By Lasisi Olagunju
“As an Offa citizen, I am made to look like an inferior being. While competing for anything in the North, I would be told that I am a Yoruba man. If there is something to compete for in the South-West, I would be reminded that I am a northerner. Permanently, I am an inferior citizen until this lopsided, skewed, warped national structure is re-configured.”
Chief J. S. Olawoyin was the leader of the opposition in the Northern Nigerian House of Assembly from 1956 to 1961. On Wednesday, 5 February 2025, I was in his hometown, Offa, Kwara State, to review a book launched by his family and the Offa community to posthumously mark his centenary. Olawoyin was the first Asiwaju of Offa and a Yoruba patriot who used his entire political lifetime fighting against his people being put unfairly in northern Nigeria. For this, he was jailed, released and jailed many times. At the book launch event, I used the review to interrogate the dilemma – actually the tragedy – of a floating people; bats who are neither south nor north. The quote above is on page 22 of that book.
Heaven is God’s throne; Earth, His footstool. Whether throne or footstool, whichever you are, you are part of the palace. But some people are neither throne nor stool; they are neither on earth nor in heaven. They float. That is what we see in the recent NNPCL appointments and the subsequent noise over the Yoruba of northern Nigeria’s Kogi and Kwara states, and the perceived privileges they enjoy under a south-western Yoruba president.
My Zaria friend came for me at the weekend. He called (calls) me Tinubu’s man. I don’t know what I have achieved to merit that badge of honour. He accused me and everyone around me of marginalising the North in federal appointments. “Once you people can’t get a Yoruba from Lagos, you go pick one from any of the SW (South-West) states. If none exists, you slide to Kwara or Kogi to get one. Tinubu will be an OTP (One Term President). It shall be well.” That is his WhatsApp message to me.
His mention of Kogi and Kwara strikes me. Butterflies are not birds and can’t be birds unless their Creator recreates them. Think about this: If you were born a Yoruba, and Kwara or Kogi is your state, can you ever be president of Nigeria? If you contest a major political party’s presidential primary and there is a freak, and you win the ticket, where will your running mate come from? Will he or she come from the North where you geographically belong or from the South where, ethnically, your home is? Can you even be vice president? The same factors that make you unfit for number one cancels you out for number two.
But, sometimes the butterfly enjoys birdy bounties. You are Yoruba from the North Central. You will be lucky if the president is your brother Yoruba from the South-West. Because blood is thicker than water, he will give you jobs that are zoned to northern Nigeria. Only he can do that. To any other, you are a nobody. And, if your brother does that for you, he will say Eni ò dùn mó kò gbodò wí. Those unhappy won’t be able to shout because they also need you tomorrow. You have been that lucky twice: Under Olusegun Obasanjo, you produced, twice, the Chief of Naval Staff (Admirals Samuel Afolayan and Ganiyu Adekeye). The officers, in 2001 and in 2005, respectively filled a northern slot – because they were northerners. And now under Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Yoruba of Kogi and Kwara become, once again, northern Nigerians.
Every ethnic group should be a ruling house in a just Nigeria. But no. There are Royal Houses, long decided. It is a huge misfortune to be a minority here. It is worse if your tiny conchie has to contest a space with regional hawks. Think of how really the minority have fared in the North since the beginning of Nigeria. The British were not tentative in anything they did here; they left records. And, through those records, we get great insights into what they did with the country, where we are and the likely face of the future.
I use their records to address here the spectacle of spectators called the Yoruba of the North Central. Those who created Nigeria divided the regions (north and west) along the lines of pre-colonial conquest. With painstaking dutifulness, they also maintained interesting profiles of the tribes that inhabit each of the regions. For the North, they observed and kept a meticulous account of the peoples, their features and their characters. They then decided who would rule and who would serve the rulers.
Major G. Merrick, researcher and officer of the colonial government, wrote a long list of tribes in his ‘Languages in Northern Nigeria’ (published in October 1905). Beyond listing the tribes, he has a cross-ethnic comparison of each of the peoples’ mental and physical fitness. The first group he identifies in our North are the Shuwa Arabs whom he says “are a good class of men” who have “a certain independence of spirit, objecting to being commanded by Yorubas…whom they hold to be inferior races.” This feeling, he says, “has earned them a reputation for insubordination.” The Hausas, he says, “make the best soldiers”. The (northern) Yoruba are “useless as soldiers.” The Fulani, he writes, are “an intelligent race” but they are “somewhat exclusive, and the negro is, in general, somewhat afraid of them.” The list is long. Every ethnic group mentioned in that publication has a mark of the beast.
Lord Frederick Lugard in his ‘Northern Nigeria’ (published in January 1904), has a deeper (political) assessment of the groups that make up his favourite Northern Region. To Lugard, the Hausas are “the business-men of West Africa” who also “make admirable soldiers, and are brave and reliable.” The Yoruba, Lugard notes, “are hardly less keen traders than the Hausas, at least equally industrious, and much quicker to learn.” The Fulani, he calls “the ruling race” but whose “misrule has compelled interference” by the British. Lugard, however, declares that “bad as their (Fulani) rule has been…the future of the virile races of the protectorate lies largely in the regeneration of the Fulani.” Lugard explains how he arrived at that conclusion. He says the Fulani’s “…coloured skins, their mode of life and habits of thought, appeal more to the native populations than the prosaic rule of the Anglo-Saxon can ever do.” He then declares a resolve “to regenerate this capable race, to mould them to ideas of justice and mercy, so that in a future generation, if not in this, they may become worthy instruments of rule under British supervision” (page 8).
Note what those two gentlemen wrote on the principal tribes of the North. The past is forever true with our present. It explains why some people rule forever, and others, till eternity, rue their exclusion from power. Think about T. S. Eliot’s “Time present and time past/ Are both perhaps present in time future/ And time future contained in time past.”
My Zaria friend was angry because of the appointment of the NNPCL Managing Director, Bashir Bayo Ojulari, a native of Oke Ode in Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State. My friend would not listen to me when I told him that Kwara and Kogi are in the North and Ojulari, from that axis, is a northerner like him. He insisted that the reason the man got the job was because of his Yoruba ethnicity. From my friend’s tempest, it would appear that the far Muslim North is the only North. He forwarded to me a social media post comparing Buhari’s nepotism with that of Tinubu. My friend gave the trophy of dubiety to Tinubu.
A very long list of Yoruba appointees of Tinubu is slithering across the World Wide Web. I looked at that list; I read through Buhari’s records. One mirrors the other. They mock Nigeria; they shame decency; they laugh at whatever our old and new national anthems say about unity and brotherhood; about truth and justice.
The government is scrambling to say the Tinubu list is a lie. The regime stutters, very embarrassingly. Can we also have lists of appointees made from other tribes? Tribe and tongue are the new identifiers. States and regions are dead.
Whatever the North does to the Yoruba and their Tinubu now and in the future serves right the Yoruba elite. They used to demand a restructuring of the Nigerian federation for better delivery. They harassed regimes after regimes with that demand. They said it was the cure-all for what ailed Nigeria. But they are quiet now; very quiet. They are either with their brother, eating with both hands and with ten fingers or they are sharpening their teeth, expecting to be called to the table. It is a shame that they forget that this Egúngún festival is never forever. At the end of this season, priests and all, including their children, will have to pay before they eat àkàrà and èko.
We read statements that talk of “Tinubu’s Yoruba government”. Can I be allowed to say that Tinubu is not building a Yoruba cult for Nigeria? The strongman is, instead, carefully building a sect of personal devotees. A majority of his worshippers being Yoruba (from Lagos) is just normal. But how far can one region, one ethnic group, or a cabal, or a family go enjoying Nigeria alone? We saw how fleeting, brief, and transient it was with the insular, north-centric regime of Muhammadu Buhari. The streets of the North enjoyed it while it lasted. And, I think some of us warned the North that time that today would come; and it is here. Where I come from, we say that if you eat alone, your eyes would be red twice: the first time is when you eat yours, the second is when others eat theirs. If I were of Buhari’s persons and region, I would be too ashamed to complain that someone is using my fake coin to pay for my service.
Ikú nde Dèdè; Dèdè nde ‘kú – Death baits Dede; Dede baits Death. Tinubu plays the tongue-twisting game. The president took the chairmanship of the NNPCL from his bosom friend in the South-West; he gave it to an ‘outsider’ from the North-East. He took the Managing Director of that company from the North-East and gave it to the North-Central. The two top jobs went to the North, yet the North is in pains. The South-West has neither of the two juicy positions, yet it is rejoicing and dancing. The region that lost the chairmanship of the oil company is grateful; the one that gained the firm’s two topmost posts is angry. Oxymoronic reactions. Outsiders would be confused. But the child that is crying knows why it is weeping; the mum knows why the child is inconsolable. From the two divides are reactions that confirm the artificiality (or superficiality) of what we call zones and states, and Nigeria. It is a stain on our claims to a banner of unity and strength.
Our president does what he wants when he wants it while leaving the dazed asses to bray. But, across the Niger is a humming volcano called the North. It is very evident that the North is mobilizing for battle. The northern establishment has gone to exhume Buhari from provincial Daura. They’ve replanted him in their regional capital, Kaduna, for proper coordination of the street and the boys. I think Tinubu knows what is going on; but he is not bothered. He thinks he is the other power bloc and is on very firm ground. He truly is. If he were in Italy, he would be addressed as Capo di tutti capi – boss of all bosses. He thinks he is Nigeria’s very first real strongman. And he acts and lives it. He has money in super abundance – his wife and son show this off dropping some billions here, some billions there – in a season of famine. The man has power and he knows how to use both with precision and to maximum effects. He combines Muhammed Ali’s stings with Iron Mike Tyson’s bulldozer punches. If I were part of his enemies, I would be very worried. This man won’t go the Goodluck Jonathan way.
In all of this, the ordinary man, north and south, are the losers. They lose life, they lose living. Under Buhari’s ‘Change’, their lives took a plunge. Today, they battle to breathe.
The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.
