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“We Want Them Back.” Husbands of kidnapped Defence staff break down after ₦60m ransom

The first thing that captures one’s sight in the Emeribe family sitting room in Festac Town is a photograph on the wall. It shows Mrs Chinwe Emeribe in her University of Lagos graduation gown. Her smile is calm, gentle, and full of hope, a quiet pride captured in the frame. But today, that composed smile feels like a question suspended in the air, since she was kidnapped on November 9, 2025, along with five colleagues, all teachers and Assistant Directors of the Ministry of Defence attached to Command Secondary School, Ojo.

Read Also: From Benue to Kebbi to Kwara: A week of terror and global scrutiny, Three grieving mothers speak as violence escalates

The Emeribes are not alone in this agony. Across Festac Town, Mr. Chibuikem Onwuzurike lives in the same torment. His wife, Mrs. Juliana Onyekachi Onwuzuruike, was abducted alongside Chinwe Emeribe and four other women. Both men spoke exclusively to Saturday Vanguard, their voices heavy with fear, frustration, and helplessness.

Mrs Juliana Onwuzurike. another victim.

False news of release

In the days following the abduction, reports filtered through the media claiming that all six women had been released. But for the husbands, they described the news as cruelly false.

“I saw it on television”  Chinwe’s husband, Nnamdi Emeribe said, shaking his head. “I called everywhere to verify. My wife and Mrs. Juliana Onwuzurike were still missing. That report was not true.”

For Chibuikem, his heart sank the moment he learned the truth. “When I finally got confirmation, it was worse than the uncertainty itself. Four women were released, yes. But my loving wife Juliana was not among them. My wife is still in captivity,” he said in a trembling voice.

The last words that haunt them

For Nnamdi Emeribe, the memory of his last conversation with his wife is seared into his mind. He recalled: “I was the one who took her to the bus terminal at First Gate, Festac, where they boarded a vehicle owned by AndyLiz Motors Limited. She paid N35,500 for her ticket. The bus left by 7:46 a.m. I called her one hour later to remind her to take her morning medication because she was not feeling well. She had a fever.

“By 1:30 p.m., I called again, and she said they were at Akure. I reminded her to take her afternoon medicine; she assured me she would. I asked if she had eaten the food she took from home. She said she would eat it and that they bought cooked corn. That was the last normal conversation I had with her.

“By 4 p.m., I called again to check how the journey was progressing, but both her lines were unreachable. One phone was switched off, and the other rang intermittently without anyone picking. I kept calling from 4 p.m. till 6 p.m. with no response. By nightfall, I was deeply disturbed.

“Her aunty also called, asking if I had heard from her. I stayed awake all night. I knew something was wrong. I called again at 1 a.m., 2 a.m., 3 a.m., and 5 a.m., yet still no response.”

“When I went to AndyLiz Park by 7 a.m. to ask if anything had happened to their vehicle. The ticket clerk could barely speak; she just stared at me. She explained that the bus’s movement was monitored until 8 p.m., but there was no update. Then around 11 p.m., news came that the passengers had been kidnapped in Kabba, Kogi State. Tears ran down my cheeks; I couldn’t hold myself.

“When I went to meet the company’s Director, he told us he had heard about the matter and was on it. He said the Commandant of the Command Secondary School, the Chief of Army Staff, and even the Inspector-General of Police were aware. I asked why none of the families had been contacted, and he said they could not call anyone. I asked what then was the use of having next-of-kin information if it would not be used.

“Before we left the Director’s office, my phone rang. I picked up, and the voice I heard was my wife’s, very faint. She told me they were demanding N100 million as ransom. I wanted to tell her to hold on, but they snatched the phone from her. Then it rang again, and she said the ransom was now N150 million. I could not speak to her, and the phone was switched off. I was helpless.

“I met other husbands of the kidnapped women at the park. We were later told by the transport company that the kidnappers had reduced the amount to N60 million. This was to be shared among the six women, the driver of the bus, who was also kidnapped, a boy of about 17 years old, who is a half-caste, another boy, and about five Ghanaians who were also in the vehicle.

“Altogether, there were 14 passengers and the driver.

“We pleaded with the owner to pay the money first and allow us to reimburse him, because we were desperate to get our wives back. But he said he would pay N15 million, while we shared the rest among ourselves. When we contacted the Ghana High Commission, it said it would not pay ransom.”

Where is mummy? – Children demand

Amid the endless waiting and uncertainty, Mr. Nnamdi Emeribe’s heart aches not only for his missing wife but also for their twin children, who are left to grapple with the fear and absence of their mother. He said they turned nine years old on Wednesday, November 26, 2025, a day that should have been filled with laughter, now overshadowed by an unbearable question.

Our children just turned nine on Wednesday. It was supposed to be a joyful day, but the house was heavy with silence. They kept asking me, over and over, ‘When will mummy come back?’ Each question felt like a knife through my heart. I had no answer. I had nothing to tell them but to hold them close and pray silently that she would return safely,” he stated in tears.

For Mr. Chibuikem Onwuzurike, whose wife, Mrs. Juliana Onyekachi Onwuzuruike, is also still in captivity, he said his wife told him to sell their house and cars to raise money for the ransom because of the excruciating pain from the torture.

According to him, “I spoke with my wife three times before the ransom was made. She was putting pressure for the money to come out. The kidnappers were the ones that called with a different numbers, and they would edit what she would say.

“The first call I heard from her was that they had been kidnapped. The second one was that I should sell anything sellable to come remove her from there so that she wouldn’t die. I told her, ‘You won’t die.’ The third was Friday, November 14, when we were taking the money.

“One of the captors collected the phone and said, ‘Oga, are you sure that you are bringing the money tomorrow?’ I said yes and asked where I should drop it. He said I should take it to the transporter company; they would be the ones to bring the money to them. Since then, I have not heard from her.

Ransom paid

“For my wife’s ransom alone, I paid “5,625,000. Then we all paid N804,000 each again when they insisted we must pay also for a deportee from Dubai who was kidnapped along with them. Andy, the transport owner and negotiator, told us that the kidnappers instructed that no other person or vehicle should bring the money except Andy’s vehicle.

“They also threatened to kill the driver if the money was not complete or if there was counterfeit. We added an additional N3,000 to avoid any shortage. The ransom of N60 million was packed in six bags of N10 million each.”

The return

That Monday, November 17, 2025, on the day the kidnapped women were to return, both Mr. Emeribe and Mr. Onwuzurike, along with a few other families, gathered at the transport park from as early as 12 noon, hoping and praying for the safe return of their wives. The hours crawled by slowly, each tick of the clock deepening their anxiety. When the bus finally arrived around 5 p.m., hearts pounding with anticipation, they rushed to the doors, only to be met with an empty vehicle.

Recalling that shattering moment, Onwuzuruike said, “My wife was not in the vehicle that arrived. ‘Where are our wives? Where are the women?’ I asked. But the driver said only four out of the six women were released to him.”

Hopeless state

One of the most harrowing details that emerged from the interviews was that one of the kidnapped women, in the grip of pain and exhaustion, had been abandoned by the kidnappers because she could no longer walk, complaining of severe knee pain.

The husbands described a sense of helplessness that has only deepened since paying the ransom.

“We gave them everything they asked for, followed every instruction, and yet our wives are still not back,” Mr. Emeribe recounted, his voice heavy with despair.

Days have turned into weeks, and silence has been their constant companion, not only from the kidnappers but also from their employers at the Ministry of Defence and the Army, where the women worked. No call, no message, no attempt to coordinate or reassure the families has come from those who should have been their first line of support, according to the devastated husbands.

To worsen the case, Mr. Emeribe alleged, “They didn’t even give a dime as transport fare for the journey my wife embarked on. We had to source our own money for transport because it was a promotional examination. Even to pay the ransom, nobody from the Ministry of Defence or the Army assisted. We were on our own.”

Since the day they brought back the four women and other passengers, excluding their wives, they said they had not seen Andy, the transporter, adding that “If you call his number, it will not respond. We have gone to the Festac Police Division to report.” 

Efforts to get a reaction from the Ministry of Defence failed, as Saturday Vanguard was informed it had not had a spokesman since the last person was redeployed. However, a director in the ministry, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed that only four out of the six women had been released, adding that apprehension had heightened over the safety of the remaining two.

The void of communication has left them in a limbo of anxiety and despair, wondering if their loved ones will ever return.

Credit: Vanguard News, except for the altered headline.

Former Chief Justice Onnoghen leads dual groundbreaking ceremony at proposed FortLugard University

Abuja, Nigeria — The vision for the proposed FortLugard University, championed by Principal Partner at Dr O.J. Onoja, SAN & Associates and CEO of Bar and Bench Publishers, Dr Ogwu James Onoja, SAN, took a decisive leap forward on Friday as leading figures from Nigeria’s legal community converged on the institution’s permanent site in Apo for the groundbreaking of two flagship academic structures. This event doubled as the Bar and Bench family’s annual Thanksgiving ceremony.

In a moment heavy with symbolism, former Chief Justice of Nigeria Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen (Rtd.) laid the foundation stone for the University Senate Building, while that of the Faculty of Computer Sciences was performed by the Minister of Special Duties, Hon. Zaphaniah Bitrus Jisalo, represented by the ministry’s Director of Finance and Administration. The dual ceremony marked one of the university’s most consequential milestones to date.

Justice Onnoghen, delivering a warm and personal tribute, described the university’s founder, Dr Onoja, SAN, as “my adopted first son,” praising his humility, stamina, and “clarity of purpose” in driving a project he called both courageous and urgently needed.

Also speaking at the event, Hon. Justice Ejembi Eko (Rtd.) applauded the initiative as an “uncommon stride” toward building a world-class institution, offering prayers for divine strength to carry the project to completion.

Former Managing Director of Ajaokuta Steel Company, Engr. Sumaila Abdul-Akaba echoed those sentiments, stressing that the university’s true achievement would lie in long-term sustainability, ensuring the institution outlives its founders and becomes a generational asset.

Representing the Minister of Special Duties, the Director of Finance and Administration conveyed the minister’s apologies for his absence, offering prayers for the swift and steady rise of the budding institution.

One of the most emotional tributes came from Dr Jumai Ahmadu, Director of Reform Coordination and Service Improvement at the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA), who referred to Chief Onoja as “a brother in whom I am well pleased.” Recalling their days at Community Secondary School, Ofante, she urged attendees to remain steadfast in their aspirations, declaring that “a nobody today can become a somebody tomorrow.” She pledged full collaboration to ensure the university’s vision is faithfully realised.

In his remarks, Dr Onoja expressed gratitude to the dignitaries, reaffirming his commitment to building a university that will serve as a national hub for innovation, scholarship, leadership development, and moral grounding. FortLugard University, he said, is designed not merely as another campus, but as “a transformational institution built to transcend the traditional boundaries of teaching and learning.”

With the foundation stones now set, the upcoming FortLugard University stands a step closer to becoming one of Nigeria’s next major centres of academic excellence—an ambitious dream steadily turning into brick-and-mortar reality.

U.S. targets Nigerian power brokers as Congress links northern militants to al-Qaida

In a rare bipartisan move, U.S. lawmakers have begun laying the groundwork for targeted sanctions against Nigerian officials and entities they believe have enabled or ignored years of extremist violence—an escalation that could reshape the country’s political and security landscape.

At the centre of the storm: new U.S. congressional revelations that the Lakawura militant network operating in northern Nigeria is affiliated with al-Qaida, and was initially invited into the country by northern elites to act as informal protection forces—a move that spiralled into widespread terror affecting even the communities that empowered them.

The developments have collided with President Bola Tinubu’s recent declaration of a national security emergency, a step critics say comes “years too late” and only after sustained American pressure.

These revelations and more emerged from a recent Laolu Akande’s show Inside Sources, which was broadcast on Channels TV.

Terrorism With an Ethno-Religious Core

According to U.S.-based human rights advocate Emmanuel Ogebe, who briefed Congress last week, Nigeria’s conflict is being distorted by political rhetoric but is well-documented in American intelligence.

The violence, he said, is not a blanket Muslim-versus-Christian conflict, but ethno-religious extremism concentrated within two groups:

  • Boko Haram, rooted in the Kanuri population
  • Fulani militant networks active across the north-central and northwest

Other Muslim groups—including Hausa, Igala, and Yoruba (Southwest) Muslims—“are not involved in terrorism,” Ogebe said. Moderate Muslim communities have themselves suffered attacks.

The U.S. committee statement he referenced calls for visa bans, asset freezes, and Magnitsky-style sanctions on individuals tied to “egregious religious freedom violations.” Some names have already surfaced in Washington, though not yet publicly.

Nigeria’s Weak Response Under Scrutiny

Multiple panellists on the Inside Sources programme agreed that Nigeria has failed to prosecute major terror actors for nearly two decades.

“Fifteen years into this insurgency, not one principal actor has been brought to justice,” said policy strategist Baba Yusuf, who lost a family member to Boko Haram and rejects attempts to frame the crisis as a war between religions.

There are isolated convictions — such as a Boko Haram operative sentenced to life over an attack on a Kaduna media office — but witnesses say most cases collapse because citizens fear testifying and because senior military officers accused of negligence or sabotage rarely face consequences.

A U.S. Sanctions List Is Coming

Ogebe confirmed that U.S. officials have already requested names for a sanctions list, and that politically exposed Nigerians, senior security officers, and even prospective ambassadors may be affected.
“If certain nominees arrive in Washington, they will be blocked,” he said.

Congressman Chris Smith reportedly asked Nigeria’s delegation for evidence of prosecutions or justice for victims. According to sources at the hearing, “the answers were insufficient.”

U.S. Leverage Has Grown, And Nigeria Knows It

Nigeria’s strategic position has shifted sharply:
The country, once a major crude supplier to the U.S., now imports American oil, reducing U.S. dependence and weakening Abuja’s leverage.

“Nigeria needs the U.S. far more than the U.S. needs Nigeria now,” one analyst said at the hearing.

Political scientist Prof. Mojúbàolú Okome was blunt:
“America has power. Nigeria does not. It is embarrassing that Nigerian lives only seem to matter to Nigerian officials when the U.S. applies pressure.”

She warned, however, that foreign intervention comes with its own costs. “External actors pursue their own interests. Nigerians must solve Nigerian problems.”

A Potential Turning Point — Or More Drift

For now, Washington’s moves have triggered unusual alarm among Nigeria’s political class—many of whom have banked assets or families abroad.
Whether this fear leads to real reform or merely another cycle of empty declarations remains unclear.

But one fact is increasingly hard to dispute:
Nigeria’s security crisis is now an international issue — and the U.S. is preparing to act.

MNGA: Nostalgia, national reinvention, and the quest for a recoverable future

By Richard Odusanya


In recent days, as our nation continues to navigate layers of political, economic, and security upheavals, I found myself reflecting deeply on the question of identity—both personal and national. In that contemplative moment, the idea of Make Nigeria Great Again (MNGA) crystallised in my mind. Not as a slogan of empty rhetoric, but as a framework for imagining a more resilient, morally grounded, and future-facing Nigeria.

At its core, MNGA draws from a belief that Nigeria once possessed—and still possesses the ingredients of greatness, but these strengths have been eroded by structural decay, leadership failures, weakened institutions, and a loss of collective purpose. The ambition of MNGA is, therefore, not merely to romanticise yesterday but to pursue a deliberate reinvention anchored in nationalist values, evidence-based policies, and a renewed sense of civic responsibility.

However, any honest pursuit of national renewal must carefully interrogate the emotional currents that drive it—especially nostalgia, for a “lost” glory. Psychologists describe this form of nostalgia as a coping mechanism triggered by trauma, instability, or prolonged disappointment. It can provide comfort by allowing individuals or societies to recall better days. Yet, uncritically embraced, nostalgia can become dangerous: it may idealise the past, obscure historical truths, or create paralysis when forward-thinking is most needed.

My own recent experiences brought this tension home in a personal way. After a series of emotional setbacks over the past few weeks, I recognised how easy it is to retreat into memories of beer seasons. The past becomes a refuge when the present feels overwhelming. But dwelling too long in yesterday can chain the soul—restricting our ability to see the opportunities and responsibilities of today.

Thankfully, Scripture provides a balanced perspective. While Ecclesiastes 7:10 cautions against declaring that “the former days were better than these,” the Bible repeatedly instructs us to remember God’s past faithfulness—not to idolise the past, but to draw strength for the journey ahead. Thus, memory becomes a tool for endurance, not escape; a compass, not a cage.

This interplay between memory and hope becomes even more relevant when examined against Nigeria’s current reality. In a naon where:

  • A serving General can be murdered with no single arrest,
  • Kidnappings occur with alarming frequency,
  • Families like that of the late Ven. Achi are left traumatised and unanswered,
  • And victims rescued “magically” remain nameless, while perpetrators remain
    faceless.
    It is inevitable that citizens begin to long for a “Nigeria that was”—a Nigeria where
    Safety, predictability, and community trust could be taken for granted.
    But longing alone is not a strategy. MNGA must therefore go beyond emotional
    remembrance and become a structured call to action. It demands that we:
    (1) Rebuild state authority and security architecture.
    (2) Restore meritocracy, integrity, and national values.
    (3) Reinvest in social cohesion and a shared destiny.
    (4) Reframe governance as stewardship rather than entitlement.
    (5) Re-anchor our hope in God while taking responsibility for the work required.
    Ultimately, MNGA must be a forward-looking vision shaped by lessons from the past,
    strength from the present, and faith in what is still possible. Nigeria’s greatness is not
    an archaeological relic to be dug up; it is a project requiring courage, accountability,
    and national rebirth.
    Our nostalgia should not become an escape from reality, but a contrast mirror that
    pushes us to insist on a beer future.

Nigeria Must (indeed be) Great Again/MNGA
@richardODUSANYA

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The President’s ambassadorial list

By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba 

Four days after release of President Bola Tinubu’s nominees for appointment as ambassadors, the hullabaloo ignited by the list is yet to wane. It’s difficult to find any administrative procedure that generated as much furore in recent times. The harsh criticism of the 32-man ambassadorial list leaves you wondering if the angry comments were about a proposal to divide Nigeria into six countries.

A retired Permanent Secretary, Ambassador Joseph Keshi, wrote off some nominees as having no business with “diplomatic service.” The PDP called for the withdrawal of the list for failing democratic and moral test. For 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, some of the nominations were “shocking.”

Quite significantly, a member of the ruling party and former presidential campaign spokesman, Josef Onoh, registered an even stronger objection. Onoh wasted no time in forwarding a petition to the Senate alleging past acts of treachery against Bola Ahmed Tinubu by a candidate from the south-south. While the list features different shades of controversial public figures, three particular nominations stand out for their contentious reception.

Outrage over the serial unsuitability for appointment as heads of diplomatic missions appears to have some merit. A former INEC chief’s burden from the 2003 general election continues to follow him in the court of public opinion. Many Nigerians are not convinced that the electronic blackout which occured in the course of the presidential poll was accidental. The consequences of yet another bungled election cannot be over emphasised. Internally, Nigeria’s electoral and succession crises polarises the population. Externally, the shadow of instability diminishes and demarkets the country. Who wants to invest in a highly volatile State? And, conceding that there are small, inconsequential States that will not reject our ambassador – designates, what message is sent out by stigma – laden, state honours?

It is to be noted, though, that the APC government and supporters do not share the impression of a flawed 2023 poll. But their approval of the ballot has to contend with the assessment of independent observers. The international community is not only familiar with the poverty of Nigeria’s democracy values but has means of verifying adherence to standard processes. Just as with the current denials of threat to Christianity, global monitors are still able to establish a pattern of persecution against the Church in Nigeria.

By no means do these observations discount the reality of the environment under which the electoral body operates. A non-autonomous INEC is vulnerable to the vast power of the presidency. But an INEC leadership committed to Nigeria, rather than the government, can make a lot of difference. And there is the option of resignation when faced with unacceptable demands.

On the part of the social media – active nominees, there’s a propaganda issue. The candidates have since come to be associated with the noise factor; the concept of ringing bell. Their public engagement is often an overflow of reactions. But it’s not only an overflow of words. It is also about riot of words. In their differing styles and approaches, the political cum media activists display a pugnacious bent in their defence of government. More often than not, the choice of language is uncivil, disrespectful, abusive.

You can easily detect sneering intolerance of the opposition in it all. How would this indulgent disposition fit into the etiquettes of the diplomatic world? Aggressive behaviour and uncouth language are not the stuff of country image makers, which ambassadors are projected to be. Nor can the quarrelsomeness of two of the nominees be excused on the ground of media hazard. Minister of Information, Idris Mohammed and Special Adviser on Public Communication, Mr Sunday Dare are also engaged in regime dialogue. What makes the difference is the professionalism and sense of public service that attends their intervention.

The task for the President is to strike a healthy balance between the needs of the country and his leadership agenda. Clearly, the system creates room for political interest in foreign policy administration. The concept of non-career ambassador functions to accommodate this dimension of statecraft. Many people see the President’s ambassadorial list as a reward register. The beneficiaries are believed to be those who have made notable contributions in cash or kind to the present dispensation. Political patronage remains a universal language of power and for the President’s supporters, eligibility of appointees is his prerogative.

The Senate is expected to ratify the appointments without the least alteration. By the climate and circumstances of Nigeria’s democracy, the legislature is still subservient to the executive. To the shock of some observers, a former presidential media aide who was informally known as Special Assistant on Abuse was cleared for ministerial appointment by the Senate. His penchant for ranting was so revolting that any self – respecting institution would have thrown out the application instantly but it was granted. Those who argue that Tinubu should have used contracts and consultancy to reward deficient loyalists have probably not adverted to other possible considerations behind the ambassadorial move. 

In the prelude to the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, Russian leader Boris Yeltsin was the outstanding player in the new power dynamics. He was virtually in rivalry with Mr Mikhail Gorbachev for control of the Soviet Union’s depleting power base. Once the half-hearted coup of August 1991 could not run on Russian territory, it was a given that the attempted putsch could not progress anywhere else in the communist state. But it was not just the size and resources of Russia that made Boris Yeltsin formidable. He was considered a strong student of power by his own right. His incremental challenge of Gorbachev’s authority was sure – footed and impactful. Reflecting on the assertive path of Yeltsin at the time, an international analyst considered the response that could have been his lot in the hey days of the Soviet Union. 

He would probably have been shot on a dark corner of a Moscow street one cold, winter night. It was thought that a decision on forced removal from party post fitted Nikita Khrushchev’s rulership. Leonid Brezhnev would have sent Yeltsin to Siberia. Brezhnev’s successor, Yuri Andropov would have made him ambassador to Burkina Faso! And there I paused; marveling at the witticism of the thought. The analogy of ambassadorial appointment as containment, indeed, punishment for power ambition, was particularly striking. Burkina Faso today can still be described as an impoverished, backward, underdeveloped state. By 1985, the year Andropov’s headship of the Soviet Union ended, it was third world of the third world! Of no strategic geo-political, mineral or maritime importance, appointment to such a remote, semi rural outpost was not just redundant, but tellingly punitive.

Ambassadorial posting then, could be a form of exile. Exile, in this context, goes beyond physical distance from home. The motive behind the alienation from home front largely determines what kind of exile. For most low – level political actors, ambassadorial rank is a welcome elevation, regardless of posting. But for the principal calling the shots, the calculation tends between ideal and pragmatic. Tinubu, widely credited with gift of networking and reward for loyalty, does not fit a leader to use diplomatic assignment as punishment. A shrewd student of power, Tinubu seems to be repositioning towards actualising 2027.

Before America’s recent interest in Nigeria’s insecurity situation, the President already looked unstoppable, with opposition leaders unable to secure political parties where they will run. Now, his camp is faced with uncertainty by the prospects of America’s further involvement. It seems the case that Tinubu seeks to present a new face for his government, one that is accommodating and conciliatory. To that end, the President probably resolved to deal with the noise factor diminishing the presidency. How best to offload the rabble rousers, the discredited polemicists, the reversible propagandists, the scandal-plagued big names – without appearing to kick them out? Ambassadorial exile seems to offer a good solution.

If that is the reckoning, two more candidates are recommended for the clinical transfer. One is the professor of sectarian rites concern who will not give Nigerians breathing space until his religious dreams are cast in iron in the Constitution. The other is a bearded peace maker whose prayers at forest shrines, but for Nigerians’ faithlessness, would have made bandits humane and lovable. Their ambassadorial migration will save the polity from noise and advocacy pollution and help the President concentrate on governance.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Parading the Elasticity of Moral and Ethical Principles: Periscoping Tinubu’s ambassadorial nominees, By Haruna Yahaya Poloma

​The ascension of a new political dispensation invariably brings with it a moment of national reckoning — a chance to elevate the discourse, recalibrate ethical standards, and signal a departure from the transactional politics of the past. 

However, the emerging pattern of appointments under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu suggests not a departure but a deepening commitment to a system where moral currency is devalued and ethical principles are rendered elastic to accommodate political expediency. 

The contemplation of high office for figures like Reno Omokri, Femi Fani-Kayode (FFK), and — in the spirit of political reward — Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, serves as a shocking parade of this alarming elasticity. These potential or actual appointments are not merely personnel choices; they are a polemical statement on the administration’s moral choices and priorities.

The nominations, whether actual ambassadorial postings or symbolic high-level appointments, collectively represent the canonization of toxicity, inconsistency, and institutional compromise. Scrutinizing these choices reveals the moral landscape of our Fourth Republic and a troubling absence of integrity.

​The Case of the Serial Defector: Femi Fani-Kayode. Fani-Kayode embodies the apex of political transactionalism in Nigeria. A figure defined less by policy contribution and more by the rapidity and vehemence of his political defections, his public conduct has been a masterclass in rhetorical aggression often untethered from verifiable fact. His entire political career is a testimonial to the notion that ideological consistency is a weakness, and loyalty is a commodity to be traded at the highest prevailing market price.

​To elevate such a personality to a position of executive or diplomatic trust- a role that demands measured diplomacy, strategic silence, and profound ethical consistency- is to mock the very essence of public service. What message is being sent when the most polarizing, caustic, and inconsistent voice is rewarded with a platform of national representation? 

It is a stark affirmation that loyalty, however opportunistic, trumps integrity, however scarce. It confirms that the apparatus of state is merely a lucrative holding company for political mercenaries who pivot their allegiance based on proximity to power, thereby rewarding the very instability that plagues Nigeria’s democratic ethos.​

The Cynical Rhetorician: Reno Omokri. Omokri’s candidature for a high-level post – especially one demanding diplomatic finesse and polish – presents an equally distressing ethical anomaly. His brand of engagement is rooted in digital gutters, characterized by highly divisive, personalized, and often inflammatory rhetoric. 

While political punditry demands robust commentary, Omokri’s brand output frequently veers into the realm of vehement, unprincipled partisanship where constructive criticism is forsaken for pathological opposition or fanatical defense, depending on who may be the paymaster. ​The reward of a diplomatic or executive position for such a profile is not just a lapse in judgment; it is a strategic error that legitimizes online toxicity as a prerequisite for national service. 

Diplomacy is the art of mediation, nuance, and bridge-building. By contrast, Omokri’s public identity is built on confrontation and morbid partisanship. To appoint him a diplomat is to inject a crude political pugilist into a refined arena of decent engagement, signaling to the world that Nigeria’s governing philosophy rewards the aggressive pursuit of influence over the diligent maintenance of national respectability.

​The Institutional Liability: Prof. Mahmood Yakubu. ​The inclusion of Prof. Mahmood Yakubu in this discourse strikes at the heart of institutional integrity. As the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) during a highly contentious 2023 general election, his management of the process was met with widespread, credible allegations of systemic failures, inconsistencies, and a disturbing lack of transparency regarding the deployment of technology.

​While the specific facts of his tenure are subject to ongoing debate, the critical issue here is one of perception and rehabilitation. Offering a figure who presided over an election that polarized the nation and severely tested the confidence of the populace in democratic processes, any high-level appointment immediately following that tenure – be it ambassadorial or otherwise- is an egregious act of political patronage. 

It undermines the essential neutrality of the electoral body and sends a chilling message: that the compromise of institutional integrity and independence during a critical period of national transition can be tacitly forgiven and even celebrated with a political compensation. This potential action utterly desecrates the fragile autonomy of INEC and mocks the millions who sought but were deprived a free and transparent democratic exercise.​

The Triumph of Expediency: These three individuals – FFK, Omokri and Yakubu – form a tripod supporting a governance structure built on morally debased elasticity. Their collective representation reveals a system prioritizing political reward, transactional loyalty, and aggressive partisanship over competence, consistency, and ethical rectitude.​

My title, “Parading the Elasticity of Moral and Ethical Principles”, is not hyperbolic or poetic licence: it is diagnostically accurate. Any administration that seeks to secure its legitimacy and stabilize a fractured nation must, first and foremost, demonstrate fidelity to unimpeachable ethical standards.  But by elevating and exporting onto the global stage figures whose public history is characterized by flip-flopping, toxic rhetoric, or institutional compromise, the current government is doing the exact opposite. 

What these nominations signal is that character deficits are not impediments to high office but, paradoxically, their very enabling qualifications. This practice does not merely undermine governance; it actively subverts the moral foundations of the Nigerian state, replacing principle with the raw, cynical calculus of political gratification and transaction.

Haruna Yahaya Poloma.

[email protected].

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Gombe Magistrate arraigned over alleged extortion and bribery

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, on December 3, 2025, arraigned Mohammed Suleiman Kumo before Justice H.H. Kereng of the Gombe High Court sitting in Gombe.

Kumo, a magistrate, was arraigned on three counts- charges bordering on extortion and bribery by the Gombe Zonal Directorate of the EFCC.

Count one of the charges reads: “That you Mohammed Suleiman Kumo being a Magistrate at Chief Magistrate Court did receive for yourself monetary benefits of One Million Naira through Zenith Bank Account Number 2273938871 belonging to one Adamu Ahmed, a Registrar in your court thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 10(a)(i)(ii) of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act 2000.

Count 3 of the charges reads: “That you Mohammed Suleiman Kumo being a Magistrate at Chief Magistrate Court Pantami, in such capacity, on or about the 11th day of November 2024 in Gombe State within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, did receive for yourself monetary benefit of Four hundred Thousand Naira (N400,000) through your Zenith Bank Account Number 2273938871 belonging to one Adamu Ahmed, a Registrar in your court thereby committed an offence contrary to an punishable under Section 10(a)(i)(ii) of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act 2000.

The defendant pleaded not guilty to the charges, prompting the prosecuting counsel, Abubakar Aliyu, to ask the court for a trial date and to remand the defendant in Gombe State Correctional Centre, but counsel to the defendant, Adamu Bawa, moved a motion for bail, which was vehemently opposed by the prosecution on a point of law.

Justice Kereng, having heard both prosecution and defence counsel, said, “having recognised that the defendant was granted administrative bail by the EFCC and came to court from home and based on that, I grant the defendant bail in the interim pending the ruling on his bail application”.

The judge therefore adjourned the case to January 13 and 14, 2026, for ruling on the bail application and hearing of the case.

Evil! How mom and stepfather allegedly murdered pregnant daughter

The mother and stepfather of a pregnant Michigan woman found dead in the woods have been accused of stabbing their daughter to remove the baby from her womb. 

Rebecca Park, 22, who was 39 weeks pregnant, was found dead on November 25 in Huron Manistee National Forest near her mother’s home in Boon Township, three weeks after she was reported missing, with her baby ‘not present’ at the scene. 

On Tuesday, Park’s biological mother and stepfather, Cortney, 40, and Brad Bartholomew, 47, were arrested and charged with her murder and several other crimes, according to a Michigan Department of Attorney General press release.

The couple is accused of orchestrating a plan in which they brought their daughter into their home, ‘forced her’ into a vehicle and drove her to a wooded park several miles behind the residence, as reported by Detroit Free Press.

It was there that the couple allegedly ‘tortured’ Park with the intent of removing her unborn infant.

Prosecuting attorney Johanna Carey alleges the couple forced Park to lie on the ground while they ‘cut her baby out of her’, resulting in the deaths of both mother and child, according to the outlet.

They allegedly left her there, sparking a weeks-long search, while other details regarding the baby were not immediately released following Tuesday’s court appearance.

‘This is, frankly, evil personified,’ Carey said during the arraignment in Wexford County’s 84th District Court.

Judge Corey Wiggins charged both Cortney and Brad with eight counts, including first-degree murder, torture and assault of a pregnant individual resulting in death. 

Brad was also charged as a habitual offender – fourth-offence notice – which could result in life behind bars if the primary offence carries a sentence of five years or more.

Both are being held without bail at Wexford County Jail and barred from any contact with one another. 

Just hours after the gruesome discovery, Park’s half-sister, Kimberly, and Richard Lee Falor – previously identified by 9 & 10 News as Park’s fiancé – were arrested. 

Kimberly was arraigned on three charges: tampering with evidence in a criminal case, lying to a police officer during a violent crime investigation and filing a false report of a felony. 

Richard, a convicted sex offender, was charged with two counts of delivering methamphetamine and could face a life sentence if convicted. 

When Park was reported missing early last month, her mother claimed she was the last person to see her daughter alive that evening, specifically after they ran errands together, according to 9 and 10 News.  

Cortney told authorities that after their trip, Park was at her home on South 21 ½ Road when her daughter said someone was coming to pick her up.

‘She’s like, “Mom, hold up. I got somebody coming.” And I’m like, “What do you mean you got somebody coming?” And she’s like, “I got somebody coming to get me”,’ the mother said, as reported by the outlet.

The car, described by Cortney as black with heavily tinted windows, was so dark that she said she couldn’t see who was behind the wheel. 

While her claims remain unproven, Park’s cellphone was later found on a two-track path near her mother’s home.

Kimberly told investigators that her sister, though missing before, normally kept in touch. Park’s own fiancé reiterated this, calling them ‘inseparable.’

‘Me and her have been together for a little over two years, and even when she’s not around me, she’s always in contact with me,’ Richard told the outlet.

He also revealed that the day before Park went missing, the couple went to the hospital, fearing she might be in early labour and learned that she was one centimetre dilated. 

Cortney claimed that she and others were working alongside the Wexford County Sheriff’s Office to handle the large number of tips coming in. 

But Park’s body was discovered towards the end of last month, with police stating that the search for her baby remains ongoing. 

According to Park’s biological father, he was the one who found her body while with a search party in the area where her phone had been discovered, as reported by 9 & 10 News. 

Park’s half-sister and alleged fiancé were the first family members taken into custody, with detectives saying Kimberly lied about the events that took place.

According to a felony complaint obtained by the Detroit Free Press, Kimberly alleged that Cortney ordered Brad to hit Park in the head, causing a seizure and prompting the couple to ‘take her body away.’ 

She was granted a $750,000 cash bond. Richard’s bail was set at $1 million cash, while he pleaded not guilty in court on Tuesday.

Both Cortney and Brad also appeared in front of a judge via video on Tuesday, with the courtroom filled with family, friends and community members seeking answers, according to WPBN.

‘This case involves a truly horrific homicide in which a young woman and her unborn child endured unimaginable suffering at the hands of the Defendants,’ attorney Carey said.

‘The brutality and disregard for human life displayed here are deeply troubling,’ she added. 

‘While these remain allegations until proven in court, the evidence reflects an extraordinary level of callousness and violence. We look forward to presenting the full facts in court.’

Daily Mail

Prof. Uju Agomoh, Paul Daudu, SAN, to lead new NBA-SPIDEL executive committee

The Nigerian Bar Association-Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL) has elected a new leadership to steer the affairs of the all-important NBA section.

The new Executive Committee and Council Members were elected at the Annual General Meeting (AGM) of the section held yesterday at the prestigious IBOM Hotel & Golf Resort, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

Veteran prison and criminal justice reform activist, Professor Uju Agomoh, emerged victorious as the new Chairman of the section, while Bar Leader, Mr Paul Daudu SAN, emerged as the new Vice Chairman. NBA Calabar Branch Chairman, Mr Enome Amatey, is the Secretary.

Below is the full statement issued by the section.

NBA-SPIDEL ELECTS NEW COUNCIL

Following the constitution of the Electoral Committee for the conduct of Nigerian Bar Association-Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL), an election was held at the Annual General Meeting of NBA-SPIDEL on Thursday, the 4th day of November, 2025.
Consequently, the new Council will be sworn in at 1 pm on Friday, the 5th day of December, 2025.
The new Council, which has Uju Agomoh, PhD, as Chairman and Enome Amatey as Secretary, comprises:

  1. UJU AGOMOH, PhD – CHAIR
  2. PAUL DAUDU, SAN – VICE CHAIR
  3. ENOME J. AMATEY- SECRETARY
  4. SAADATU ABDULLAHI MOHAMMED- TREASURER
  5. BARBARA TOSAN ONWUBIKO – FIN. SECRETARY
  6. MOJIRAYO OGUNLANA – PRO
  7. SIMPLE DIOHA
  8. PROF. PAUL ANANABA, SAN – COUNCIL
  9. MONDAY UBANI, SAN- COUNCIL
  10. JOHN AIKPOKPO-MARTINS- COUNCIL
  11. KUNLE EDUN, SAN – COUNCIL
  12. PRINCESS FRANK-CHUKWUANI- COUNCIL
  13. OKEY LEO OHAGBA – COUNCIL
  14. MONDAY ADJIE- COUNCIL
  15. DORN CLAIMZ ENAMHE
  16. OLAWUMI ABIOLA – COUNCIL
  17. SIR EJIKE EZENWA, SAN
  18. ANDREW ODUM, SAN
  19. NTUFAM MBA E. UKWENI, SAN
  20. YAKUBU BAWA
  21. DR. NENNAH EBOH
  22. CHIKA OKOLIE
  23. STAN MBAEZUE
  24. CHISOM ONUOHA
  25. DR. IKE UKAM
  26. SO. LONGWILLIAMS
  27. AHMAD KHALIL

WhatsApp adding support for multiple accounts on iPhone

Messaging platform WhatsApp has rolled out native multi-account support for iPhone users, finally bringing iOS in line with its Android version.

iPhone users can now add up to two WhatsApp accounts on the same device, according to Gulf News.

Each account keeps separate chats, notifications, privacy controls and profile settings, while switching between them is handled through a new “Account List” option in the Settings menu.

The capability is currently available to beta testers on iOS version 25.34.10.72 and later. Android users have had similar multi-account functionality since 2023.

The update provides a convenient solution for people who manage both personal and work numbers, eliminating the need for a second device or reliance on the WhatsApp Business app. Notifications are also clearly labelled to show which account a message belongs to, with Face ID or Touch ID required when switching into protected accounts.

Analysts say the move reflects evolving user habits, as more individuals juggle multiple identities or roles from one phone. It also brings WhatsApp closer to rivals that already support multiple profiles.

Although a public rollout date has not been announced, early-access users in some regions are already seeing the feature.

Broader availability is expected soon as WhatsApp continues expanding tools for flexibility across accounts, linked devices and privacy settings.

Vanguard News

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