signed by her lawyer, R. A. Igelige Esq asked the telecoms company to “cease and desist forthwith from further infringing on the copyright of our Client to the aforementioned musical work”.

It also asked Airtel to “pay to our client the sum of N50,000,000 (Fifty Million Naira) for the unauthorised commercial and also derogatory use of her musical work”.

“Take notice that if we do not receive an adequate response within 21 days of receipt of this letter, we shall take all proper steps to seek legal remedy for our Client, including legal action for injunctive relief, criminal charges and damages, without further notice to you.

“We look forward, however, to your prompt response towards an amicable resolution of this matter,” it added.

The letter read in part, “We are solicitors to Veno Marioghae Mbanefo (our Client), a musician and entertainer residing in Lagos and we write this letter on her behalf.

“Our Client is the author and copyright owner of the musical work entitled ‘Nigeria Go Survive’ being used by your Mobile Network Company (Airtel) to promote your TV app, and also to promote ‘The Voice Nigeria.’

“Our Client’s attention has been drawn to your use, without permission or licence, of her aforementioned musical work. Specifically, you have appropriated the work to promote your TV app and also used it to advertise ‘The Voice Nigeria.’”

“By not obtaining our Client’s prior permission or licence before engaging repeatedly in this act or acts, your company’s conduct is a flagrant and deliberate infringement of her copyright. It also amounts to stealing and wilful deprivation with the intent to unjustly enrich your company and deny our Client of the legitimate fruits of her labour, thereby inflicting hardship on her,” her lawyer added.

SaharaReporters

‘Assurances Without Action’: New abductions in Kaduna expose deepening security and constitutional failure

Barely hours after Christian leaders in Kaduna State gathered in prayer for the safe return of 177 worshippers abducted in Kajuru Local Government Area, suspected bandits struck again, kidnapping six residents in a late-night raid that has further underscored Nigeria’s deepening security crisis.

The latest abduction occurred on Saturday night in Unguwar Barkono, Mararaban Kajuru, Kufana Ward, an area residents stress is not a remote settlement but part of Kajuru’s populated core. Armed men reportedly stormed several homes, forcibly dragging victims away to an unknown location.

Steven Kefas, a resident, said the attack took place around 1:00 a.m., disputing narratives that violence is confined to isolated rural communities. “This happened right inside Kajuru,” he said, highlighting growing fears that no area remains safe.

The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) confirmed the incident. Rev. Enoch Kaura, CAN Chairman in Kajuru, said the kidnappings occurred around 11:00 p.m., adding that the attackers fled with six residents despite neighbours raising an alarm.

The assault came just hours after a special prayer service held at Tawaliu Baptist Church for the return of 177 Christian worshippers abducted last week in Kurmin Wali, Kajuru LGA. The prayer session was attended by Kaduna State CAN Chairman, Rev. Caleb Ma’aji Bawa, alongside clergy from multiple denominations.

Addressing the gathering, Rev. Joseph John Hayab, CAN Chairman for the 19 Northern States and the Federal Capital Territory, warned that churches and communities had become increasingly vulnerable due to persistent security lapses. He urged congregations to strengthen internal safety measures, cautioning that unrestricted access to worship spaces now carries grave risks in Nigeria’s volatile security environment.

Rev. Kaura condemned the latest abductions and criticised what he described as a pattern of official denial following major security incidents. He called on authorities to urgently intensify military and police operations in Kajuru, stressing that repeated attacks have eroded public confidence in the state’s ability to protect lives.

The fresh kidnappings deepen anxieties already gripping Kaduna and neighbouring states, where mass abductions, killings and forced displacement have become routine. Just days earlier, bandits abducted a Baptist Church pastor, Daniel Bagama, and his three daughters in Chikun Local Government Area, while travellers were seized along the Maro–Kajuru axis in a separate attack.

Beyond Kaduna, similar patterns of violence persist across north-western Nigeria. In Katsina State, residents of Southern Maska in Funtua Local Government Area report ongoing attacks, killings and levies imposed by armed groups despite repeated peace agreements brokered by local authorities. Entire villages, residents say, are being emptied as families flee for safety.

Human rights observers warn that the continuing wave of kidnappings reflects not merely criminal activity but a broader failure of constitutional governance. Nigeria’s constitution places the protection of life and property at the core of the state’s responsibilities—an obligation critics argue is increasingly unmet as armed groups operate with near-impunity.

While the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has repeatedly assured Nigerians that intelligence-driven operations are underway to rescue abducted victims and dismantle criminal networks, many residents describe a widening gap between official statements and realities on the ground.

Security analysts note that the timing of the latest Kajuru abductions—coming immediately after public prayers and renewed appeals for protection—has intensified perceptions of state incapacity and raised concerns among international partners monitoring Nigeria’s human-rights record.

For families of the abducted, however, the crisis is not abstract. It is immediate, personal and ongoing—marked by fear, uncertainty and a growing sense that official assurances have yet to translate into meaningful protection or accountability.

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