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Portable, Queens and Badenoch badmouth matters

By Suyi Ayodele

The Oxford English dictionary defines ‘portable’ as “able to be easily carried or moved…” Now, I am using ‘portable’ to qualify Yoruba queens – wives of obas – who are now easily snatched by any loudmouth in town with enough careless cash. A Queen Dammy dashed out of the Aafin in Oyo and landed on the laps of dirty-looking musician Okikiola in Lagos. It is not an isolated case. In Ile Ife, in Ilesa, in Iwo, it happened. Wives of our kings have become snacks (guguru and epa) in the mouths of street urchins. It is sad.

The happenings between Habeeb Okikiola Badmus, popularly known as Portable, and Queen Dammy, the ex-wife of Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III (October 15, 1938- April 22, 2022), the late Alaafin of Oyo, run contrary to the Yoruba ethos of Omoluabi. It is a sad commentary about the future of the Yoruba race, its culture, worldview and respect for age-long traditions.

I could not resist every video of the sordid episodic events not because I cherish them but just to keep abreast with the development and see when sanity would come calling! The question I keep asking myself over the matter is: how did we get here as a race? This is highly disturbing. Couldn’t these two kiss-and-tell spalpeens drag each other without involving the late Alaafin; thereby bringing shame to the entire Yoruba race?

Who are the parents of these ruffians? What about the elders in their communities? Are the two completely out of control, or nobody cares about them? If they are beyond redemption, can’t the race they are denigrating do something?

There are taboos in Yorubaland. One of them is that no man sleeps with the wife of a deity. Yoruba Obas are deities. The Alaafin has as part of his oriki, like every other Oba, “Aláse, ekejì òrìsà” (Sovereign, second in command to the gods). Alaafin is a combination of death (ikú), disease (àrùn), and loss (òfò). He doesn’t die; he lives. He can only change position. Then why these insults on his memory?

The other taboo that speaks to the Portable and Queen Dammy tango is that no mortal has an amorous affair with the wife of a Babalawo and lives to tell the story. By Yoruba cosmology, an Oba is the head of all principalities and powers, Babalawo inclusive. Whether ex, live-in or legal, no man touches the consort of a king and boasts about it later the way Portable is doing. The repercussions are too grave. Here is just an illustration.

In the days of our fathers, three different men had amorous affairs with Orò, the wife of Òrúnmìlà. The affairs produced three different children, all boys. But the defiants did not live to tell the story. Òrúnmìlà, who newly married his wife, Orò, was about to go in to her when he received the Macedonian call to come to Òyán by post because of a calamity in the town. He went with his wife, and they had a child there.

When the child was weaned, and Òrúnmìlà was about to get a second benevolence, another summons came from another distressed town, Ònkò, and pronto Òrúnmìlà again left with his wife. They also had a male child there. Later, Ilé-Ifè called on Òrúnmìlà for another assignment and he went back with his wife and had another male child.

So, when Òrúnmìlà was asked to come to the rescue of another town, he decided to leave Orò behind at Ilé-Ifè. He calculated that he would not stay too long and gave provisions that would sustain his family for the 17 days he planned to spend at the new place of assignment called Olókun. However, after three months, when Òrúnmìlà failed to show up, the 17-day provisions he left for the wife got exhausted and hunger set in.

To salvage the situation, Orò joined a party of women firewood hewers. On their way to the forest, Orò met Òndàáró, who gave her money, slept with her and produced a male child. After weaning that child, she went back to the forest, met another man, Òngòósùn, who also had affairs with her and she had another male child. On yet another trip, Orò met Olúkoóló who gave her money and had carnal knowledge of her. The affair led to the birth of another male child. When each of those men knew Orò was the wife of Òrúnmìlà, they disappeared.

Òrúnmìlà did not return to Ilé-Ifè until after 16 years. He met his wife and the six children. Three of them were for him and the remaining three for the concubines. Òrúnmìlà kept quiet, adopting the Yoruba philosophy of Àgbàlagbà se’nú kodoro (Let the elderly widen his stomach). He taught five of the children, the three from concubines and two of his own, Ifa divination and when they had learnt enough, he sent the three children from other men to other lands to go and practice their trade.

After their departure, Orunmila entered his inner recess. He invoked the power of Ifá and killed Òndàáró, Òngòósùn and Olúkoóló. He fulfilled the wise saying that Akìí fé aya Babaláwo j’ayé (Nobody marries the wife of a Babalawo and lives thereafter), òkìkí gèè n’ílé eni fé’ya Èkejì Òòsà (Wailing and lamentation in the home of the one who dates the king’s wife).

Professor Wande Abimbola blamed the fate of Orò on Òrúnmìlà. The Àwíse Àgbáyé said that Òrúnmìlà was responsible for what happened because when he consulted Ifá, and a sacrifice was prescribed for him before he married Orò, he did not sacrifice the whole goat prescribed but half of it (See Ìjìnlè ohùn Enu Ifá, Apá Kejì, pg. 51). That notwithstanding, the three randy men were not allowed to gloat over their amorous relationships with Òrúnmìlà ’s wife.

If we may ask, what happened that Queen Dammy left Oyo Palace? How, in the first instance, did a character like her get into Alaafin’s harem? We cannot question the late Kábíyèsí. By the appellation, Kábíyèsí, it means that his authority cannot be questioned. I will not do that here, either. But I am worried about the loss of our traditional values.

The rate at which Oloris divorce kings in Yorubaland calls for sober reflections. What happened to the traditional rites of passage for would-be Oloris? Is it normal for our Obas’ wives to dash out of the palaces into the hands of scapegrace like we have in the Portable and Queen Dammy matter? How many Portables are waiting out there for the next Olorì? As far back as 1964, the late Hubert Ogunde enjoined us to think deeply; Yòrùbá Ro’nú. When are we going to do just that? Exactly WHEN?

The issue of Omoluabi concept brings us to the position of the leader of UK’s Conservative Party, Kemi Badenoch, on the parlous state of Nigeria. The reactions of Vice President Shettima, and the unofficial defender of Nigeria, Femi Fani-Kayode (FFK) speak more to the level of intolerance for truth by our leaders.

If Vice President Shettima and FFK were to have their ways, they would change the spousal name of Kemi Badenoch to “Badmouth’! The questions to ask are: what is more painful to Vice President Shettima and FFK in Kemi Badenoch’s statement of facts about Nigeria?

Is it the obvious fact that Badenoch said that corruption had finished off Nigeria? Or she said that she is not a Nigerian but Yoruba? Or, that she had nothing in common with the North of Shettima, which the UK politician said is the haven of insurgents?

Badenoch grew up on the streets of Lagos before she went to the UK. She was already an adult before she ventured out of Nigeria. She is in a good position to make comparisons. Our elders say that when a child has not seen another man’s farm, he boasts that his father’s farm is the largest in the community. The UK politician has seen both the Nigerian farm and the British farm. She knows which is better managed; better administered and has the potential to grow.

What are the issues she raised? First, Kemi Badenoch said she ran away from Nigeria and adopted the UK as “my country”, and would not want to come back to Nigeria, where she “saw firsthand what happens when politicians are in it for themselves, when they use public money as their private piggy banks, when they pollute the whole political atmosphere with their failure to serve others.” We may wish to ask Shettima and FFK if these are not statements of facts. Is it not true that in Nigeria today, there is no difference between the public till and the private purses of our politicians?

Badenoch added that while growing up in Nigeria, “fear was everywhere. You cannot understand it unless you’ve lived it. Triple-checking that all the doors and windows are locked, waking up in the night at every sound, listening as you hear your neighbours scream as they are being burgled and beaten, wondering if your home would be next.” Is that not correct in Nigeria of today?

The eight years that Shettima was governor of Borno State, what was the level of security there? Even now, would the Vice-President venture in Borno without the full compliments of all the nation’s security architecture providing land and air surveillance and protection? Can FFK drive from Abuja to his hometown, Ilé-Ifè, unaccompanied by armed-carrying policemen?

If we go by common sense and the present situation of things in Nigeria, who does Nigeria need most between Kemi and the duo of Shettima and FFK? Would the nation have preferred to have more politicians without clear-cut ideologies; ones who jump from one political bed to another at the slightest change of power, or a Badenoch, who sees the truth and says it? Today, the people in power, who were once described as the direct descendants of the devil itself, are FFK’s buddies! Is that the man who will tell us the type of people Nigeria wants and does not want?

And if the duo of Shettima and FFK are asking Badenoch to drop her Nigerian name, Kemi, what do we ask them to drop? The fog of pretence that has shut their eyes to the naked truth? Truth is always bitter! Badenoch said that as a Yoruba lady, she identifies more with her Yoruba ancestry than the entire country, Nigeria, emphasising that she had nothing in common with the North.

As it is typical of FFK, he threw caution to the wild wind and used indecorous language by asking Badenoch to “Do us a favour by shutting your foul mouth, dropping ‘Kemi’ as your name & changing it to ‘Aunty Jemimah’ instead.” He stated that Nigeria does need nor want her! What banality!

She said: “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as being Nigerian. I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity Yoruba. That’s what I really am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram area, where the Islamism is. Those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”

Up North, how many genuine northerners are happy with the havoc Boko Haram and other insurgents are wreaking over there? How many of our brothers and sisters up North are free to go home? Shouldn’t that be a wake-up call to Shettima and other leaders of the region to tackle the problem headlong instead of calling for a change of name for a lady who simply said it the way it is?

And to worsen the matter, FFK said that Badenoch was doing “PR for the House Ni*gers Association & the racist, fascist scum that constitutes the far-right wing of your adopted country.” Does it occur to FFK that here in Nigeria, nobody gets to power without playing the ethnic card? Is the former minister oblivious of the fact that In Nigeria, patriotism takes the back seat, while selfishness is at the forefront? Does he not know that this accounts largely for why we are where we are today as a people?

In case FFK pretends not to know, may we bring it to his hearing that here, everyone has their selling formula. General Muhammadu Buhari sold himself by calling all of us corrupt. He said he was the only ‘Saint’ around; we bought the dummy and for eight years, the Daura-born retired General showed us shege, as corruption wore three-piece suits, walking our streets with impunity! The best Buhari did was to pick his teeth!

FFK’s current friend and leader, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, bellowed “Yooba l’okan; Emilokan.” He approximated a whole race to himself and got what he wanted. So, what is wrong in Kemi displaying the torn, unwashed undergarment of Nigeria per second if that is what titillates her audience?

There has been nothing she said that is false. What her homegrown critics have been saying is that she shouldn’t have spoken ‘this’ and ‘that’ truth. that runs contrary to the ethos of Omoluabi as a Yoruba lady. If you ask me, I will tell you that Nigeria needs more people like Badenoch and less of Shettima and FFK, for a better country!

Death of two Okuama community leaders in the custody of Nigerian Army condemnable — Kunle Edun, SAN

  • Says CDS must tell Nigerians how they died

The Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa has been asked to provide information regarding the circumstances surrounding the reported death of two community leaders from Okuama community in Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State —81 years old pa Dennies Okugbaye and Pa James Oghoroko.

Pa Dennis Okugbaye was said to have died on the 10th of December, 2024 while being transported by road from Abuja to Asaba after being in the custody of the Nigerian Army since August, 2024 without being charged to Court or formally remanded.

Piqued by the development, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Kunle Edun said: “The Nigerian military is subordinate to the Nigerian Constitution and must comply with the laws of the country, particularly the provisions of Chapter 4 of the Constitution guaranteeing the fundamental rights of Nigerians.

“The elderly community leaders were detained, their personal liberties, dignity and communications with their counsel denied for no justifiable reason.

“The Nigerian military is not the body allowed by law to arrest, investigate and prosecute civilians for crimes allegedly committed. This is the responsibility of the Nigerian Police and not the military but has unfortunately led to the death of two elderly Nigerians in their custody. The life of every Nigerian matters and cannot be taken except as provided by the law.”

Continuing he said: “It would be helpful if the Chief of Defence Staff and the military High Command tell Nigerians how these persons died while in their custody because they were healthy before their arrest by the Nigerian Army.

“While the duty of the military to defend the territorial integrity of Nigeria and be engaged to quel emergency security situations are appreciated and encouraged but the performance of these responsibilities must be in strict accordance with the civil laws of the country and must not extend to the arrest and detention of civilians who are not subject to military laws. This is an infraction of their fundamental rights and I urge the military High Command to do the right thing to address these infractions.”

Be honest in small things, and all things

By Bob and Debby Gass

‘Provide things honest in the sight of all men.’
Romans 12:17 KJV

In his poem ‘The Road Not Taken’, Robert Frost writes, ‘Two roads diverged in a wood, and I – I took the one less travelled by, and that has made all the difference.’ Sadly today, the road less travelled is honesty in small things and honesty in all things. According to Psychology Today, 70 per cent of US high school students and almost half of college students admit to cheating. USA Today stated that 91 per cent of Americans lie regularly. The situation may not be any different elsewhere. Our culture says, ‘If you want to get ahead, you have to break a few rules.’ But the Bible warns that ‘the little foxes…spoil the vines’ (Song of Songs 2:15 KJV). Solomon is referring to little sins that whet our appetite, distort our values, and lead to bigger sins.

Bible commentator Matthew Henry writes, ‘Adam’s eating forbidden fruit seemed but a little sin, but it opened the door to the greatest.’ Are you being tempted to compromise your character? Tempted to deceive classmates? Pressured to be untruthful at work? Caught up in an ‘innocent little relationship’? Evangelist Charles Finney said, ‘A person who is dishonest in little things isn’t really honest in anything.’

Unless the small, secret areas of your life are governed by your convictions, you endanger them to corruption from your compromises. One of the greatest promises made in Scripture is to those who are faithful in small things. ‘Well done…you were faithful over a few things, I will make you ruler over many things’ (Matthew 25:21 NKJV). Guard your thoughts; they become your deeds. Guard your deeds; they form your character. Guard your character; it decides your destiny.

The small things do matter, after all.

Obadiah, Revelation 6

Re: Tinubu’s Taxing Times, FG has far more important responsibilities to Nigerians than tax collection —Agbakoba, SAN

By Olisa Agbakoba, SAN

The tax bill strikes at the heart of devolution of powers. The implications of the bill is seen from the revenue side but it does have wider significance. The resistance is not based on the distribution of tax revenue.

The hidden issues are more sensitive, if not spoken. The hidden issue strikes at the nature of Federalism in Nigeria. This is a most opportune time to take up the debate.

I don’t understand the role of the Federal Government to be a mere collecting agency !! The Federal Government has far more important responsibilities to Nigerians. VAT is simply a sales or consumption tax applicable at the State level. Certainly not Federal.

Consumption and sales tax are generally not matters concerned with the central Government. These are local and state Government revenue sources. The potential to generate tax at the base is underestimated. This has caused the stampede by states to lean on the Federal Government for revenue. But this is simply not sustainable. It is time to free up a centralized tax system to allow creativity at the local and state levels.

My recommendation is to abolish VAT and transfer it to the local and state Governments. Each state has its unique revenue resource. As a Jos boy, which is where I grew up, I’m very much aware of the potential of Plateau state in massive mechanized Agriculture with absolutely flat Savannah land that can grow every produce.

We must not forget that Europe does not have oil resources at all. Spain, as the world’s largest producer of olive oil, makes billions. The United Kingdom is the only country in the European bloc with oil reserves in the North Sea.

The tax reform bill may be the key we need to unlock the vast revenue potential of Nigeria hidden in a centralized and inefficient collection process..

Dr Olisa Agbakoba, SAN

Who can redeem the Nigerian judiciary?

By Sonnie Ekwowusi

Stakeholders can take advantage of Afe Babalola- Dele Farotimi conundrum to call for a Summit of lawyers, court personnel (Court Bailiffs, Court Registrars, Court clerks etc) and judges and Magistrates to try to fix the Nigerian judiciary.

Is the Nigerian judiciary beyond redemption? I don’t think so. So, let the stakeholders do something. Let us do something. Heaven helps those who help themselves.

The Nigerian judiciary, as you and I know very well, operates in a bubble or facade. Everything is wrong with the Nigerian judiciary starting from the filing of court process in court, getting the baillif to effect service, applying for certified copy of judgement or ruling, securing a date in court, applying for bail, the police adjudicating on civil cases in Police Stations, getting lawyers to come to court, getting judges to sit, 70% of awaiting trial inmates (ATM) in our Correctional Centres languishing in various detention without any succour coming from anywhere. I can go on and on.

So, let’s do something. Senior lawyers keeping quiet over the oddities plaqueing the legal profession in Nigeria are doing great de-service to the legal profession.

Is it Frank Fanon or ex-US President J F Kennedy who said the hottest place in hell should be reserved for those who keep quiet in times of great moral crisis.

So, senior lawyers should no longer keep mum over the judiciary mess in Nigeria.I am still pained by the damage I incurred flying from Lagos to Abuja to try to attend to two court cases just two weeks ago.

Before leaving Lagos I called the Registrars of the two courts and they assured me that their respective courts would be sitting. But upon arriving at the two courts on the fateful days fixed for the matters the courts were not sitting. No apologies from the Registrars. Nothing. Nada. I had spent a gruelling one week in Abuja incurring expenses. I had taken risks flying to and fro Abuja.

I am suggesting for a Summit of all stakeholders next year. The NBA could facilitate such a Summit or an NGO could shoulder the responsibility of organising such a Summit.

Keeping quiet is not the solution. Pretending that all is well is not the solution either. Gossiping on Social media is NOT the solution. Accusations and Counter accusations are no solution. Insulting others is not the solution. Cooling off in one’s comfort zone is not the solution

Sonnie Ekwowusi

PS: Making money is the only purpose of being a lawyer. It includes justice dispensation, using justice as a fine thread to knith the society. It includes using law as that social engineering often spoken about in legal jurisprudence to fix society

Defamation: How not to punish misdemeanour, uphold civil rights

While some states in Nigeria still criminalise defamation, others treat it as a minor offence, therefore creating inconsistencies in the application of the law. Either way, the discrepancy earns the country an infamous reputation akin to an abuse of power, Ameh Ochojila reports.

The discretionary application of defamation law in Nigeria highlights the complexities of the country’s federal system, particularly the division of legislative powers between the federal and state governments.

The Second Schedule of the 1999 Constitution, which outlined the Exclusive Legislative List, placed certain matters under the sole jurisdiction of the National Assembly. Defamation, however, does not fall under this list, thereby situating it within the legislative competence of state governments.

This decentralised approach allows each state the autonomy to determine whether to retain defamation as a criminal offence or to decriminalise it. The position of the State, legal experts noted, is influenced by such factors as socio-cultural existence of such a state.

As a result, Nigeria lacks a unified standard for handling defamation cases, leading to significant variations in their application and enforcement across the states. This
inconsistency poses challenges, particularly in a country where individuals and entities frequently traverse state boundaries for business, politics, and social engagements.

For instance, some states maintain criminal defamation laws, allowing for imprisonment and fines, while others favour civil remedies. Critics of criminal defamation argue that it stifles free speech and democratic engagement, often serving as a tool for the powerful to silence dissent.

Conversely, proponents argue that criminal defamation laws serve as a deterrent against reckless speech that could harm reputations unjustly. Ironically, criminal defamation is captured in the Criminal Code, which is a Federal legislation.

The lack of uniformity raises broader questions about the balance between federal government oversight and state autonomy. Should the National Assembly’s legislation on defamation be adopted as harmonised law across the federation? Or should the states continue to exercise their autonomy, reflecting the unique cultural and socio-political contexts of their jurisdictions? Even if the National Assembly was to legislate on a uniform law, due to our federal system of government, such law must be domesticated by the state legislatures for it to be operational in those states.

From a policy perspective, the retention of defamation as a criminal offence in some states reflects a lingering colonial-era legacy. In contrast, global trends lean toward decriminalising defamation, prioritising civil remedies that align with international human rights standards, such as the protection of freedom of expression.

The existence of criminal defamation laws in over 160 countries, including several European Union (EU) member states, still points to the global challenge of balancing freedom of expression with the protection of individual reputations.

While there has been a global trend toward decriminalisation, this issue remains contentious in Nigeria, where defamation laws are not only criminalised but are frequently seen as tools to suppress dissent and restrict press freedom. Critics argue that such laws undermine democratic principles and discourage accountability.

In the EU, there has been notable progress in repealing criminal defamation laws. For instance, Ireland abolished its criminal defamation statutes in 2009, Malta followed in 2018, and Romania also invalidated these laws after a series of reforms. However, several member states, including Germany, Poland, and Greece, still maintain defamation-related criminal offences. This reflects a fragmented approach within the EU, where the shift toward civil remedies is far from universal.

For a fact, the appropriate remedy for defamation ought to be the award of damages upon conviction. This is because the injured party gets the benefit of the money for the loss of reputation. But where criminal defamation is invoked, the ultimate penalty upon conviction is imprisonment, which does not restore anything to the victim, except perhaps, the satisfaction that such a convict has been deprived of his or her liberty. Again, criminal defamation is usually invoked only if the alleged defamatory statement is likely to cause public disorder.

Ultimately, this issue underscores the need for legal reforms that balance individual rights with societal interests, taking into account Nigeria’s federal structure, cultural diversity, and democratic aspirations.

Consequently, some proposed a national discourse on defamation law that could serve as a catalyst for achieving a more equitable legal framework that promotes both accountability and freedom of expression, making reference to the manner in which lawyer and human rights activist, Dele Farotimi’s liberty has been curtailed since December 4, 2024 over alleged defamation that could have ended in civil court.

As of today, criminal defamation laws remain in effect in numerous African countries, though several have taken steps toward decriminalisation. The legislature in South Africa in 2023, repealed the common law crime of criminal defamation through the Judicial Matters Amendment Bill, recognising the sufficiency of civil remedies for defamation. In Zimbabwe, in 2016, the Constitutional Court declared criminal defamation laws unconstitutional, aligning with the right to freedom of expression.

Also, Lesotho, in 2018, the Constitutional Court struck down criminal defamation provisions, citing violations of constitutional free expression rights. For Sierra Leone: Parliament repealed the 1965 Public Order Act in 2020, effectively decriminalising defamation. In 2022, the Penal Code was amended to abolish the offence of criminal defamation of the President in Zambia.

Despite these reforms, many African countries, including Nigeria continue to enforce criminal defamation laws, often utilising them to suppress dissent and limit press freedom.

A 2018 UNESCO report indicated that, at that time, four African Union member states had decriminalised defamation, suggesting that the majority still maintained such laws. However, it does not look like Nigeria is interested in decriminalising defamation as different states love to have it in their statutes.

According to a lawyer, Paul Mgbeoma, defamation is an issue that is within the legislative competence of the State Legislatures because it is not in the Exclusive Legislative List for which the National Assembly has exclusive authority to legislate on.

He added that if it was one of the items that the National Assembly could legislate on, there would have been uniformity of application nationwide. “It is for this reason that different States are at liberty to decide whether to retain or abolish it as part of their criminal laws,” he said.

Also, Douglas Ogbankwa, a lawyer argued that since Nigeria runs a federal system of government, each of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) has the liberty to codify their distinct criminal codes or criminal laws. That, he said, is the reason defamation may be a crime in some jurisdictions and not in others.

He noted that the criminal code act, which is a federal law, is applicable across all the federation in only Federal High Courts. He, however, argued that any confusion created by the disparity from State to State could be cured by a federal law.

“If any defamatory statement enters into cyberspace, it has assumed the status of a cybercrime, if it is one that is capable of stirring public reaction in a way that will lead to the breakdown of law and order as provided for by Section 24 (1) of the Cyber Crime Prohibition Act 2015 (as amended) in 2024,” he said.

Ogbankwa stressed that making statements about people and institutions in the public space without proof, can activate criminal liability against the fellow. He warned citizens to be circumspect in making statements about persons and instructions without proof or evidence.

According to him, many people have laboured for years to build a reputation and won’t allow it to be ruined due to reckless statements and slurs that have far reaching implications for the person and his family. For the fact that some people will allow it to slide, he said, does not mean that others will do the same.

Ogbankwa explained that once a defamatory content is posted on the web, it activates a global jurisdiction, meaning that the suspect could be arrested and sued anywhere in the world where that content is read, downloaded or watched.

Senior lawyer, Ebute Moses, argued that allowing states to legislate on defamation laws would not create any confusion. He explained that defamation could carry criminal imputations, leading to criminal trials that may result in imprisonment or fines.

Simultaneously, the civil aspect of defamation allows the defamed person to seek damages and declaratory reliefs. According to him, these two aspects—criminal and civil—can operate concurrently without conflict.

Addressing concerns about forum shopping, Ebute dismissed the notion, stating that defamation occurs wherever the defamatory statement is published, spoken, or read, which grants the courts in that location jurisdiction over the matter.

For instance, if someone is defamed through a newspaper publication distributed and read in Abuja, he stated, the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) would have jurisdiction, regardless of whether the offender resides in Lagos or any other state.

He further clarified that civil defamation is categorised as a tort, governed by distinct principles from other torts or crimes. This distinction, he explained, ensures that civil defamation has no territorial jurisdictional limitations, making it unique in its application.

“Defamation can convey criminal imputations and can ground criminal trial and conviction by way of prison terms or option of fine. But the civil aspect of it entitles the defamed person to damages and other declaratory reliefs.

“Civil defamation is a tort and the law and principles applicable to it are not the same with other torts or crimes, hence it has no territorial jurisdictional limitations as such,” he said.

For Douglas Terkura Pepe, also a lawyer, penal laws governing crimes involving harm or injury to individuals typically fall under the jurisdiction of state legislatures. According to him, defamation of character is criminalised by some State Houses of Assembly, because it falls within the Residual Legislative List.

Historically, Pepe noted, Nigeria inherited penal laws on sedition from the British, which criminalised speech or actions inciting opposition against government authority. “However, these laws were later declared unconstitutional by the courts. Presently, there is no uniform federal penal law on defamation of character, leaving it to individual states to decide whether to criminalise the offence or not. This is not a matter of judicial discretion but a legislative prerogative vested in state governments,” he said.

Similarly, the Executive Director, Sterling Law Centre, Deji Ajare, believes that different defamation laws for different jurisdictions would not cause confusion.

According to him, it is a reflection of Nigeria’s federal system. It enables each state to determine what best suits their circumstances and realities, he argued, adding that it is an ideal situation for a functional country without eliciting any confusion.

Credits: The Guardian

As trial nears its end, monster of Avignon pleads for forgiveness from his wife for drugging and abusing her

Gisele Pelicot (R) sits beside her daughter Caroline Darian (C) and her son (L) at the courthouse during the trial,
  • 50 ‘rapists’ make their excuses

By Nick Fagge

The man dubbed the Monster of Avignon after drugging his wife and inviting dozens of men to have sex with her arrived at court this morning as a judge prepares to announce the fate of his co-defendants who could face 600 years in jail. 

Dominique Pelicot, 72, invited strangers around to their home to have sex with his unwitting wife Gisele Pelicot after knocking her out with prescription sleeping pills.

Details of the unprecedented scale of Pelicot’s warped campaign to watch his wife being abused over more than a decade emerged during a trial that began in September and resumes today – a case which has horrified the world.

The trial will reach its conclusion with the dozens of men accused hearing verdicts and if they are convicted, the judge will proceed to sentence them to jail terms of between four and 18 years each, meaning they face more than 600 years in prison.

The only defendant likely to receive the maximum sentence of 20 years is Pelicot himself. He spoke publicly for the last time this morning to apologise for the betrayal of his wife.

The retired electrician praised Gisele Pelicot’s courage and appealed to her and their children for forgiveness for the terrible ordeal he had put them through by his twisted pursuit of sexual gratification.

Sitting in the dock of the Vaucluse Criminal Court, the 71-year-old, said: ‘Hello, I would like to start by saluting the courage of my ex-wife, who was forced to put up with the suggestions that she was complicit [in the rapes].

‘I ask her, the rest of the family, to please accept my apologies: I regret what I have done. I am sorry for making them suffer for over four years.  

‘I am just a working man and I want to tell my family that I love them, you have the rest of my life in your hands. I ask for your forgiveness.’

The bravery of his victim wife, Madame Pelicot, in allowing her identity to be revealed around the world – and the dignity with which she conducted herself throughout the trial – has seen the case become a cause célèbre for campaigners against sexual violence.

Mme Pelicot held her head high as she heard and watched films covertly taken by her husband of 50 years in which she was abused at least 90 times by strangers he had invited into their home.

Having waived her legal right to anonymity in order to ensure the case received the maximum amount of publicity, the 72-year-old grandmother refused to be shamed – but instead repeatedly directed any shame at her abusers.

As interest in the case grew, Madame Pelicot was clapped and cheered as she arrived at court and left at the end of the day. 

Graffiti honouring her bravery was daubed on Avignon’s medieval stone walls and protests in support of her erupted all over France.

Opening proceedings in the final week of this four-month trial, Judge Roger Arata told the court that all matters had now been concluded and the only procedure left was for the defendants to make their final statements.

Judge Arata declared: ‘It remains to give the floor to each of the accused. And I ask the question that applies to all of them: do you have anything to add in your defence?’

Pelicot – who is accused of drugging his wife of 50 years and inviting strangers he recruited on the internet to rape his wife – was the first to speak.

He thanked his lawyer, the court staff and his gaolers for treating him with the respect few believed he deserved.

Pelicot told the court: ‘I would like to thank the court for simple reasons: it allowed me to remain seated each time I entered the room, which was interpreted as a lack of respect during the proceedings. Which is not the case. Without protection, you die in prison.’

He continued: ‘I was saddled with names and titles when I would prefer to be forgotten. 

‘I find it difficult to continue because I would like to thank the prison officers who have been humane and professional towards me. I thank you, Mr Zavarro, for your loyalty.

He concluded by claiming the ultimate punishment was the loss of his family. He said: ‘The deprivation of not seeing one’s loved ones is worse than the deprivation of freedoms.’

Pelicot was followed by the dozens of co-accused, many of whom continued to protest their innocence.

Pelicot’s accomplices packed into the courtroom in Avignon for the final week of the trial that has shone a light on France’s worst sex case in decades. 

Dressed casually in jeans, hoodies, thick sweaters and t-shirts the co-defendants still at large chatted amongst each other.

Just a few feet away Madame Pelicot appeared in good spirits as she talked with her lawyer Stephane Babonneau.

Dressed in a cream coloured sweater and a beige scarf, the courageous grandmother smiled as she chatted with her defence team – and the court appointed welfare officer who has accompanied her throughout the four-month-long trial.

Madame tipped her head back as she listened to her ex-husband.

And she sat motionless as she listened to Pelicot’s accomplices beg for her forgiveness.

One defendant said: ‘If I had the opportunity for restorative justice for you I would do it willingly.’

Madame Pelicot looked ahead, refusing to lock eyes with her abusers.

One by one Pelicot’s accomplices took the microphone to offer their excuses for raping unconscious grandmother Gisele, and to ask for her forgiveness in almost equal measure.

After just over an hour, trial judge President Roger Arata, announced that he and his four assisting judges would now retire until Thursday morning when they will begin to deliver the verdicts of the accused.

Prosecutors have based their sentencing demands to the court for each defendant on aggravating factors including how many times they came to the Pelicot home and the extent of documented sexual contact.

By this assessment the worst offender, for whom prosecutors suggest an 18 year tariff, was a 63-year-old known as Romain V. He was knowingly HIV-positive yet is accused of raping Mme Pelicot on six separate occasions without wearing protection.

Because the incidents were meticulously recorded by Pelicot the defendants have been unable to deny sexual contact with the victim – but most have claimed they were unaware of the circumstances Pelicot had engineered.

French criminal law defines rape as any sexual act committed by ‘violence, coercion, threat or surprise’ but makes no reference to any need for consent – an aspect that campaigners have fixed on as outdated and wrong.

The trial heard in disturbing detail how while outwardly a doting husband, retired electrician Dominique, was secretly engineering what may possibly be the greatest marital betrayal of all time.

And as the evidence has been revealed, his 50 accomplices have wriggled and squirmed and repeatedly tried to protest their innocence.

One defendant told police; ‘rape is not possible if a woman’s husband is present’, another claimed a man; ‘can do what he likes with his wife’, while most said they believed they were taking part in a ‘kinky sex game’ in which Madame Pelicot was a willing party.

One defence lawyer, the head of the criminal bar in Avignon, Master Guillaume de Palma, even told the court rape ‘cannot occur’ if the perpetrator did not ‘mean to’. His remarks, in the second week of the trial, prompted outrage across France and added to the growing calls for justice for women.

Women gather in support of Gisele Pelicot outside the Avignon courthouse 

However, the scores of videos of the unbridled truth, taken by Pelicot over ten years and shown in court to the shame-faced defendants and members of the public who queued every day to watch the real-life drama play out, left very little room for doubt.

Tossed around like a ‘rag doll’, and often snoring, Madame Pelicot, could be seen to be clearly unconscious and unable to give her consent.

In an electrifying 90-minute testimony, she told the hushed Avignon court: ‘I was sacrificed on the altar of vice.

‘My body might have been warm, but I was like a dead person. I was a dead woman, and these men take advantage of me, they defile me, they treat me like a bin bag.

‘They didn’t rape me with a gun or knife to their heads – they raped me in full consciousness. They treated me like a ragdoll. It is unbearable, and I don’t know if I will ever be able to get up [off the floor] again.’

Her abusers, most from within a 50 mile radius of the Pelicots’ home, were seemingly ordinary men from all walks of life.

The fact that broadly represented a cross section of French society saw them collectively described as Monsieur-Tout-Le-Monde – or Mr Everyman.

There was veteran chief fireman Christian Lescole, 57, who protested in court at being locked up after spending ‘a lifetime saving people’. Police also found naked pictures of children on his computer following his arrest.

Moroccan-born hospital nurse Redouan El Farihi screamed his innocence before a video of him assaulting Madame Pelicot while she lay motionless was played in court.

There was ‘sexual predator’ Jerome Vilela, a supermarket worker, who was described by his ex-partner as a ‘sex-addict’ and told a prison psychologist he saw sex as a ‘conjugal right’.

Successful builder Thierry Parisis told the court he had fallen into a spiral of depression and alcoholism following the death of his son in a car crash. He added he remembered very little about his encounter with Madame Pelicot.

Retired marine fire-fighter Jacques Cubeau said he was lonely.

There was IT worker Lionel Rodriguez, 44; painter and decorator Husamettin Dogan, 43; odd-job man Mathieu Dartus, 53; motorcycle mechanic and racer Hugues Malago, 39; and farm worker Andy Rodriguez, 37.

And there was Romain Vandevelde, a 63-year-old man with HIV who visited the Pelicots on six different occasions between December 2019 and June 2020 to rape Madame Pelicot and refused to wear a condom.

These are just a handful of the strangers that took part in the mass rape that has put the tiny village of Mazan, that lies in France’s most picturesque region, Provence, on the map. 

Retired electrician Dominique Pelicot met each of his accomplices on an internet site for voyeurs called ‘a son insu’ which translates as ‘without them knowing’.

Over almost ten years he invited strangers – up to three times a week – to come to the couple’s retirement chalet to rape his wife, which he had rendered unconscious by putting powerful sedatives in her dinner and glass of rose wine.

To ensure they weren’t seen, Pelicot told the would-be rapists to park well away from the house, avoid wearing after-shave or smelling of cigarette smoke, and ensure they left nothing behind in the bedroom.

He choreographed the multiple rapes of his sleeping wife with such attention to detail that a lawyer described him in court as a ‘perverted Steven Spielberg’.

The potentially fatal doses of sedatives forced upon Madame Pelicot had a devastating effect on her health. She lost weight, her hair fell out and she suffered lengthy blackouts. Her doctor feared she was in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease. She also became infected with four sexually transmitted disease. She had no idea how.

The abuse only stopped when Pelicot was arrested in October 2020 for taking pictures of women’s underwear on his phone at his local supermarket – a tacky form of voyeurism known as ‘upskirting’.

A search by gendarmes of his home discovered some 20,000 lurid images and images of his wife being violated in the marital bed on computer files and mobile phones.

The following month, while returning home from Paris where she had been looking after her grandchildren, detectives asked Madame Pelicot to come to the police station.

At first, she did not recognise the woman lying on the bed unconscious being abused in the photograph that the policeman showed her. Then she saw it was herself and that she had been used by her husband of 50 years in the depraved sex scenes he filmed.

‘That day will be seared in my memory for ever,’ Madame Pelicot told the court. ‘It was a scene of barbarism. I was in a state of shock.

‘I remember asking for a glass of water, then a psychologist came into the room, they said my husband had been detained – and everything just collapsed for me.

‘We were 50 years together, with three children and seven grandchildren, and our friends said we were the ideal couple. I just couldn’t take it in.’

Returning alone to the house where she had been so cruelly betrayed, she called her grown-up children – David, Caroline and Florian – to tell them their father was a monster.

Three days later she arrived in Paris with just two suitcases and her dog, never to return to Mazan.

Asked before the trial court how she reacted on learning how she had been abused by the father of her three children, she replied: ‘He disgusts me. I feel dirty, defiled, betrayed. It was a tsunami. I was hit by a high-speed train.’

Pelicot told investigators he carried out his warped fantasies because he was ‘bored’ and blamed his arrest for ‘disrupting his happy life’. He also hinted that he continued to hold a grudge against his long-suffering wife for a brief affair she had over 30 years ago.

The grown-up children have all disowned their father.

But courageous Gisele – whose divorce from her perverted ex-husband was confirmed in the days before the trial began in September – vowed to keep her marital name during the proceedings to protect her children and grandchildren who are also called Pelicot.

However, the family’s pain did not stop there.

During the four-year police investigation into this most cruel case of betrayal detectives uncovered a file entitled: ‘My Daughter Naked’.

In it were photographs of Caroline Darian, as a young woman, lying asleep on a bed, dressed in lingerie and partially naked.

The pictures were taken at the family home in Villiers-sur-Marne, near Paris, before 2013 when Pelicot retired and moved to Mazan in the south of France.

Caroline Darian has written a book about the trauma she suffered after learning her father, who she had idolised, was serial sex attacker, entitled: ‘I No Longer Call You Daddy.’

At different stages of the long trial Caroline Darian confronted her father about whether he had sexually abused her – as well as her mother – storming out of court several times in distress.

But in his final statement Pelicot admitted to the court that he was a sex addict but denied drugging his daughter Caroline and taking photographs of her semi-naked on a bed dressed in her mother’s lingerie.

Turning to his daughter, he said: ‘Caroline, I never did anything to you.’

But in a furious outburst Caroline Darian screamed: ‘You are lying! You’re not telling half the truth, even about your ex-wife! You will die alone like a dog and caught out in lies!’

Under questioning from his lawyer, Pelicot accepted he would ‘die like a dog’ in jail for the crimes he had committed, but refused to give his beloved daughter the truth she needed.

And while France’s worst husband knows he has seen his family for the last time, he is expected to appear in court again, as Pelicot faces further allegations of rape and murder after France’s cold case bureau in Nanterre linked him with at least six hitherto unsolved crimes.

Pelicot has admitted the rape of a young estate agent in the Paris suburb of Villeparisis in 1999 but denies being involved in the murder of another estate agent Sophie Narne in another Paris in another suburb eight years earlier and other similar cases.

The Pelicot case in terms of number of defendants is not the largest sex crime case in French history – in that regard it is eclipsed by the child-sex rings that operated in the city of Angers in the early 2000s.

But the globally high profile trial has meant that it is almost certainly the most notorious.

This article written by NICK FAGGE in AVIGNON was originally published as: ‘Monster of Avignon is seen arriving at court before pleading for forgiveness from his wife for drugging and abusing her: 50 ‘rapists’ make their excuses while Gisele Pelicot looks on as trial nears its end’ by Mail Online on 16th December 2024.

Milking Nigeria to death

By Punch Editorial Board

The Obi of Onitsha, Nnaemeka Achebe, has pointedly employed the milking-the-cow-to-death metaphor to warn political leaders against the monumental corruption eviscerating the country’s monolithic economy and short-changing the people.

“People go into public office not to serve the public, but to serve their interests. Either we keep doing that and milk the cow to death, or we do the opposite and place Nigeria above all else,” Obi said recently.

These words resonate loudly on the streets.

The metaphor addresses the mindless plundering of the country’s oil resources by leaders who should ordinarily create and manage the commonwealth with rectitude.

The World Bank says, “Oil alone accounts for 40 per cent of the country’s GDP, 70 per cent of budget revenue, and 95 per cent of foreign exchange earnings.”

Unfortunately, the leaders have grossly mismanaged the oil-dependent economy and refused to feed it with the nutrients of innovations, accountability, and transparency.

Worse, they have abandoned other resource alternatives, putting the economy in shambles.

After its discovery, oil has been subjected to massive, organised theft. The Federal Government and the sub-nationals allocate humongous funds to oil-powered budgets but with little performance every year.

Former President Muhammadu Buhari said Nigeria lost $150 billion in oil income to looting in the 10 years to 2015.

The state governors collect monthly allocations, waste it, and leave the people in misery. Education is comatose, the health sector is on its knees and the economy is generally in the woods.

Former ICPC Chairman, Bolaji Owasanoye (SAN), said in 2021 that Nigeria lost $10 billion to illicit financial flows.

The country is littered with abandoned and delayed projects. The Chartered Institute of Project Managers of Nigeria estimates that “abandoned projects stand over N17 trillion.”

The Ajaokuta Steel Project, which was conceived 45 years ago to turn around the industrial development of Nigeria and has “gulped $10 billion in 43 years,” has yet to take off.

The Minister of Steel Development, Shuaibu Audu, said reviving the gargantuan project would still gulp from $2 to $5 billion.

Reconstruction works on the Lagos-Ibadan, Sagamu-Ore-Benin, and Ibadan-Oyo-Ogbomoso-Ilorin expressways are taking forever. Many other expressways suffer from a similar fate.

While the Buhari regime borrowed N3.1 trillion to fund the budget deficit in 2022, the Bola Tinubu administration borrowed $2.21 billion to fund N9.18 trillion ($5.46 billion) for the same purpose in 2023.

The management of NNPC, the country’s metaphorical cow, leaves much to be desired.

The first financial report of the NNPC was released in 2020 after over four decades of its operations, with all the refineries posting negative results. This month, VOA quoted NNPC saying that Nigeria loses 200,000 bpd or about $10 billion annually to theft.

Nigeria’s leaders who are supposed to design its road map to greatness are its worst locusts.

Former Head of State, Sani Abacha looted more than $3 billion between 1993 and 1998.

The $12.4 billion Gulf Oil War windfall would later become a subject of litigation and controversy.

While the EFCC said it traced $115 million stashed away to influence the 2015 general elections to a former minister, “at least N47.2 billion and $487.5 million in cash and properties have been traced to the (same) minister by the anti-graft agency.”

The anti-corruption agency seized a 753-duplex estate linked to a yet-to-be-disclosed public officer in Abuja recently.

It has arraigned a former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, for alleged N80.2 billion fraud.

Successive governments leave tales of corruption, thus leading a stupendously blessed country into needless borrowing 64 years after independence and 64 years after the discovery of oil in commercial quantities.

In sane climes, leaders build structures and allow institutions to drive governance and check corruption. However, Nigeria’s leaders refuse to build institutions and have elevated corruption to damaging levels.

In 2022, a court in China sentenced a former justice minister, Fu Zhenghua, to life imprisonment for bribery involving over $16 million. Unfortunately, Nigeria plays politics with corruption.

Ex-Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye was jailed for mismanaging the state’s N1.16 billion funds but was later ignominiously pardoned. His Bayelsa State counterpart, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, was found guilty in London for laundering multimillion pounds and jailed in Nigeria for embezzling multibillion naira funds of the state but was also later ingloriously pardoned.

When Uzor Kalu was convicted for 12 years for N7.56 billion fraud, the verdict was later overturned on a flimsy technical ground that the trial judge who read the judgement was a vacation judge!

The inglorious chain of corruption with impunity walks on all fours countrywide.

In serious climes, leaders go into public office to serve, and they come out poorer.

US President Bill Clinton left the White House poorer than he assumed office. While US presidents pay for their meals, Nigerian legislators receive mouth-watering sums as monthly earnings.

The senators earn N21 million monthly among other emoluments. When news filtered that ranking senators recently received N500 million (annually) for phantom constituency projects, the senator who exposed the secret was suspended.

The monumental sums received by local councils have always gone down the drain.

Nigeria’s shambolic elections that always end up in the courts contribute to milking the cow to death.

At least 50 elections were nullified by tribunals sitting in different parts of the country in the 2015 elections in November that year.

The Independent Electoral Commission said it ran a budget of N75 billion for the polls.

No doubt, the oil cow is tired and waddling to Golgotha. The government must do something to revive it and inject accountability, transparency, and functionality into its outcomes.

Diversification breeds other types of cows. The government must return to its diversification policy that will radically put its agriculture, mining, creative economy, and other revenue-generating sectors in the ranch of productive cows.

The 2005 National Political Reforms Conference set up by President Olusegun Obasanjo says in its report that every state has at least five minerals in commercial quantity under its soil. All anti-investment laws should thus be amended.

The states should have the power to explore mineral resources.

Other countries are exploring alternative energy sources while applying technology to manage their oil business chain. The federal and state governments must imbibe these initiatives and give Nigeria’s economy a breath of fresh air.

Turning Nigeria’s economy around is a collective effort.

Legislators must prioritise Nigeria by enacting pro-governance and development laws.

The judiciary should introduce radical reforms that will purge it of bad eggs and re-earn its place as the last hope of the common man and the country.

The people should take an active part in politics and governance, and civil society organisations should play a more active role in monitoring the leaders.

There is a need to review Nigeria’s expensive electoral system, which gives electoral victory to the highest bidder. The people and civil society must push for an electoral system that will make the cost of contesting elections inexpensive and people-driven. It is the only way to make competent and good people contest elections and make the people own their democracy.

Prevention is the key to averting corruption. The Due Process Office introduced years back should be revitalised by all three tiers of government for accountability and transparency purposes so that the dying cow can live, its young ones can be well nourished, and the country can attain prosperity and development.

Man eats £4.9m worth banana!

A cryptocurrency entrepreneur has kept his promise and eaten a banana he bought for $6.2m (£4.9m).

Justin Sun snapped up viral art piece Comedian – consisting of a single banana duct-taped to a white wall – in an auction at Sotheby’s in New York last week.

The Chinese-born businessman immediately revealed his plan to destroy the artwork by enjoying the fruit as a snack and at a news conference today, he delivered on his word.

At a Hong Kong hotel, the 34-year-old took a bite and told reporters: “It’s much better than other bananas. It’s really quite good.”

After purchasing Comedian, Mr Sun previously said the piece “represents a cultural phenomenon that bridges the worlds of art, memes, and the cryptocurrency community”.

“Additionally, in the coming days, I will personally eat the banana as part of this unique artistic experience, honouring its place in both art history and popular culture,” he vowed.

FILE - Artist Maurizio Cattelan's piece of art "Comedian" hangs on display during an auction preview at Sotheby's in New York, Monday, Nov. 11, 2024. (AP Photo/Eduardo Munoz Alvarez, File)
Image:Maurizio Cattelan’s Comedian debuted at an art festival in 2019. Pic: AP

The piece, by Italian artist Maurizio Cattelan, became an online phenomenon when it debuted at Art Basel in Miami Beach in 2019, and sparked debate over whether it was a joke or commentary on the art world.

Comedian was first made with a banana that cost just 25 US cents (20p) and it’s not the first time the artwork has been eaten.

A performance artist took the banana from the wall and ate it back in 2019, and a south Korean student did the same last May.

Mr Sun can technically replace the fruit again, as his $6.2m purchase grants him a certificate of authenticity and the authority to duct-tape any banana to a wall and call it Comedian.

The entrepreneur founded cryptocurrency TRON and recently invested $30m into President-elect Donald Trump’s crypto project.

Culled from Sky news

Tinubu, Atiku and the Lion’s share

By Lasisi Olagunju

Adrian Louis is a witness to what popcorn does in a movie theatre. The American poet’s poems are apparently for Nigeria, a nation in eternal transition: “We gave them corn which, once popped/ into miniature buttered clouds/ gave us the opportunity to watch ourselves: / bloodthirsty, slow-thinking and grunting.”

We need lots of popcorn as we go into the new year. An Atiku Abubakar vs Bola Tinubu spar started last week over where the next president should come from and who the person should be. Tinubu’s man, George Akume, fired the first salvo. He demanded that, “President Tinubu, as a southerner, should be allowed to have a second term, meaning that those eyeing the presidency from the North in 2027 should look beyond that year by waiting till 2031.”

Almost immediately, Tinubu’s ex-friend, ex-(political) bedmate, Atiku Abubakar, came out roaring. He counter-asked that the next president must come from his part of the country, the North, and queried Akume’s sense of justice. “Where, then, does true equity and fairness reside? By the year 2027, the South will have enjoyed 17 years of leadership—eight years under Obasanjo, five years under Jonathan, and four years under Tinubu—while the North will have experienced only 11 years, with Yar’Adua serving three and Buhari eight. This results in a disparity of six years between the North and South, casting a shadow over the balance of power.” That was from Atiku Abubakar.

Tinubu’s man said that Tinubu should be the sole beneficial owner of the future. Atiku spoke about “equity and fairness”. He said, “The South will have enjoyed 17 years of leadership…” I read him two, three times and I was tempted to ask him: Did Nigeria start to exist in 1999 when his calculation started? If fairness is the talk, what would have been more equitable than starting our maths from independence, 1960? And, looking forward, why should the future be locked in for just those two lions in our jungle? Why must the future be a continuation of the story of those two who have been major (mis)writers of our democratic story since 1999? Should they forever think all others are stags, food for their lions?

People who reason that way obviously think ‘the lion’s share’ should be for the lions. Aesop, storyteller of antiquity, puts what those two think of us in perspective. The story is reproduced here verbatim as told in folklore:

A long time ago, the Lion, the Fox, the Jackal, and the Wolf agreed to go hunting together, sharing with each other whatever they found.

One day the Wolf ran down a deer and immediately called his comrades to divide the spoil.

Without being asked, the Lion placed himself at the head of the feast to do the carving, and, with a great show of fairness, began to count the guests.

“One,” he said, counting on his claws, “That is myself the Lion. Two, that’s the Wolf, three, is the Jackal, and the Fox makes four.”

He then very carefully divided the meat into four equal parts and said: “I take the first portion because of my title since I am addressed as king; the second portion you will assign to me, since I’m your partner; then because I am the strongest, the third will follow me; and an accident will happen to anyone who touches the fourth.” The other animals kept quiet – they dared not talk, and got nothing for their efforts; the king of the jungle took all the benefits. That is the meaning of might; it is always right. It is also the root of ‘the lion’s share’ as an English expression.

Thomas Grey Wicker was an American political reporter and columnist. He spent a large chunk of his 85 years on earth reporting and writing books. He wrote ‘Facing the Lions’ – a political novel published in 1973. Before then, he wrote ‘The Kingpin’; he wrote ‘The Devil Must’; he wrote ‘The Judgment.’ Then he wrote ‘A Time to Die.’ He wrote many more books, three of them under the pseudonym ‘Paul Connolly.’ But it is to his ‘Facing the Lions’ I turn in discussing Tinubu and Atiku and their ambition to be boss forever. Charmaine Allmon Mosby’s ‘Among the Dog Eaters’, an excellent review of the novel, makes it easy for me to use Wicker here. I encounter in their character Bull Durham Anderson, a political leader who “plays upon the emotions of the masses for power, profit, and place…” and who “does not mind if the ends are contaminated by the means…” Mosby is surprised that the man “frankly admitted misuse of his power, and yet the voters repeatedly returned him to office…” Why? We ask that question here also in Nigeria. The answer may come tomorrow.

This and several other quotes from that novel could well have come from the page of an irreverent Nigerian newspaper columnist: “I’ve known men with good sense otherwise that would swear on the Bible that if (Anderson) stole a dollar he gave ten back in hell to the corporation…” At the man’s death, his son excuses everything he did; he says that his dad was merely “a man like you and me.” Then, he concludes that: “Every vicious thing he did, every law he broke, every man he bought and cheated and ruined, all that power he used for his own ends, the barnyard of corruption he made out of this state – just like it says on there, he was always a man. He did the things men do.”

Why should the next election be about Tinubu and Atiku again? When is rape enough? For daring to ask those questions, I will be asked to shut up and will be reminded that Atiku and Tinubu are doing with our democracy “things men do.” Their men think they are our husbands, and so, whatever they do with us, we are stuck with them just as Wicker’s world is to Durham Anderson. We wait to see. But, perhaps, more immediate is that in the new year, we need lots of popcorn in our theatre. There will be drama – comedy, tragedy, and a combination of both; a salad bowl of claps and raps.

TIPS