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Harvest of projects in UNN

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Jude Chinedu, Enugu

It was literally a harvest of accomplishments as the tenure of Prof Joy Ezeilo as Dean, Faculty of Law of Nigeria’s foremost tertiary institution, the University of Nigeria; Nsukka (UNN) came to an end last week. 

Ezeilo who assumed office on August 1, 2018, officially handed over the mantle of leadership on July 31, 2020, having served out her two year tenure.

However, a day to her exit, the renowned rights advocate showcased plethora of incredible number of projects which she attracted and executed within just two years on the saddle.

Vice Chancellor of the institution, Prof. Charles Igwe, participated in a project tour and was understandably overwhelmed that such number of projects could be executed by a faculty without assistance from the university.

Ezeilo disclosed at the event that witnessed inauguration of over 60 projects initiated and completed under her leadership in the faculty that the University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus has initiated the construction of an African Centre for Law and Good Governance.

She said that the facility would be named after the first dean of the faculty, Prof. Ben Nwabueze (SAN).

The don said the gesture was one of the steps so far taken to reposition the faculty as the premier law faculty in the country; adding that apart from physical infrastructures, she had initiated major reforms that would transform the institution to a centre of excellence in law studies.

Ezeilo said that the faculty had entered into partnership with the Michigan State University (MSU) that resulted in the award of scholarships to law students of UNN in 2019: “Furthermore, a staff of the faculty; Dr Helen Agu has embarked on a post-doctorate fellowship since September 2019 in MSU.

“Also another fellowship has been secured from University of Cape Town, South Africa, which will start in October 2020.”

She said that the faculty had signed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with University of Dundee, United Kingdom, and the University of Venda, South Africa.

Ezeilo further said that the MOU with the University of Dundee would enable staff of the faculty to do Post Graduate course at a discount rate of 50 per cent.

She said that the faculty recorded the successes through the assistance of its former students, explaining that she was motivated to embark on the projects and reforms by the desire to motivate students and lectures to learn and work in the best environment possible.

One of the projects inaugurated include fully-equipped 510-seater modern lecture theatre funded by the alumni class of 1990.

Others are faculty ICT library, lecturers’ offices and students’ Moot Court with complete modern courtroom fittings; upgrading and furnishing of the faculty boardroom to a 70-seater status, re-roofing of Mary Odili Auditorium Complex, attraction and furnishing of United Nations Human Rights Documentation Centre and so on.

In all, Ezeilo expressed her heart-felt gratitude to staff of the faculty for their support whenever they were called upon to “join my high speed train.”

Responding, the Vice-Chancellor of UNN, Prof Charles Igwe, said it was gratifying that all the projects were initiated and completed by Ezeilo within her 18 months and with externally generated funds.

Igwe described the outgoing dean as a pacesetter, whom he said had taken the faculty from zero levels to an enviable height for other deans in the institution to struggle and emulate: “It is amazing that Ezeilo did all these projects without demanding funds from the institution. I encourage other deans and heads of departments to take a tour of the law faculty and understudy the development strides of Ezeilo.

“I must say that the administration of the faculty has done well. I must commend you and your team. This is happening at a time when some other faculties are running to us for things as small as fuel for their generating sets.

“They all have to come here and see what’s going on. This place is totally unrecognizable from what it was in the past and it’s all a result of purposeful leadership. I also commend the 1990 alumni for remembering this institution. That is the way it should be”.

sunnewsonline

Gombe VAPP Alliance Takes Violence Prohibition Law Campaign To Gombe Emir

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Gombe – An alliance fighting for the domestication of Violence Against People Prohibition (VAPP) Act in Gombe State has sought the support of the Emir of Gombe in seeing that the law is passed in the State.

Speaking when she led other other members of the alliance on an advocacy visit to the Emir of Gombe, Alhaji Abubakar Shehu Abubakar III, the Gombe VAPP Coordinator, Mrs Dudu Mamman Manuga, said there was great need for the law to be domesticated in Gombe State due to the alarming rate of gender based violence in the State.

She said they were in the Emir’s palace to appeal to him to lend his voice to the call because of the situation in Gombe is becoming so alarming and giving the State a very bad name.

She said, “in 2018, a Human Rights Commission report released in early 2019 had it that there were over 300 reported cases of domestic violence in Gombe State alone”.

She explained that “the research looked at five criteria of assessment, sexual and gender based violence and for the index cases, Gombe scored zero for all the five criteria of assessment. We are worst in Nigeria when it comes to sexual and gender based violence issues, the second highest in rape cases in the country”, she stated sadly.

She told our reporter in an interview that “We are not happy and we came to seek the Emir’s support and collaboration and commitment towards ending the menace, that together we will fight the cause.

“We are happy that he has given us his commitment, saying his doors are open to us. We are happy that Gombe is with us having gotten the commitment of the State Government through the SSG and the State House of Assembly. The Royal father has just blessed what we are doing “, she stated.

Responding, the Emir of Gombe, Alhaji Abubakar Shehu Abubakar III, who assured them of his support also acknowledged the existence of gender based violence in the State and said it has become a global menace.

He said he will do all that is needed to ensure that the fight against gender based violence succeeds in the State and that the law equally passed.

VAPP Alliance in Gombe State has twenty-one Civil Society Organizations including NAWOJ, FIDA, NHRC among many others who have tasked themselves to pursue the domestication of the VAPP Act in the State.

independent

Appointment Of Chief Judges: Any Conspiracy Against Women?

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By Abdulrasheed Ibrahim

I read a story of a senior lady judge, Hon. Justice Beatrice Lazarus Iliya of the Gombe State judiciary, who was reported to have sent a petition to the National Judicial Council (NJC) protesting against an attempt to stop her from becoming the next Chief Judge of that State. According to the Judge, she is the most senior judge in the State judiciary having being called to the bar in 1981. She had earlier acted as the Acting Chief Judge for three months. In her petition, she lamented what she called “lack of fair hearing, faulty procedure and the criteria used by the State’s Judicial Service Committee for the appointment of the new chief judge”. She said further that rather than being invited to an interview, other two judges (Justice Joseph Ahmed Awak called to the bar in 1983 and Justice Muazu Pindiga called in 1988) who are junior to her were invited. The judge asserted that she had sent a presentation dated April 21, 2020 and a verifying affidavit dated May 6, 2020 wherein she complained that the Attorney General of the State can not preside over a petition against her by “a grain merchant complaining to the governor that she moved into the office of the chief judge when she was in acting capacity.The prayer of the lady judge to the National Judicial Council (NJC) is very simple one as according to the judge:

“…I humbly pray that my earlier presentations and all the issues raised therein should be investigated and resolved before the interview of the shortlisted candidates”

In the news report, the judge was said to have copied her petition to Hon. Justice Rhodes-Vivour, JSC who is the Chairman of the NJC Interview Committee, the Secretary of the NJC as well as the President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).The Attorney-General of Gombe State, Mr. Zubairu Mohammed was reported to have denied the claim by the lady judge that her name was not sent to the NJC but that from their assessment of Justice Iliya alongside Justice Pindiga, the Acting Chief Judge, the latter was found to have better administrative skills than the former.

This is a very serious and interesting matter that must not be taken lightly. I am of the view that since the issue is now before those that matters in the scheme of things particularly the National Judicial Council (NJC), the issue must be critically looked into on what is really happening in the Gombe State Judiciary. Its findings must be made public. We are awaiting answers to questions such as: Was there really any conspiracy to stop the lady judge from becoming the Chief Judge having being called to the bar about 39 years ago? What was the problem or grievance of the grain merchant with the Acting Chief Judge moving into the office of the Chief Judge in the acting capacity? What is the implication of an Acting Chief Judge moving into the office of the Chief Judge? What were the yardsticks used by the Gombe State’s Attorney General to measure the administrative skills between Justice Iliya and Justice Pindiga? In some states, must the position of Chief Judge be exclusively for men at the expense of women even when it comes to their turn to be? At least rational and convincing answers are needed to these questions to settle once and for all the complaints of women judges who have been lamenting their being marginalized when it comes to being appointed as Chief Judges or being elevated to the appellate court in their various states.We have had in the past many examples where women were deliberately schemed out of having what they deserved but with their patience and perseverance,they eventually found themselves in the position that was beyond their imaginations. Notwithstanding the seemingly conspiracy of men against women in our judicial system, such has worked largely in favour of women that were once victims of such conspiracy.

There is no better way to illustrate this point than allowing those women to speak for themselves. Hon. Justice Aloma Mariam Mukthar, the now retired first female Chief Justice of Nigeria, had this to say when she was bowing out of the Supreme Court which is the apex court in the country:

“…I rose to be number two in the hierarchy of the Kano State Judiciary, and was to remain number two for years to come until I was elevated to the Court of Appeal. In 1982 , the then Chief Judge , (an expatriate ) retired , and a Judge that came on board a few years after my appointment as a Judge was made the Chief Judge.When an exercise for appointment of to the Court of Appeal commenced the new Chief Judge asked if I was interested, I answered in the negative, because in spite of the situation on the ground I had no desire to be moving from State to State as the office demands.In 1985, the incumbent Chief Judge left for the Court of Appeal , again history repeated itself , for again I was superceded by the then number four or five in the hierarchy of the court ,after acting as the Chief Judge for sometime, becoming the first woman in the country to discharge the function albeit temporarily. I took it in my stride and continued to work as though I was meant to be number (2) forever! To me, Allah wished it that way, and if he had said ‘no’ nobody could have commanded it to be ‘yes’ .Indeed, it was as though I had full knowledge of what he had in store for me in future. People were always surprised at my attitude towards these developments…”

Despite all the scheming, it worked in favour of Justice Aloma and she later became the first woman to be elevated to both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court in Nigeria where she eventually retired as the first woman Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). She made history that is today known to the whole world. Another woman judge that went through similar experience was no other than now retired Hon. Justice Clara Bata Ogunbiyi (JSC), let us hear from the horse’s mouth when bowing out of the Supreme Court on retirement from the apex court at the mandatory age of 70:

“With my position as High Court Judge, I remained truly grateful to God and very contented. My pre-occupation at that level was to give my best in the performance of my official function and also ensure that my family life did not suffer. As a result I was indifferent initially in moving up to the ladder to the higher court.However ,through the counsel , assurance and encouragement of my dear husband , I was motivated that I have the intellectual capacity and tenacity to go higher and God helping me , I should not limit my horizon. This counsel now afforded me the encouragement and confidence to inform my Chief Judge of my interest to the Court of Appeal in the event there was an opening for Borno State quarter .His response was that, he would let me know when the time comes .This he never did despite the fact that at that time there was nobody at the Court of Appeal on the Borno quarter. However, he recommended two of my juniors.”

Before I continue with further interesting remarks from Justice Ogunbiyi’s experience, I want to express the view here on the danger in making emperiorship or tyranny of our leaders at all level including the legal profession which judiciary is part of. When you have a system that leaves the Chief Judge with the absolute power or discretion to decide which of the Judges under him go to the appellate court, having the best materials for that appellate position may be compromised and fair deal not achieved as most CJs will always prefer their godsons or goddaughters for that positions at the expense of the good material judges in the system. Favourism and nepotism will always come to play. It is interesting to note that the lady judge in Gombe State in trying to resist her being marginalized in the scheme of thing has equally copied the NBA’s President with her petition. The type of tyrannical power being played out in NBA may not justify its intervention on this issue, as the saying goes that he who comes to equity must come with clean hands. Has NBA moral right to intervene in this issue?

NBA by its discriminatory constitution confers on all its local branches chairmen the powers to behave like godfathers in the conventional politics. A branch chairman has the absolute power to give and not to give a letter of good standing to any aspirant aspiring to run for elections at the NBA national level. If the local chairman does not like the face of an aspirant, he can withhold the letter and that will be the end of the matter. In the Ikeja Branch of the NBA for example, Mr. Dele Oloke as Chairman and his predecessor Mr. Adesina Ogunlana are not best of friends with their attitudes of cat and mouse towards each other.When Ogunlana decided to run for the 2020 NBA Presidential election at the national level, Oloke refused him the letter of good standing and the rest is now history. Unfortunately, the fate of an aspirant in an election that should be left in the hands of the generality of lawyers who are the electorates is made a one man show under the NBA political system. I think from this narrative, we can all deduce the danger in making tyranny of those at the helm of affairs. Perhaps, the National Judicial Council (NJC) in the course of its operation had in the past seen the handwriting on the wall and decided to change tactics. Let us hear further from Justice Ogunbiyi:

“Co-incidentally at this time, recommendations for appointment to the Court of Appeal were no longer the exclusive preserve of the State Chief Judges. Recommendations could also come from Court of Appeal or Supreme Court Justices. Justices of the Court of Appeal Jos Division who sat on my judgments coming from Borno State High Court Bench, on their own volition took it upon themselves and gave in recommendations on my behalf .Similar other Justices that were outside Jos Division also unanimously recommended me for appointment. To me ,these Justices are my destiny helpers and I saw God’s divine purpose at work…I It is gratifying that at my valedictory session on leaving Borno State Bench to the Court of Appeal ,the Hon. Chief Judge remarked in his speech that although he did not recommend me for appointment ,he however applauded those who did so. He even further poured encomiums on my suitability, credibility and integrity as a judge, to the glory of God.”

Confirming the above assertion, Hon. Justice James Ogebe, a retired Jurist of the Supreme Court said in the book titled: HONEY FROM THE ROCK which is a biography of Hon. Justice Clara Bata Ogunbiyi that :

“..When she (Hon. Justice Ogunbiyi) was the most senior Judge and was due for elevation as the Chief Judge of the state, she was bypassed and a Judge far junior to her was appointed over her.She bore this with patience Some of us recommended her to the Court of Appeal and, by the grace of God she was elevated as a Justice of the Court of Appeal…”

I think a lot of lessons need to be learnt from all these. For those women who may not have the livers to resist such injustice, such denial may be a blessing in disguise for them as we have seen in the cases of Justice Aloma and Justice Ogunbiyi who despite such denial eventually made it to the apex court in Nigeria. When a coup was once hatched in Kwara State against Hon. Justice Raliat Habeeb-Elelu as Chief Judge, the woman fought her legal battle up to the Supreme Court to get herself reinstated back to that office where she eventually retired. I do not buy into any act of conspiracy trying to deny women whatever positions they are entitled to in as much as they have the competence, credibility and integrity to hold that positions in question.They need not be cheated out because of their gender. This case of Hon. Justice Beatrice Lazarus Iliya of Gombe State Judiciary must be seriously look into by the National Judicial Council (NJC) and justice done if she actually deserves to be the Chief Judge as she must not be discriminated against on the ground of her being is a woman. Having being called to the bar about 39 years ago and putting such number of years into the practice and adjudication of law is not a small joke.

Many states in Nigeria particularly Lagos State have produced many female Chief Judges that performed wonderfully well in that position .Unlike in many other states, Lagos State has been the most liberal when it comes to the appointment of judges irrespective of the states the appointees come from and they are allowed to assume the position of the Chief Judge whenever it comes to their turn to be. This kind of things is very rare in some states as the highest position a non-indigene judicial officer can reach in those states is the position of the Acting Chief Judge.Those states need to borrow a leave from Lagos State when it comes to giving honour to whomsoever it is due. Competence, Creditability, Integrity and uprightness should be allowed to take precedent over ethnicity, gender and religious considerations.

AGF ABDULRASAQ (SAN): EXIT OF THE FIRST LAWYER

When it comes to the claim of being the first, Alhaji Abdulganiyu Folorusho Abdulrasaq (AGF), the father of the incumbent Governor of Kwara State, Abdulrahman Abdulrasaq will surely be counted among the first. AGF as fondly being called before his death on 25th July 2020 at 93 was the first lawyer to be called to the bar from the whole Northern Region of Nigeria. He was called to the bar at the Inner Temple in London in 1955. He was once gazetted as a Judge in the old Northern Region but AGF declined the appointment to the judicial bench. Due to his closeness to the late Premier of the Northern Region and the Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello during the First Republic, he was made the National Legal Adviser of the Northern People Congress (NPC). He was a Parliamentary member of the Northern Region of Nigeria House of Assembly. He was at a time Nigeria Ambassador to the Republic of Cote D’ Ivoire. When the Kwara State was created, he served as the Commissioner for Finance and later as the Commissioner for Health and Social Welfare.

As a Nationalist, AGF took part in all the Pre-Independence Constitutional Conferences in London and was a member of the Committee that drafted the 1979 Constitution.He served as the President of the Nigerian Stock Exchange between 2000-2003.He was the Chairman of the Body of Benchers in 1984 and was conferred with the rank of the Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) in 1985.In appreciation of his service to the nation ,he was conferred with the National Honour of the OFR in 2000.He had earlier in 1984 received the Kwara State Merit Award.He was turbaned and given the traditional titles of Tafidan Zazzau of Zaria as well as Mutawallin of Ilorin in 1962. With the sad departure of this great elder Statesman from the world, we pray the Almighy Allah to bless his soul and give his family, the people of Kwara State and Nigeria the fortitude to bear the great loss.

NOTE: Anyone is at liberty to disagree with my above submissions as I will surely appreciate a balanced, fair and objective rebuttal.

Written by By Abdulrasheed Ibrahim, LL.M, Notary Public, 08055476823, 08164683735: [email protected])
30th July 2020

Landmark Varsity, GLOHWOC, WVL project collaborates to promote women capacity development

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The management of Landmark University, Omu-Aran, Kwara, has said that its collaboration with the Global Hope for Women and Children Foundation (GLOHWOC) would helped to boost women capacity development and gender equality.

Prof Adeniyi Olayanju, the institution’s Vice-Chancellor made the assertion during a training session for selected women beneficiaries in Omu-Aran, Irepodun Local Government Area of Kwara State, on Wednesday.

No fewer than 62 women selected across the 11 wards of Irepodun Local Government Area of the State participated in the training session championed by GLOHWOC.

The beneficiaries were engaged in fields and hands on training in the areas of cereal, cassava, vegetable and poultry production.

Others are fishery enterprise, ruminants production enterprise, snailery enterprise as well as guinea fowl production enterprise.

Olayanju, in his welcome address at the event, said women as critical stakeholders have essential roles in the realisation of the desired food security in the country.

According to him, several bodies at the front line of women empowerment identified that persistent and systematic inequities in resources, power and roles disproportionately affects women, especially in agriculture and food systems around the world.

This, he noted, had limited the women’s opportunities, development and contribution to global hunger and poverty.

“It is therefore, important, given women’s crucial role in food production and provision, that any effort towards sustainable food security must address their access to productive resources.

“This workshop is, therefore, specifically designed to expose our women in Irepodun to the opportunities toward increasing their participation in agriculture.

“More importantly in fulfillment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nation – to eradicate poverty and gender inequities.

“As an agricultural institution, Landmark University is gender balance when it comes to access to opportunities in agriculture.

“We have highly placed women that are doing great exploits in agriculture today.

“We are not only living it, we are also driving it for impact in our immediate community.

“We believe that when capacity is built, you will not only be helping yourself but others,” Olayanju added.

Mrs Christy Abayomi-Oluwole, GLOHWOC’s Chief Executive Officer, in her remarks, said the training programme was part of the foundation’s larger capacity development project plan for women in Irepodun and Ilorin-South Local Government Areas of the State.

Abayomi-Oluwole, represented by Mr Adesuyi Adeola, the Foundation’s Finance and Administrative Manager, said GLOHWOC is working with support from Global Affairs Canada and ActionAid Nigeria through the women’s Voice and Leadership (WVL) in realising the project plans.

She disclosed that the training was earlier scheduled for April but was shifted to July due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

“These women beneficiaries comprised of the less privileges and vulnerable, and are selected by a constituted project steering committee for training, literary assistance and possible provision of take-off grant for them to be self reliance.

“The project is meant to identify vulnerable persons, especially women, girls and non-registered cooperative societies, for financial literacy assistance for them to be self-sufficient and legally registered to function effectively,” she added.

GLOHWOC is Non-Governmental organisation (NGO) which envisions a society where women, children and other vulnerable populations have the opportunity to reach their utmost potentials.

The foundation established in 2007 and registered with Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) has its thematic intervention areas to include Gender and Human Rights, Health, Education, and Good Governance.

journalismrendezvous

African women face two pandemics

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African states have failed to protect women and children from violence amid the coronavirus pandemic.

by Rosebell Kagumire & Vivian Ouya

In the last few months, as the coronavirus has spread across the world, African countries have registered a surge in cases of domestic violence and sexual violence, which has provoked public outrage.

In May, South Sudanese activists protested the gang rape of an eight-year-old girl by three men while holding her mother at gunpoint, in the capital, Juba. The online campaign #SouthSudaneseSurvivor prompted women to share their harrowing experiences to break the silence on sexual abuse and rape culture in their communities both in the country and the diaspora.

Around the same time, in one of his national COVID-19 addresses, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa decried that “the scourge of gender-based violence continues to stalk our country as the men of our country declared war on the women.” Calls to the government-run GBV and femicide command centre had reportedly doubled during the nationwide lockdown.

In early June, Nigerians started the #WeAreTired campaign after two young women, Vera Uwaila Omosuwa, a 22-year-old microbiology student, and 18-year-old Barakat Bello were raped and killed five days apart. Following the online campaign and nationwide protests by women’s rights activists, all 36 Nigerian governors agreed to declare a state of emergency over gender-based violence against women and children. In the same month, Nigerian Popstar D’banj faced allegations of rape and abduction.

In late June, campaigners in Sierra Leone protested the rape and killing of a five-year-old girl, Kadijah Saccoh. In July, Liberian human rights activists called on President George Weah to announce policy responses to the alarming increase in rape.

In Machakos County in Kenya, 3,964 girls became pregnant in five month period to June, , as children stayed at home due to COVID-19 closures. Similar grim trends have been registered in neighbouring Uganda. Most of these cases are a result of statutory rape. The majority of cases of sexual violence are perpetrated by people known to the children, proof that home is hardly a safe place.

African countries are not unique in this pattern of increased gender-based violence during the pandemic. The UN has warned of a “shadow pandemic“, as countries across the world have reported a spike in domestic violence. The reality, however, is that violence against women and girls is hardly a “shadow” pandemic. The term “shadow”  trivialises and minimises the consistent and harrowing violence African women and girls experience on a daily basis. To address violence against women and girls, African governments must first acknowledge its historic existence and tackle it as a matter of national emergency. 

What the present crisis highlights across the African continent is the ineffectiveness of past measures. It seems the little band-aids that existed in normal pre-pandemic times have been ripped off, and the perpetual state of violence that African women experience can no longer be ignored.

No normal times for women’s safety

The gender-based violence pandemic sweeping through Africa today comes on the heels of a series of protests, calls for action from activists and declarations of commitment to eradicating the problem from government officials over the past few years.

In Sierra Leone, President Julius Maada Bio declared a national emergency over sexual violence in February 2019 after hearing the testimony from a five-year-old girl who was paralysed after being raped.

In Sudan, an independent commission was formed in September 2019, to investigate the massacre and mass rape of protesters during a sit-in in Khartoum, demanding the military hand over power after the deposing long-term ruler Omar al-Bashir. The commission is still to release the results of its inquiry.

In South Africa, in 2018, activists presented 24 demands to the government calling for action against Gender-Based Violence. A few months later, in response to these demands, the Presidential Summit Against Gender-Based Violence and Femicide was held, and the presidency expressed its commitment to addressing all of them. But just a year later, the rape and murder of 19-year-old student Uyinene Mrwetyana at a post office sparked mass protests against the lack of progress on eliminating gender-based violence.

In Nigeria, photographer Busola Dakolo’s testimony detailing her rape by the pastor of a large church in Abuja sparked public outcry and precipitated the campaign #ChurchToo to demand accountability from the Church in 2019. The Christian Association of Nigeria pledged to get to the “root of the matter”.

And perhaps even more importantly, across West Africa, in the aftermath of the Ebola outbreak of 2013-2015, evidence was collected of a significant increase in sexual and gender-based violence. Yet the local authorities did not take action to put protocols in place to protect women and children.

Why does sexual violence continue to rise?

Rape does not happen in a vacuum. It is part of a continuum of gender-based violence allowed and meted out on women through harmful social and cultural norms embedded in society. Stereotypical gender norms and practices endorsed by patriarchy remain at the root of it.

When it comes to irrevocably and radically shifting societal standards towards humanising women outside violence, most of society remains impervious.

Various actors – from legislators to law enforcement, religious bodies, the media and gatekeepers of culture – have not taken their role as guarantors of the rights of women, girls and minorities seriously.

As Nigerian feminist scholar, Amina Mama, has said, “African ‘liberated’ states have never liberated women. It’s been an edifice of male complicity engaged in pacification forever … colonial, post-colonial, neoliberal, theocratic.”

Survivors often find themselves between a rock and a hard place, between a societal system that silences them and a state that constantly fails to value their lives. Globally, 30 percent of women experience physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime. Women do not always report their experiences of violence because of deep-rooted barriers including “fear of stigma and shame, financial barriers, lack of awareness of available services, fear of revenge, lack of law enforcement action and attitudes surrounding violence as a normal component of life”.

Containing COVID-19 has now become the primary focus of governments, with little attention paid to gender-based violence. State control and militarism have taken centre stage. The solidifying of oppressive state power in a pandemic means a consolidation of patriarchal power and violence at micro- and macro-levels.

Economic pressures have significantly limited alternatives for victims of violence. COVID-19-related restrictions have forced survivors to co-exist with their abusers and justice systems offer little hope for the punishment of perpetrators.

Investment by African governments in state-funded shelters could have created safe spaces for victims of gender-based violence, but that has not happened. Additionally, civic support has been limited by both by restrictions on movement and the lack of capacities in addressing occupational safety and protection in these times.

What COVID-19 response must bring?

Building a post-COVID-19 society that better addresses inequality and provides a better social contract for women is a liberation struggle that requires society-wide commitment. Social and cultural norms that uphold scrutiny and control of women’s sexuality, enable victim-blaming and excuse violence against women must be dismantled.

As Oyeronkee Oyewumi, professor of sociology at Stony Brook University, has argued: “What I see is what I call cultures of impunity that colonisation represented … The colonisers did whatever they wanted, and so they did lay out these institutions that were not responsive to the colonised. As a result, today, we have all sorts of cultures of impunity from the top-down … We must never accept.”

The pandemic has tested the fabric of society as we know it. It has exposed the failures and the unsustainable nature of capitalism. The social-political and economic impact of the health crisis has forced us to re-imagine a just world. As we advocate for that just world, we must, with similar gusto, advocate for a safer world for women.

We must stop interventions that entrench performative male support of gender equality with no shift in how power is held and exercised. Any responses to sexual violence in this pandemic must be mindful of the ways in which societies were already failing women. Therefore, an understanding of systemic inequalities is essential in creating alternatives.

The long-term impact of COVID-19 on women and girls in all their diversities depends on what responses African states and communities put in place regarding gender-based violence. States must acknowledge and link the historical institutionalisation of male dominance to gender-based violence and work towards eliminating the hurdles to women’s right to a dignified life.

Women’s voices must be centred in decision-making both at the national and community level and services – from medical-legal and psychosocial assistance – expedited to mitigate gender-based violence within COVID-19 response plans. A continent-wide response is necessary and urgent.

An Interview with Tsitsi Dangarembga

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*Note: In this 2013 interview, Tsitsi Dangarembga discusses a book called Chronicle of an Indomitable Daughter which was later published as This Mournable Body, shortlisted for the 2020 Booker Prize.

In 1988, at the age of twenty-eight, Tsitsi Dangarembga published her first novel, Nervous Conditions. Immediately acclaimed by Alice Walker and Doris Lessing, the book has come to be considered one of Africa’s most important novels of the twentieth century. Lessing wrote: “This is the novel we have all been waiting for . . . it will become a classic.” Set in Rhodesia in the 1960s, almost twenty years before Zimbabwe won independence and ended white minority rule, the novel’s heroine, Tambudzai Sigauke, embarks on her education. On her shoulders rest the economic hopes of her parents, siblings, and extended family, and within her burns the desire for “personhood,” to no longer be part of such an “undistinguished humanity.” Nervous Conditions borrows its title from Jean-Paul Sartre’s introduction to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, in which Sartre evokes the “disassociated self” created by colonialism: “Our enemy betrays his brothers and becomes our accomplice; his brothers do the same thing. The status of ‘native’ is a nervous condition introduced and maintained by the settler among colonized people with their consent.”

Nervous Conditions was the first book in what would become a trilogy. However, eighteen years would pass before Dangarembga published her second novel, The Book of Not. With its searing observations, devastating exploration of the state of “not being,” wicked humour, and astonishing immersion into the mind of a young woman growing up and growing old before her time, the novel is a masterpiece. Dangarembga is almost alone in mining the psychological “nervous condition” in African women and the relationship between this troubled inner landscape and the current crisis in contemporary Zimbabwe. In the last decades, she has chosen film as her medium and founded the International Images Film Festival for Women in Zimbabwe, which is now in its twelfth year. In 2006, the Independent named Dangarembga one of the fifty greatest artists shaping the African continent. Last year, she completed the final book, Chronicle of an Indomitable Daughter, which will be published in Zimbabwe in 2013.

I first met Tsitsi Dangarembga in Nigeria in 2010, where we taught a workshop organized by Helon Habila. Habila had never met Dangarembga before, but he told me that his experience of reading Nervous Conditions decades ago had marked and changed him. When I met Tsitsi, Zimbabwe was moving forward from a disastrous 2008 election that saw the opposition Movement for Democratic Change pull out of the second round of the presidential vote in the wake of widespread and horrific violence. At the same time, the economy had collapsed: between 2007 and 2008, the rate of inflation was seven sextillion percent. As much of the world knows, a power-sharing agreement was reached between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai in 2008, and Zimbabwe retreated from the news headlines. In the fall of 2012, Tsitsi invited me to come and teach in Harare. She envisioned a workshop called Breaking the Silence, which would gather testimonies from across Zimbabwe on political and domestic violence. These testimonies, which could be submitted anonymously, would form the basis of our reading material. Any Zimbabwean interested in writing could come into the workshop, read the collected testimonies, and, informed by these stories (more than one hundred were collected), write fiction. Tsitsi asked these writers to think not only about the victims but also about the lives and histories of the perpetrators. She also asked each of us to consider our own acts of violence or aggression, including instances when we used our authority or status for purposes of intimidation or personal gain. She wanted writers to claim these stories, wrestle with and interrogate them, and, finally, bring them back to the communities from which they came. As someone from outside, I did not know if what Tsitsi imagined was possible; I must admit, I was stunned and moved to find that it was.

We had this conversation in early December 2012, on the balcony of Tsitsi’s home in Harare, at sunset, just before I caught my flight home.


Thien: I wanted to ask you about the few years you spent overseas in the 1960s, when you were a child. Outside of Rhodesia and white minority rule, what was it like?

Dangarembga: In England?

Thien: Yes. I’m wondering about your first experience of race.

Dangarembga: The racism in England was not so institutionalized. Well, it was institutionalized, but then it was so efficiently realized that it didn’t need institutions, if you understand what I mean. In England, it was much easier not to be affected by it to that extent because my parents were students and people were somewhat respectful.

Thien: And you were six when you returned to Rhodesia.

Dangarembga: Coming back here . . . you know, it was such a shock. Everywhere we’d been before, my parents were so well respected. But in Rhodesia, the fact that we were black meant that once we walked into that society, all of that meant nothing. It was really a blow.

You might actually say that white people in this part of the world were so insecure, I suppose about having so many black people around, that they had to make their institutions into very obvious apartheid structures. But the whole internalized attitude, that’s been going on for centuries, these are attitudes that we have.

It was very interesting for me to have a character like Tambudzai, who understands the lack of respect because of poverty but not because of blackness. When she is taken into her uncle’s house, she feels everything is now okay because the poverty factor is no longer effective. Then she moves into the school [the elite Young Ladies’ College of the Sacred Heart, a convent school attended by mostly white students], where she’s doing everything as well as everyone else. The only issue is her blackness. She has an experience, a different kind of movement, into that position. Because if you have always been aware of racism, I think that you develop ways of dealing with it. I think it was Ama Ata Aidoo who said she didn’t even know there was such a thing as racism until she came to Germany. That’s where she learned she was black. So it was a bit the same for Tambudzai. She knew she was poor, and she knew she was uneducated because she could see the poverty of her home and she could see the differences with her relatives who were educated. But then she had to learn that she was black.

Thien: Yet Nervous Conditions begins as a very hopeful book. Does this hope come because she sees her freedom in relatively straightforward terms, that education will equal emancipation?

Dangarembga: Tambudzai starts off as a typical gifted child. She achieves a lot through her own initiative, and she sees the world as an arena in which she can act and succeed, no matter what comes. In a childish way, she thinks of herself as a kind of superwoman, but she cannot succeed on those terms because there never has been such a person, there has never been a superman or a superwoman. Sometimes what one perceives as freedom binds you more tightly.

There was so much invested during the Rhodesian era in educating Africans only up to a certain level and for certain tasks. An illusion had to be created, however, that there was some sort of mobility and fairness in the system. People like Tambudzai were swept up in that illusion. She had to find her own painful way out of it.

Thien: At the beginning, she also looks for freedom through selfhood, and the concept of unhu. The traditional greeting is “How are you?” “I am well if you are well too.” Can you describe unhu?

Dangarembga: This is a very interesting concept. In South Africa, ubuntu is exactly the same kind of philosophy, which is “I am because you are” or “I am because we are.” This is the kind of philosophy that used to bind villages and communities together until other forces interrupted those communities. So now I feel that this idea of “I am because you are”—meaning there is no great difference between you and me, so if you need something I can give it to you because I know you’re just like me, and when I need it you will also give it to me—has been disconnected from its material, physical base because of the way the world has progressed. Yet people retain the psychological emotion of it. So here we have a whole nation of Zimbabweans thinking we’re so wonderful because we have this unhu. We believe in “I am because we are,” and certainly, symbolically, we know that’s part of our framework and our reference, but on the ground it’s not happening anymore because all the conditions have changed and do not support that notion. And so this is why there is so much questioning in that book. Is this really the unhu that I believe in, that I came from? People are not behaving in that way anymore. Tambudzai does not resolve it for herself, but I think that there is a kind of a metanarrative there that shows the complexities, that actually the society has moved away from unhu even if they think they haven’t.

Thien: I was fascinated by the idea that personhood, or wholeness, requires reciprocity. But unhu was completely incompatible with the Rhodesian political structure, wasn’t it?

Dangarembga: Absolutely, I would say so. But I would not only say that it’s not reciprocated. For sure, when you come out of the confines of a society that had unhu, you kind of expect to find it elsewhere, which was baffling to Tambudzai in the beginning. But also, once you’ve gone outside and you’ve come back, the question is, do you also experience that from your own people? Or will they now see you as somebody outside the whole unhu construct? I feel that she has become an outsider, especially with her mother. You know, the mother should have been really happy for her daughter, and then that relation would have been reciprocal. But then Tambudzai is denied the comforts of home, and the mother is also denied the benefits of associating with a daughter who has some education and some access to the exterior world. Even if the construct doesn’t transfer outside, does it persist when the person comes back? If not, then the person coming back also becomes part of the fragmentation, as we see in the third book.

Thien: In the end, the pragmatic ones who accept the status quo, which is white rule, seem to flourish. Halfway through the trilogy, Tambu has refused to accept society as it is, and she nearly loses herself. Why?

Dangarembga: When I write, I try not to put messages in but to say, Are we here or are we there? You’ll find people who are willing to accept what happens at the advertising agency, thinking, Well okay, the money I’m getting is better than sweeping floors somewhere. So they protect their position. And then there are the type of people who will talk about it at parties or when they’re with their friends and just shake their heads and laugh. But can that be said to be emancipation? It’s this internalization of your own inferiority that Tambudzai has to struggle against. The question becomes, Do you identify with the sector of society that has money and business opportunities? That’s what people aspired to before. Or do you identify with other women like yourself? Where do you place yourself?

I realize that creative women often do not fit easily into certain paradigms. I think to myself, Then where do they go? Where do they go? Because I feel that these women have so much to contribute, that they just see things in a different way. Every society has people like that and marginalizes them in some way. So it’s a very difficult situation.

Thien: Can I detour here and ask how you left medicine? You were at Cambridge and you came home and went in an entirely different direction.

Dangarembga: I’d been studying psychology at the University of Zimbabwe, and I became involved in the drama club there and did a couple films. I started writing seriously, plays and prose, and I just felt that was really my niche. I was studying industrial psychology at the time I was seriously writing, but I realized it was going to be a struggle to make a living out of writing. So I thought, Okay, what other things can I do that are still within narrative and dealing with powerful subjects and putting ideas out there? I began to see the usefulness of film in a country like Zimbabwe. We boast about an 80 percent literacy rate. But even if you’re literate, which means you can fill in a form, it doesn’t mean you can read a piece of literature and understand what’s going on. So it seemed to me that film was also a very important medium for telling the stories that I felt needed to be told.

Thien: But why turn to film at the moment when you had such enormous international success with Nervous Conditions?

Dangarembga: Oh, Nervous Conditions was not so successful in the beginning. I finished it in 1984 and tried to have it published here, but most of the publishing houses at that time had young black men who had been outside the country writing and then came back and became the editors. When I submitted Nervous Conditions they would never give it respect. I realized they would never engage with a voice like mine.

Thien: Really?

Dangarembga: Yes, it took me four years.

Thien: So it was published outside first, in 1988?

Dangarembga: Yes, the Women’s Press. I actually didn’t know it was going to be published. So I thought, Let me try to do something different.

Thien: Were you already in film school in Berlin?

Dangarembga: I’d applied and been accepted. So when I got that letter I thought, I’m not going to lose this chance. I’m going to take it. Then what happened is that there was this huge conflict between the amount of work I was doing in film and in prose. But I just had to do the work together.

Thien: What was the conflict?

Dangarembga: They were just completely different. The skills I had learned for prose didn’t work in film. Those telling details, they’re completely different. Or the fact of these inner monologues in which you can write a whole book. Whereas prose is teasing out, film is stripping down, concentrating and compacting. I found I could not learn the one while doing the other. So it was a big struggle, actually. It took me years.

Thien: So The Book of Not was put aside.

Dangarembga: Yes, because I found I couldn’t do the two. Now that I feel I’m proficient in both, it seems to be working. But at the time, I really felt that I could not write The Book of Not while I was learning how to speak in film language.

Thien: Seventeen years, though! How could you keep Tambudzai quiet?

Dangarembga: Oh, my goodness! She was hopping mad. But you know, the point is, about the war and the racism, Nervous Conditions ends just as the war intensifies, 1977. So it was a very difficult thing to want to allow Tambudzai to talk. Because what she had to say is what happens in The Book of Not, and it wasn’t something that I thought at that time would be useful. I thought that with the kinds of divisions we had, it might be more inflammatory than anything else. The war might have brought us a little nearer to where we think we want to be as a people, but what did it consist of? It consisted of lies, forced abductions, horrible brutality on both sides, and treachery even within families. Afterwards it was just, Let’s forget, that’s all behind us. We had slogans like “This is the year of the people’s transformation.” I was young. I believed it.

So I think it was actually quite good for me to have something else to do at the time. It was only when other conflicts began again at the end of the 1990s that I thought, Tambu has this story to tell that is actually appropriate for what’s happening.

Thien: In what way was it appropriate?

Dangarembga: Because at the end of the 1990s, the whole land issue came up in Zimbabwe. We were looking at about 80 percent of the land being owned by about 20 percent of the population, which brought back the issues of racism, imbalance, and inequality. Zimbabwe had simply pretended 1890 to 1980 hadn’t happened, and many people had gone on with the same prejudices as before. It all came up again. And that’s exactly what Tambudzai was experiencing after Nervous Conditions. What resurfaced in the 1990s was in accordance with what she went through. And so, at that time when the villagers were assembling and organizing themselves into battalions that were going out into farms, I felt it was appropriate to look at those issues of race and who owns what and who has the power to bequeath what to whom in a fairly innocuous story of a young girl at school. You know, a kind of, “If you have ears to hear, then you will hear.”

Thien: Tambudzai has so much anger but not against the system itself. It all goes inward. Do you think it’s her own personhood that disturbs her most?

Dangarembga: You know, this idea of the happy African is something I really wanted to interrogate. Because if someone smiles at you it does not mean they’re happy. It just means “I think that if I smile I might get out of this alive!” And so I wanted to look into this notion of the happy African. Who is this person you are saying is the happy African? Is this person really happy? And if this person is not happy, then what is likely to be happening in this person’s life? Is this smiling, this being so complicit with the system, going to benefit society in the long run? And, of course, from my perspective as the writer, I thought not. But it was also important for me not to write an obvious kind of situation where black people are angry with white people because that doesn’t get us anywhere either. It was much more important for me to try to show to people what is happening to individuals within a certain system, and to hope that, after hearing this, people will understand, and maybe their conscience will become a little more open to things they were not open to before.

Thien: Christopher Okigbo talked about an inner exile in his generation of educated Nigerians, that they were so fully assimilated into Englishness that their ethnic memory was erased. Would it be fair to say that Tambudzai’s education expands, but also erases, her sense of self?

Dangarembga: That is true, but I think this is a reflection of what happens in almost anyone’s life. We all have our dreams. We dream about happiness and security and how to achieve them. Sometimes we do not achieve what we dreamt of and find we can be wonderfully happy without it, or with something else. Other times we do obtain what we dreamt of and find that it has not given us the peace and contentment we wished for. It is all about coming to terms with the conditions. The big problem for Tambudzai is that Rhodesian society is asking her to come to terms with a system that negates her as an African woman, and the sad thing is that she does not, cannot, or will not see that the system has nothing but contempt for her. So she tries to adjust until she becomes contemptible herself. I don’t know how she makes it through, but she does.

Thien: What about Nyasha? She’s about the same age as Tambudzai, but she looks at things directly. It’s the silence of everyone around her that breaks her down.

Dangarembga: That’s why Nyasha just goes away. Then she can consolidate herself, and when she’s ready, she comes back. I was so shocked, though, because about five or six years after Nervous Conditions was published, I asked some young women what they thought happened to Nyasha, and they said they thought she died.

Thien: I did too. Dangarembga: Oh, really? Thien: I feared she would die. I’ll never forget the scene where Babamukuru finally realizes he has to get help for Nyasha. The psychiatrist in Umtali says that Nyasha can’t be ill because “Africans did not suffer in the way we had described.”

Dangarembga: These days it’s not so difficult to go out of the country and find somewhere else where you can just explore who you are. It was important for me to say, “Whoever you are, whatever your fight is, you can come through.” I have friends who committed suicide, and I think that was actually my task, to bring these two young women through so that people can see that it’s possible, it doesn’t matter, there is a way forward. Look, the mother comes through also. All the women come through. I think the one who comes through least is Nyasha’s mother.

Thien: She’s the most educated, the one who has achieved the most, and she just disappears.

Dangarembga: Yes, she just disappears. I think the difference for Nyasha’s mother is that she doesn’t know what the conflict is. Because she has this wonderful social situation by virtue of marrying Babamukuru . . . Is she going to leave him? Whereas for the other female characters the adversity is much more concrete. It’s easier for them to grapple with it.

Thien: By the beginning of the third book, Tambu’s sense of self is severely fragmented. But the novels themselves are not fragmented. I’d say they are actually very classical. The thread never breaks. The storytelling never falters, not for a moment. Was this conscious? How did you approach it?

Dangarembga: Thanks, Maddie. I struggled to get that continuity. I struggled hard. That’s why everything took so much longer than I thought. And when it got too much, I had to have the courage to leave it until I was ready to go back. It was being alert at any moment so that if a phrase came I could write it down to contemplate later. It was very much like inviting the work to join me and waiting until it decided it would.

Thien: I had the chance to see some of your writing process these past few weeks. You get so deeply inside the psychology. You become the mindset. Was this a skill you had from the beginning, even before the writing?

Dangarembga: It is something I picked up early because I had to understand for myself why people were the way they were, and I had to be able to cope with the understanding I got. For me, the way to understand a character is motivation, so I have to focus on that. Once I understand why a character is behaving a certain way, everything else, all the other attributes, fall into place.

Thien: And then how do you step back? Is there a point of too much understanding?

Dangarembga: Stepping back is sometimes more painful than going in. A writer once said to me, “I thought I was writing it out, but actually I’m writing it in!” Also there were places I did not want to go with Tambudzai. The way she hates other black people was traumatic for me. The extent of her violence was disturbing. Her return to the village breaks my heart. But I still think, Let’s have it out in the open, then perhaps we can move on.

Thien: By the third book, white rule is finished, Zimbabwe is a new country, but the war has gone inside. Tambudzai breaks down, but just before this happens we hear what she tells her student: “You say if they do not want an A-level in biology then they will get an A-level in violence.”

Dangarembga: Is that what she says? She says it to her student?

Thien: In Chronicle . . .

Dangarembga: As I said, I started writing the second book during the land invasions at the end of the 1990s, and violence had reappeared as a way of life in Zimbabwe. I knew there must be an issue with violence here that we were not addressing. And also this idea of “we happy Africans are smiling at you” does not mean that we are free of violence. Actually, Tambudzai was a very appropriate character for me to explore what is happening underneath that happy African surface. There is all . . . all this rage that maybe the people themselves do not know is rage. But it comes out from time to time. And it definitely was an issue for me to say to people, Look, we tell the world that we are peace-loving, but are we really? When at the drop of a hat teachers can beat people to the extent where they lose eyes or they even die. There are stories like this. So it was important for me to say, The war is behind us, but if we have now incorporated this kind of violence into the very fabric of our society, are we aware of it? Are we concerned about it? To say, I am concerned, as the writer, as Tsitsi. To say, Let’s really look at ourselves.

But I think this is why these books are very difficult. They’re difficult for everyone because if you are not a black Zimbabwean, you don’t want to have to identify with some of the characters. I was on a reading tour for The Book of Not and a young woman came up and said, “I really want to apologize. My mother was at school with you. I hope she wasn’t one of those people.” People do not know it. It’s astonishing, but they really do not.

So I think it was difficult for people to read The Book of Not, and it will be really difficult for them to read Chronicle because I’m asking people to make certain connections. I do think we also need the kind of narrative that questions and helps you take a few steps further than you have been. That was also the basic idea in the workshop, Breaking the Silence. All these stories of violence: Are we just accepting them? Are we not making the connections because it’s easier? What is there to do about it? And for me, that’s why it was so emotional at the end of the workshop. I was beginning to despair of finding Zimbabweans who understood where I was coming from. It’s always, oh, you know, You’re out on a limb again! You’re causing discomfort! You’re disrupting and making everyone so uncomfortable! So it was really a special moment for me to have those eight people, besides yourself and myself, in that room. And to really feel we were all understanding the significance, the necessity. It was one of the most gratifying experiences I’ve ever had in my life.

Thien: Nobody walked away. This surprised me.

Dangarembga: I hope that they’ll be able to take it further. I’m not going to take it further. I think I’ve done my thing. If somebody ever contacts me and says, Can you . . . ? But you know, it also takes its toll on me. [Tsitsi is taking the project further, and has continued to mentor the writers who participated. She will be publishing the stories from the workshop in late 2013.]

Thien: When I look around me in Harare, there are entire interactions I wouldn’t know how to begin describing. And I realize I can’t find the words because I don’t actually know what I’m seeing. There’s a complex system of silences that you also have to find the language for.

Dangarembga: Yes. Mmm. You know, the language is really important. If I want to say certain things in Shona to a Shona speaker, I don’t have the language. First, because Shona is basically pre-colonial, so that whole experience of being colonized and being warped toward yourself is not really something we have put into language yet. Then the other language is English, whose purpose, I suppose, is to be imperial. You know, I’ve often looked in dictionaries to see if there is a word for people who enslave other people. You’d expect there’d be a word like enslavers or something. There isn’t. Or the dictionaries I’ve looked in haven’t got it! So English hasn’t got the language either.

The language in Shona is for the collective “you.” Shona is also very passive, as I think you might have noticed, and the language of narrative has to be active so it pushes the narrative along. I think that’s what I see as my job. So, okay, if this is what is now necessary to put into language, into narrative, how can I do it? It is a great act of magic to make submission active.

Thien: Can you read an excerpt from The Book of Not to give an example of Tambudzai’s submission?

Dangarembga: Sure.

Could I conceive of standing up and looking around me in a different manner? I could not. Truly, I could not imagine that I should have looked around me in another way, and analyzed what was taking place from my own perspective. For to do that, one requires a point of view . . . I resorted to the usual way of not feeling anything, of concentrating on every inch of skin, on the opening of every pore until I could feel nothing else and the sensation of me filled the entire universe. But I was not, I could feel nothing, and when I had come to this point of not being, I took the precaution of appropriately looking down.

Thien: Did you have mentors? Dangarembga: I was very fortunate to come into my writing career in the 1980s, when Toni Morrison was coming onto the scene. And also Alice Walker. I think that, now, the book of Alice Walker’s that I prefer most is Meridian, about this young woman coming of age in her late teens, early twenties, during the civil rights movement. She knows that she’s got to keep walking. But as a human being and as a woman you don’t want to always be nurturing conflict, as it were.

And I remember very specifically there was this point where the protagonist is crying. Tears stream down her face as she works. I was a young woman in my mid-twenties when I read it then; it didn’t speak to me. Now I don’t have access to a copy, but I remember that scene after more than three decades. So I had good role models. You know, Toni Morrison is absolutely fearless. I’m actually very fearful, so, you know, it takes a lot out of me to pretend I’m fearless.

Thien: That’s why you have “indomitable” in the title of the third book!

Dangarembga: Exactly! Just to convince myself. But yes, to have been coming into my writing career at a time when African American women were also making their mark and during this wonderful flowering of the literature, that was very good for me.

What I did notice however, especially with Toni Morrison, is that if you’re African American you have slavery as a construct around which to frame your narrative. Everyone has a view that slavery was evil and that it was a crime against humanity. It’s very different when you’re dealing with something that people have not generally accepted as having been criminal, such as colonization. This different set of values makes it very difficult for me to engage with the atrocities in my work without appearing pugnacious. And then, it sounds foolish, but another example comes from the biblical teaching that you take everything unto yourself. So Tambudzai had to become the essence of all that is wrong in order to get people to come along with her and see what’s wrong. That for me is the only way it will work, by making the person represent both sides of the story, as it were. I can’t confront people all the time. If I do that I begin to become my own worst nightmare.

Thien: Would you say Tambudzai was fortunate to go mad? It forced her to see that all is not well.

Dangarembga: Exactly. It was her own conscience that was telling her somewhere that this is not right. Which is why she couldn’t sustain it.

It was extremely intricate and extremely taxing to take all that violence into myself. But you have to live in your world otherwise it doesn’t ring true, it doesn’t resonate. But I’m glad it’s done now.

Thien: How do you know it’s done? Dangarembga: Oh, I know! It’s definitely finished. I know what happens to the characters and, you know, I could write it but it wouldn’t be anything new. It would just be, okay, everything went happily and then—

Thien: I just feel so attached to her.

Dangarembga: I don’t think I would be adding another dimension to our understanding of the way things work in Zimbabwe. So I don’t need to.

Thien: Do you see young Zimbabwean writers coming up now really confronting society the way that you do or that Dambudzo Marechera did?

Dangarembga: To be honest, I’m a little concerned about the status of writing here in Zimbabwe. The political situation is so prominent, it allows people not to deal with the real human side of the conflicts. In other words, it’s very easy to say, This person is from that party, the Dictator’s Party, and this person is from the good party, the Party of One Who Is Going to Free Us from the Dictatorship, and to frame it in those terms.

Also, we don’t really have publishers of fiction. The flip side of that is, if you put your manuscript together, you can publish yourself. And the way that you publish is that you get development aid money, which is really not concerned with quality. It’s just concerned with empowering people to do things. So they can also empower people to put certain narratives into the marketplace. And I think there’s a lot of this going on.

I think we are going through a phase where we are not pushing our writers to give of their highest. So I think that we are not being fair to them. Our experience in the workshop showed us that when people come in with something that has potential, when they just need that guidance to get closer, they will do it. One of the things I really want to do is start working on a new institution where creative arts, narrative, and performance can be taught properly. If we could only nurture properly, Zimbabwe could be really significant, not only in literature but also in music, dance, everything. But we’re just not harnessing that. We are not enabling our young people to realize their potential. And that’s something I want to change. Which is also why I’m mentoring these young women. This is on a very small scale, we have three or four in the office all the time, but it’s something.

Thien: They’re making films. They’re publishing.

Dangarembga: Yes, I hope we get there. There is an idea in Zimbabwe that is very prevalent. People think, I am, therefore I can. I think it would be more useful to think, Because I am, I can learn. However, to learn is to imply that someone has a capacity you do not. That does not sound egalitarian. And it suggests that you are somehow less, somehow inferior to the other person, and this brings back a lot of ghosts concerning inferiority. As a result, few people want to be told how things might be better done. So for me, it was mind-blowing in the workshop to see how Ignatius [Mabasa, a Zimbabwean novelist and poet who works in Shona and co-taught the workshop with us] could suggest to a writer, “How about this?” “How about that?” And to have them take it in. Underneath all the superficiality, people are craving that guidance. They must be. And they must be conscious that the society is not giving it to them either. So I wouldn’t like to make any blanket statements about the young people who are writing now, but I really feel that we, who should be setting things up for them, are really doing them a disservice.

Thien: You were away for a little while in the late 1990s. Was it difficult to come home?

Dangarembga: No, I had gone abroad specifically to acquire skills, which I did. It was not a difficult decision. I always knew I was coming back. It was simply a question of when.

Thien: What do you find most striking when you go back to Nervous Conditions after all these years?

Dangarembga: The agility of the narrative and the joy and hope in the text.

Thien: Thanks, Tsitsi.

Dangarembga: Thank you, Maddie.

brickmag

The vagina is for pleasure and childbirth period!

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Vivian Emesaraonye Dimgba

I hate when people say the vagina is sacred or has some sort of spiritual sanctity.
This is why children are getting raped. And women predisposed to be used for rituals. We have been spewing this rubbish for so long.

The moment a woman chooses to sexually express herself, we now remember she is a sacred creature, that needs to be respected and treated with honour. Simply because she’s choosing to live life on her terms.

I’ve heard confessions of men who raped month old babies, because they’ve been told that the vagina of these babies could heal them of Aids, Poverty and stupidity.

Dear single woman, there’s nothing special about your vagina. It was designed for pleasure and childbirth. That sanctity nonsense, is a scam men spew to keep you submissive, and stupid. Have you ever wondered why they think you’re inferior! But somehow your vagina magically becomes superior any time you’re breaking out? They indirectly stifle you. They play on the emotions that you’ve been indoctrinated with your whole life, by telling you how you’re a spiritual being, simply because you have a vagina and a breast. A being, with barely no rights!

You’re spiritual.. But the hospital where you bring forth spiritual life is basically a slaughter house. No facilities. A spiritual being that cannot get justice when she’s raped or wronged. Or even inherit properties. Spiritual being with mutilated clitoris so you can’t feel pleasure; but the man can take his pleasure. Everything tradition and culture in this damn country has been designed to make you feel less. Insignificant. Inconsequential. Irrelevant. You can’t even get appointments or political relevance, because you’re not built for leadership. But your spiritual vagina is powerful.

They tell you how your vagina is the pinnacle of decency and the yardstick to measure common sense. All lies. Freaking lies.
Can you see the hyprocrisy?
Can you see they do not care about you? But basically about themselves.

You are not your genitals . You are not your vagina. You’re a complete being, sensual and intelligent. You’re the full package. Revel in it. Stop feeling guilty for the things you feel down there. It doesn’t define what’s up in your head. Don’t let the society and their hyprocrisy define you. Live your best life, with no regrets. No one cares.

Imo State ACJL No: 2 2020, Auschwitz On My Mind

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By S. Long Williams Esq. Governor, EBF

Absurd events are unfolding with great and ferocious rapidity in the geographical space called Nigeria in geometric proportions. It takes one with the same proportion to be abreast with events and drama in Nigeria.

A few minutes of absence from the news and one will be drowned in an avalanche of macabre absurdities. Ferris Bueller once said “life moves very fast, if you don’t stop once in a while to look around, you could miss it”

While we are still sourcing for a compass to navigate out of one of such dramatic absurdities as regards the illegal, unilateral and demonic amendment of the Rules of Professional Conduct for lawyers by the Honourable Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami SAN, we were soon inundated with news of the promulgation by the Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodinma of the Imo State Administration of Criminal Justice Law No. 2 of 2020.

Section 484 of the Imo ACJL reads:

“Where any person is ordered to be detained during the Governor’s pleasure he shall notwithstanding anything in this Law or in any other written law contained be liable to be detained in such place and under such conditions as the Governor may direct and whilst so detained shall be deemed to be in legal custody”.

Section 485(1) A detainee may only be discharged if granted license by the Governor.

(2) A license under subsection (1) of this section may be in such form and may contain such conditions as the Governor may direct.

(3) A license under this section may at anytime be revoked or varied by the Governor and where license has been revoked the person to whom the license relates shall proceed to such place as the Governor may direct and if he fails to do so, maybe arrested without warrant and taken to such place.

The salient areas to note in the above provisions are as follows;
1. Anyone can be detained at the pleasure of the Governor.
2. The provision is not subservient and is superior to any other law including the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended.
3. Anyone can be detained at any place or anywhere be it a pit, dungeon, concentration camp or any other place not necessarily a Correctional Centre.
4. Anyone can be detained under any dehumanizing condition.
5. That such detention is legal.
6. A detainee may only be discharged at the license of the Governor
7. There is no time frame or limit to the period of detention.
8. That licence may be granted on the conditions to be set out by the Governor.
9. The conditions may be varied or revoked at anytime at the pleasure of the Governor and the detainee rearrested and further destined.

When I first went through the provisions of the said law, what first swept my consciousness was Auschwitz.

Auschwitz, also known as Auschwitz-Birkenau, opened in 1940 and was the largest of the Nazi concentration and death camps. Located in southern Poland, Auschwitz initially served as a detention center for political prisoners. However, it evolved into a network of camps where Jewish people and other perceived enemies of the Nazi state were exterminated, often in gas chambers, or used as slave labor. Some prisoners were also subjected to barbaric medical experiments led by Josef Mengele (1911-79). During World War II (1939-45), more than 1 million people, by some accounts, lost their lives at Auschwitz. In January 1945, with the Soviet army approaching, Nazi officials ordered the camp abandoned and sent an estimated 60,000 prisoners on a forced march to other locations. When the Soviets entered Auschwitz, they found thousands of emaciated detainees and piles of corpses left behind.

Is Senator Hope Uzodinma, the Governor of Imo State about to take us back to Auschwitz? How do we juxtapose this law with Section 35 and 36 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended and the supremacy of the said constitution as provided in Section 1(1).

Section 1(1) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended states as follows ” This constitution is supreme and its provision shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria ”

Can it therefore be said that the provisions of Section 484 of the IMO State ACJL No. 2, 2020 supersede the provision of Section 1(1) of the 1999 Constitution as amended. The answer is definitely in the NEGATIVE and the said law is illegal, null avoid and of no effect whatsoever.

Besides offending the supremacy of the constitution, the said Imo State Law contravenes the clear and extant provisions of Section 35 & 36 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended and therefore illegal, null and void to the extent of its inconsistency.

My friend, the indefatigable Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Aba Branch Bertram Faotu Esq. has opined that there is nothing new about the Imo State law, that the said law exist as a Federal legislation in Section 401 of the Criminal Procedure Law which in itself gives directions in Sections 230, 235, 328 & 368 of the Criminal Procedure Act. Ditto for my Political Chairman J.S. Okutepa SAN. The question that agitates me with the argument of my learned chairmen in this present circumstance are as follows:

1. Why did Section 484 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Law No. 2 of 2020, Imo State not make any directions to any other section or law dealing with persons found guilty who are suffering from insanity, persons that do not understand the proceedings or persons under the age of 17 or 18 as in the provisions in the Criminal Procedure Law.

2. Why is Section 484 ACJL Imo State standing on its own? Does that not raise a red flag as to the intendment of the law makers. Aristotle in his book, De Interpretatione noted thus” written words are the signs of words spoken and words spoken are symbols and signs of affection or impressions of the soul”. Also Jerry Foder in his book, Language of Thoughts wrote ” spoken and written language derive intentionality and meaning from an internal language encoded in the mind”

From the above, l state without any equivocation that the written words as contained in Sections 484 & 485 of the Imo State ACJL 2020 are signs of affection/ impressions of the soul and represent the internal language encoded in the mind of the law giver.

3. Also why were these sections smuggled into the law as alleged by Hon. Frank Ugboma, the Deputy Minority Leader of the Imo State House of Assembly who is the sponsor of the bill. How did a bill of 372 sections metamorphose to 485 sections and beyond without the knowledge of the law makers whose duty and primary responsibility is to make laws for the good people of Imo State?

One thing that is also curious about the said Imo State law is that it is the only domesticated Administration of Criminal Justice Law in Nigeria that contains the said provisions. The question that will agitate any discerning mind is why Imo State? We are all aware that the Imo State Government, especially the Governor, has been particularly restless over criticism trailing his administration and the usual and popular reference to him as “Supreme Court Governor” Has the Governor prepared to deal ruthlessly with his opponents real and imaginary as that explains the sole purpose of this provision.

We must not allow the Governor to be the accuser, judge and executioner at the same time or else we shall soon find ourselves in Auschwitz.

Wriiten by By S. Long Williams Esq. Governor, EBF

Woman Without Home or Family Delivers Baby Boy Under A Bridge In Lagos

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The Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA) made this known on Saturday.

Dr Olufemi Damilola Oke-Osanyintolu, DG/CEO of LASEMA said the agency ambulance team at Eti-Osa delivered Ms Blessing Emmanuel, a 35-year-old woman of the baby.

“The lady, who has neither home nor family in Lagos, is from Cross River State.

“Mother and baby are fine and have been taken to Island Maternity where they will get expert care,” Oke-Osanyintolu said.

When Traffic Wardens May Be Required To Perform Military Duties In Nigeria

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#OBSCURELEGALFACTS BY AROME ABU.

In Nigeria, Police officers may be required to discharge military duties.

Traffic wardens are however, exempted from performing Military duties. Except otherwise provided by law.

See Section 120(4) of the Police Act 2020

Arome Abu is the Principal Partner of TCLP.

CAVEAT: Note that this information is provided for general enlightenment purposes and is not intended to be any form of legal advice.

Obscure Legal Facts is an exclusive daily publication of THE COUNSEL L-P.
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