By Divine Jude Okeke

It has become apparent that resource rich and resource dependent countries could significantly benefit from the effective management or governance of petroleum resources in achieving economic growth and mitigating the resource curse.

In this regard, transparency has been touted as a significant contributor to achieving an effective resource governance regime. These conversations has led to the emergence of accountability initiatives like ‘Publish what you pay,’ ‘The Kimberly Thought Process’ and most popular amongst them, the ‘Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative’ (EITI). These initiatives were set up to encourage the publishing of financial transactions between a country’s government and oil multinational companies.

Nigeria voluntarily joined the global EITI in 2003 and inaugurated the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) to promote prudent management of revenues from its abundant natural resources to reduce poverty and ensure sustainable development. NEITI in that regard posed itself to be the Nigerian national sub-set of the global EITI.

The NNPC towers had long cut the image of an opaque, dingy glass house where corruption had become institutionalised. The KPMG, back in 2012, investigated finances of the corporation and exposed massive financial malfeasance and monumental corruption. Understandably, many had given up on the possibility of salvaging the corporation from the firm grip of financial iniquities and operational lethargy, such that public cynicism had always greeted every appointment or reorganisation in the corporation.

Since its establishment, NEITI was construed to act as a watchdog in attacking the oil corporation and ensuring maximum levels of compliance with the transparency initiatives. However, the harmonisation and compliance NEITI has set the corporation to comport itself to, has left most stakeholders bewildered. Since the appointment of the GMD, Sir. Mele Kyari, it has been no surprise to see that the government has set out to transform the operations of the oil corporation. 

But since his appointment positive changes have become noticeable. Large-scale institutional reforms which rolled the NNPC into seven independent business units to make it a more efficient corporation; The business environment was also liberalised, and it became an enabler for the introduction of new business models which drastically reduced the losses recorded by the NNPC in the past. These reforms in the petroleum sector in the last four years has yielded over $30 billion foreign investments and commitments aimed at growing the sector.

These reforms also yielded positive results in the area of personnel integrity, and nowhere is this demonstrated more than the emergence of a management staff as the GMD of the corporation. Kyari personifies the fruits of those reforms and his sub appointments was a grandeur endorsement of the current management of the NNPC as professionals who work to make operations in the oil and gas sector more transparent and accountable.

Some of these notable achievements were seen when, the Federal Government through the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources; Chief Timipre Sylva, Sir Mele Kyari and Sir Adokiye Tombomieye inaugurated the crude oil cost optimization programme which was one of the top priority areas given to the Ministry of Petroleum Resources under the Next Level agenda of Mr President in ensuring reduction of the price of the crude oil extraction costs. Additionally,  the domestic gas consumption got a boost as the NPDC completed its gas plant, and grand above all was NNPC BECOMING AN EITI SUPPORT COMPANY.

Despite the above achievements of the NNPC, there are some criticisms. One of such criticisms is that while the EITI relies on government and companies to report financial transactions, it is unable to ‘monitor or track illicit financial flows – that is money that benefits a select group of elites’. This means that it does not have the mechanism to identify and report illegitimate transfers that are diverted for private benefit. Also, another perceived weakness of the EITI is its voluntary nature. The Federal Government and companies are only encouraged to adhere to the EITI principles but are not under any obligation to do so.

Another criticism is that, although there is increased transparency, the overarching societal expectation that improved transparency will lead to greater governance and socio-economic transformations remains unachieved. It is therefore suggested that while EITI implementation fosters transparency, accountability remains a concern. Hence, the reason why corruption persists. It therefore implies that ‘the EITI or the NEITI being its subset on its own cannot completely be said to be a panacea for good governance and sustainable development’ of petroleum resources for oil-rich countries.

Strengthening Transparency: Moving Towards a Robust Petroleum Resource Governance Framework

While countries remain the entities with significant governance authority, there are several actors with equally important roles. Some are Non-governmental organisations (NGOs), corporations and international organisations and even the citizens. The interactions between these complex interlinkages at an international, national and local level could lead to positive solutions.

There are several requirements to ensuring a robust petroleum governance framework and the role of transparency cannot be over emphasised. As a response to the challenges caused by the opacity of the petroleum industry, some analysts propose that perhaps “shining the light” could be beneficial. The idea was that through transparency, institutional mechanisms that make government more accountable will be strengthened.

This was further strengthened by the idea that perhaps through the transparent management of natural resources, government corruption, institutional erosion, civil conflicts and economic challenges will be resolved. Unfortunately, several years after, these concerns persist despite the popularity of transparency initiatives like the NEITI. It is therefore suggested that while efforts are made to further strengthen the NEITI, there should be a shift towards a broader petroleum resource governance framework. It is in this regard that the Natural Resource Charter is instrumental.

The Natural Resource Charter could complement the efforts of the NNPC’s implementation of the NEITI’s policies in achieving a comprehensive natural resource governance framework. The Charter provides a practical advice for governments, societies and the international community on how best to manage resource wealth. The Charter contains twelve precepts.

The first 10 precepts provides guidance on how a government might manage its natural resources while the last two other precepts such as extractive companies are those responsible for international governance. These twelve precepts are expected to assist governments develop a governance regime that could assist in transforming extractive wealth to sustained prosperity as government will be able to make and implement good policy decisions with support and oversight from citizens and international community.

The NEITI and NNPC must be commended on the basis of its core objective of providing reliable extractive industry financial information so as to provide a platform for dialogue and an opportunity for citizens and NGOs to hold governments accountable. But the idea that transparency alone can somehow lead to greater governance, accountability and strengthened institutions, which will in turn lead to resource prosperity, is unsustainable.

As shown above, key advocates of the NEITI are beginning to acknowledge that such over-expectation is only unrealistic. It is for this reason that scholars are advocating for a shift to natural resource governance which led to the development of the Natural Resource Charter. The concern is that even such commendable gestures remain a challenge to fragile countries that have been plagued by conflicts and weak institutions. In this regard, greater responsibility is placed on the governments to muster the necessary political will that can lead to the change and growth they seek. Otherwise, all these discussions will be nothing but fruitless academic exercises. This means that the responsibility rests with governments to adopt and implement these initiatives.

Divine C. Jude-Okeke Esq., an Oil & Gas Law Governance enthusiast is an Abuja based lawyer. He can be reached on: 08126667321

According to Mallam Abubakar Malami, LLB, BL, the attorney-general of the Nigerian federation, minister of justice, senior advocate of Nigeria and member of the Nigerian bar, banning open grazing is the rough equivalent of banning trading in spare parts. Let me take that again. When you say herders and their cattle should be legally restrained from invading people’s farmlands, destroying people’s crops, ruining people’s livelihoods and pouring petrol on the inferno that is fast burning the nation’s delicate fabric, it is as good as saying people should stop selling spare parts in shops and markets. Do you understand Malami’s logic? You don’t understand it? Neither do I.

Reacting to the resolution of southern governors to ban open grazing as a result of security concerns, Malami said freedom of movement is guaranteed in the constitution and cynically asked the governors to seek an amendment. Listen to him, up close: “It is about constitutionality within the context of the freedoms expressed in our constitution. Can you deny the rights of a Nigerian? For example, it is as good as saying, perhaps, maybe, the northern governors coming together to say they prohibit spare parts trading in the north. Does it hold water? Does it hold water for a northern governor to come and state expressly that he now prohibits spare parts trading in the north?”

From where I am sitting, I can see at least a thousand and one flaws in Malami’s spare parts analogy. The fundamental one is a well-known fallacy called “false equivalence” in logic — a flawed reasoning also referred to as “fallacy of inconsistency”. We often call it “comparing apples and oranges” in everyday argument. It works by comparing two things based on a faulty criterion. For example, arguing that since it is illegal for individuals to have bombs, it should also be illegal to have Christmas bangers because both are explosives. A banger is not a bomb, for Pete’s sake! It is a desperate and disingenuous way of advancing an argument in which two disparate items are made to look alike!

In what ways would anyone liken open grazing to trading in spare parts? Open grazing means herding your cattle in locations that do not belong to you.

That means you are encroaching on private or public property without authorisation. It involves feeding freely on pasture that was not willingly donated to you. It also involves destroying people’s farmlands and ruining their livelihoods. How on earth can anyone compare that to selling spare parts in shops where traders pay rent? Do spare parts shops use free utilities same way cattle eat free grass unauthorised? Do spare parts sellers encroach on private or public property in the course of exercising their freedoms as traders?

If we are to advance a proper logical argument, we should compare those who operate in a similar field — animal husbandry. So, let us compare cattle farming with poultry and piggery. Those who run poultries and piggeries buy the feeds and the water and pay the rent if they do not own the land. They are no less of business people than the herders. They are no less citizens of Nigeria, with constitutionally guaranteed rights, than the herders. Why should herders be treated any differently? Open grazing is not only outdated, as we can see from modern global practices, it has become so politically explosive in Nigeria that anyone who loves peace will only seek a permanent solution.

Since Malami mentioned “constitutionally guaranteed” freedoms, I want to guess that he is talking about the right of every Nigerian to live and do business anywhere in the federation.

If my assumption is right, then his problem is bigger than I originally thought. Even a law undergraduate, much less a SAN, knows that there is no absolute right anywhere. Your rights and the rights of others have boundaries. Your right to do business cannot override my right to private property. John Locke, the highly influential English philosopher and “Father of Liberalism”, wrote in 1689: “Being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions.”

While I have argued before, and will argue again, that southern governors cannot ban open grazing overnight, I also know that they did not just wake up one day to take the decision because everything was going well. It was not as if open grazing was winning gold medals for Nigeria and the governors decided to rain on the parade. We have a serious challenge that has unsettled everybody across the country, not just the south. Even northern governors issued a statement in February admitting that open grazing was no longer sustainable, promising to promote ranching. And unlike Malami, they did not suggest that spare parts trading was posing a similar challenge up north.

I was in a team of journalists that toured Jigawa state in 2005 when Alhaji Saminu Turaki was the governor. We were shown a ranch he was building, complete with something called “rain harvest”. During the rainy season, water would be stored in an underground system. Then in dry season, it would be pumped to nurture the pasture. Turaki said this would guarantee fresh pasture all year round and address the frequent clashes between the itinerant herders and farmers in the state. He imported cattle breeds, and I think it was an Argentinian expert that was managing the ranching project. That is how to solve a problem. I never heard Turaki complain about spare parts traders.

But banning open grazing “with immediate effect” — as the southern governors want to do — can only worsen our security challenges. That is my point of departure. You cannot make herders disappear overnight, neither can you change from an open grazing culture to a ranching one within the twinkle of an eye. We need to plan, to engage, to reach a consensus, to have timelines, to transition. Otherwise, there would be unintended consequences. This is no longer a pure agricultural problem but some significant political, ethnic and religious sensitivities which can explode in our faces if we do not apply wisdom. But then, the peerless Malami has suddenly emerged on the scene.

Aside his classic ill logic — “the herder has a right to do business; the spare parts seller has a right to do business; therefore, it is wrong to ban open grazing” — there are far more troubling undercurrents in Malami’s pronouncements. They give away a lot about mindsets inside the Buhari administration. Anyone preaching national peace and unity should be very disturbed. It would appear that as many Nigerians are trying to de-escalate the tensions in the land, some hardliners are trying to worsen matters. As the Mandators sang in 1988, ‘Some are trying to find solutions to all the problems we have/Some are making it impossible for the problems to be solved.’

I smelt, in Malami’s words, a trivialisation of the security challenges posed by the activities of the herders. Of course, I do not belong to the group of people who hold the herders responsible for every crime committed in southern Nigeria. I also do not believe in the conspiracy theories — the herders had been giving farmers hell (including up north) long before President Muhammadu Buhari came to power in 2015. But no honest observer can deny that the activities of some herders have been a threat to national peace in recent years and the government has definitely failed to address the issue decisively. To compare herders to spare parts traders is to turn the whole thing into a joke.

Malami’s choice of “spare parts” as an analogy is an undeniable underhand reference to the Igbo who overwhelmingly control that line of business. The 17 southern governors are from the three geo-political zones and cut across ethnic groups and party lines. Malami’s preference for “spare parts” trading can only be interpreted one way: that he is picking on the Igbo. Is this a fightback at the framing of herders as “Fulani terrorists” since Buhari came to power in 2015? If this was Malami’s intention, I would say it was a poor one. A minister of the federal republic must resist the urge to play the ethnic card, no matter the temptation, no matter the urge. It is just too low.

While having prejudices and biases is only human, you need to summon all the restrain and maturity possible and rise above ethnic sentiments in your pronouncements when you occupy government positions. I find it difficult to understand how many people in government see themselves, first and foremost, as ethnic champions who are in power to defend the interests of members of their ethnic groups. This mindset, or line of thinking, is not only regressive and unhelpful, it is also very dangerous and harmful to the cause of national reconciliation, integration, peace and unity. Our inability to distill our emotions is hurting efforts to tackle challenges that are dragging us backward.

Malami’s pronouncements are all the more worrisome because ethnic champions usually begin to display their biases openly only after they have left government — not while still active service. We know many people who held top government positions and even aspired to be president but end up as leaders of one ethnic association or the other. You can guess that when they were in government, they must have been promoting one policy or the other meant to give advantage to their parts of the country. It could be in recruitment and promotion. It is normally after they have left government that they start wearing their ethnic badges everywhere. Malami cannot even wait for that long.

What Nigeria needs today is statesmanship. We need men and women who will say and do things that will reduce the tensions in the land, heal the wounds and chart a path to peace and progress. Although southern governors have controversially resolved to ban open grazing because of the crisis that has engulfed many communities, they also provided a leeway in their communique by saying the federal government should support “willing” states to develop an alternative and modern livestock management system. Federal government should take a more constructive look in that direction. Nigeria urgently needs problem solvers, not rabble rousers. We need peace, not war.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

RIP, ATTAHIRU

The death of Lt Gen Ibrahim Attahiru, chief of army staff, and 10 other military officers in an air mishap in Kaduna on Friday was so devastating. It is one of those things about life we can never understand. He was appointed army chief only in February — and three months later, he is gone. We must continue to ask questions about air safety in Nigeria. If military aircraft can be dropping from the skies at this rate — whether or not it is as a result of human error, bad weather, poor maintenance, whatever — the fact is that something is just not right. Attahiru had reinvigorated the war on terror and it looked like we were going somewhere. And then this. What a loss. Tragic.

SICK TROLLS

Many of my friends were so worried — disgusted is the word — over the jubilant reactions of some Nigerians to the death of Lt Gen Ibrahim Attahiru, chief of army staff, on Friday. Twitter, in particular, was full of nasty trolling, with some falsely quoting him as saying over his dead body would Nigeria break up. While mocking the dead is disgusting, it is no longer surprising. It has become a new culture and should now be regarded as a stage in the post-humanity era that we are moving into, enabled by the social media. Unfortunately, those celebrating Attahiru’s death are still unable to see that it would not solve their problem, whatever their problem may be. Sickening.

DEAD AND ALIVE

Reports yet to be refuted indicate that Abubakar Shekau, the leader of Boko Haram, is finally dead. We are being cautious because he had been reported dead many times and he would do a video to laugh off the reports. He is said to have committed suicide after being attacked by members of the Islamic State in West Africa (ISWAP), an offshoot of Boko Haram. Whatever the case is, we cannot celebrate yet. Shekau had reportedly become marginalised over the years, so his Boko Haram has not been our major headache in recent times. The real problem is ISWAP and they are believed to be the ones behind the banditry and kidnappings. Shekau is dead but terror is still alive. Vigilance.

COVID CAUTION

As COVID-19 continues to devastate India, I have been very worried for Nigeria. It took a third wave for India to crack and the dead bodies are piling up badly by the day. We just have to take precaution and stop peddling fables that we have natural immunity in Nigeria. Some Nigerian pastors have blood on their hands as they continue to mislead their congregation into the path of ignorance, even though you have to also question how church members can so easily submit themselves to the manipulation. We don’t all have to take the vaccine since the anti-vax propaganda appears to have worked very well, but we can at least keep to basic safety measures. Caution.

Inside Stuff With MARTINS OLOJA

There have been so many issues in the news that should be discussed here this week even without suspending my theme for this month: ‘Six years of excuses, 22 years of locusts’. I have to suspend the theme to address what I have considered a weightier matter of the law and governance: politics of appointing a new Vice Chancellor for the Lagos State University(LASU). Barely two months ago, I celebrated the university’s achievement here.

It is very difficult, for instance, to ignore the fact that Nigeria is losing more soldiers and policemen in its war theatres. We lost our new army chief, some generals and top air-force officers who were in pursuit of our peace at the weekend. This is a perilous time. Is it easy to ignore the careless and toxic statement of our attorney general of the federation on southern governors’ ban open grazing? It is fitting that a ‘more learned’ legal luminary and governor of Ondo state, Arakunrin Rotimi Akeredolu, an emerging clear leader, has remarkably hacked Abubakar Malami ‘for his bad verses’. One can only say that Governor Akeredolu’s consistency and candour in these times have been helpful in deconstructing the curiously perilous times in our country.

‘LASU Again’

Let’s discuss the Lagos State University’s current leadership succession crisis. I think the LASU’s current challenge should not be left to the devices of political leaders who have not been explaining the complexity of the crisis arising from complicated processes of appointing a vice chancellor of the university that has just been rated by a global body as second to only the Nigeria’s premier university in Ibadan. I am quite concerned about the image of the university, which should not be tampered with at this time. I am not a product of LASU but as I noted in a recent comment here, the Lagos State University is beginning to make a significant point for federalism. And so that should form the basis for why all old students of the university and citizens of Lagos state and indeed all public intellectuals should be interested in happenings there at this time.

At the weekend, the Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu endorsed the recommendations of the visitation panel to the university including the dissolution of the institution’s Adebayo Ninalowo-led governing council.
Mr Sanwo-Olu, who had been in dilemma since the panel, headed by the Pro-Chancellor of the Ekiti State University and former Vice-Chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Professor Bamitale Omole, submitted its report on May 10, took the decision on Friday.

Other members of the visitation panel are a former vice-chancellor of the University of Port Harcourt, Joseph Ajienka; a political scientist, Professor Ayo Olukotun; former Lagos Solicitor-General, Lawal Pedro; former Registrar of University of Ibadan (UI), Olujimi Olukoya, and a director in the state’s public service, Funmilola Olajide, who functioned as the panel’s secretary.

In a statement by the commissioner for information, Mr. Gbenga Omotosho, the governor listed six adopted recommendations to include governing council dissolution, cancellation of the second selection process, exemption of members of the university’s senate who participated in the failed processes from taking part in the new processes. In the same vein, the university’s registrar, Olayinka Amuni, has also been asked to embark on compulsory leave pending the conclusion of a new process.
According to reports, Mr. Amuni is being punished for alleged failure to guide the governing council to adhere strictly to the laws in the selection process in the appointment of the institution’s 9th substantive vice-chancellor.

Also, the panel, in its three-volume report, has recommended the constitution of another “full-fledged visitation panel to the university,” and the governor has also endorsed the recommendation.

‘Reminiscence’:

Five years after relative peace returned to the university, LASU is again attracting public attention for the wrong reasons. It is beginning to appear that the unending controversies over the appointment of a successor for the institution’s 8th substantive VC, Olanrewaju Fagbohun, may have taken the shine off the university’s recent gains, which threw it up as Nigeria’s second-best university in the last two years consecutively. After rejecting the first nominations by the university’s governing council earlier in the year because of complaints by some applicants and others, Mr. Sanwo-Olu ordered a fresh process by the same selection committee of the governing council. But the council had consistently ranked a professor of public health and director of the university’s research and innovation unit, Olumuyiwa Odusanya, first in its recommendations. A former chairperson of the university’s branch of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Kabir Akinyemi, ranked second in the first exercise, a former deputy vice-chancellor, Sena Bakre, was ranked third.

However, in March, after another round of rigorous selection processes, a fresh recommendation was made to the governor with the best three: professor Odusanya, who scored 87.94 per cent; a professor of public health at Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto, Mohammed Ibrahim, who scored 80.95 per cent, and a professor of public mental health and incumbent acting provost of the university’s college of medicine, Abiodun Adewuya, with 76.61 per cent, taking first, second and third positions respectively. There have been allegations of compromise against the governing council, and particularly the institution’s joint senate and council selection committee.
But the development at the weekend has sent signals of imminent crisis at the Lagos State University unless it is well managed and justice is served.

In a Sunday March 14 article titled, ‘Lagos State University’s Rating Beautifies Federalism’ here, yours sincerely wrote, among others:

‘Let’s for a moment leave the meretricious story of a nation celebrating release of kidnapped school children every week while other nations are celebrating enterprise, entrepreneurship and scientific discoveries. Let’s discuss a testimony of a university that has risen from obscurity to significance within the context of federalism, an idea whose time has come for the people but which our leaders would not like anyone to talk about. I would like to draw attention to lessons we can learn from a recent consistency, efficiency and organisational excellence from the Lagos State University, which was clearly underrated a few years ago. Today, in terms of global rating, the State University is sandwiched between two indisputable federal giants, the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos. This is not a construct we should just ignore because Lagos and Abuja curiously hate each other for political reasons. This is a story that defines development. This is a contextual reporting of federalism, a concept most hypocrites and power elite would not like the media to mention. Let’s celebrate the powers that have rebuilt the Lagos State University (LASU) from grass to grace.

Here is the latest news item: The University of Ibadan, Lagos State University, University of Lagos, and Covenant University have ranked among the top 1,000 universities in the world. This was contained in the 2021 Times Higher Education World University Ranking released last Wednesday. THE ranked UI, LASU, UNILAG as first, second, and third respectively in Nigeria. In the same vein, privately-owned Covenant University (CU), Ota, Ogun State, was ranked fourth; ahead of Federal Government-owned University of Nigeria, Nsukka, which came fifth and Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) sixth in Nigeria. The University of Oxford tops the rankings for the fifth consecutive year, while mainland China’s Tsinghua University becomes the first Asian university to break into the top 20 under the current methodology (launched in 2011).
As usual, the United States claims a record eight places in the top 10, after the University of California, Berkeley, climbed six places to seventh, but US universities outside the top 200 show signs of decline, according to THE, which enjoys global recognition too.
There were 141 first-time entrants in the rankings this year, topped by France’s recently merged Paris-Saclay University (joint 178th).
India has the highest number of new entries (14) and as a result, boasts a record number of ranked institutions (63). A breakdown of the ranking further shows that University of Ibadan rose to the 401- 500 bracket to overtake Covenant University, which witnessed a drop from 2018’s 636 position to remain at the top 1,000. Covenant University was ranked as Nigeria’s best university in THE’s 2020 report after usurping UI since 2018.
Lagos State University (LASU) placed between 501 and 600 bands, while UNILAG ranked 601–800. UNN and OAU are placed on figures exceeding 1,000. The same Lagos State University had, in 2020, been celebrated as the Second Best University in Nigeria as ranked by the same Times Higher Education (THE) World University ranking…’

This is the profile of LASU whose brand reputation is about to be damaged because of carelessness and what appears to be a celebration of politics over corporate governance process. And so here is the thing, the Lagos State Governor, Visitor to the Lagos State University has a lot to borrow from the way the university of Lagos was recently saved from some spoilers and political actors who wanted to damage the brand equity of the great University of Lagos, Akoka. The president, Muhammadu Buhari managed the crisis well as justice was served.

The Governor of Lagos and his people need to explain quickly to the people why two processes have to be discarded like that. There have been dark hints about some new NUC processes on how professors of medical sciences who didn’t obtain organic doctorate degrees cannot be vice chancellors in this country. There have also been hushed talks about curious desperation to guide a new Governing Council and a selection team to select a particular female professor to be vice chancellor. People who should know are saying to people who need to know that stakeholders should wait for the eventual ‘anointing’ of the female professor who must be crowned vice chancellor at all cost. These are not good speculations for LASU, which should be developed to a world-class university that should really drive development of a state that aspires to be the third largest economy in Africa.

In this digital age when world-class universities are producing professors of practice among professionals and experts who didn’t obtain doctorate degrees, people need to know why even the National Universities Commission should insist that professors of medical sciences who didn’t obtain doctorate degrees cannot be vice chancellors. But the conclusion of the whole matter is that Governor Sanwo-Olu who is fast emerging as a quiet operator and a go-getter should not allow any externality and indeed little minds to trigger processes that can damage the reputation of the emerging power house, the Lagos State University. The conundrum about the selection processes of the new vice chancellor must be explained to the people to deepen understanding of the current crisis (of confidence) in the University.