Kaduna State police have formally acknowledged that an abduction did occur in Kurmin Wali community, Kajuru Local Government Area, reversing earlier public uncertainty and confirming survivor accounts from the January 18 church attacks.

In a statement issued Tuesday by the Nigeria Police Force Headquarters in Abuja, authorities said subsequent verification from operational units and intelligence sources confirmed that worshippers were abducted, prompting coordinated security operations to rescue the victims and restore calm.

“The incident did occur,” the police said, adding that tactical units and intelligence assets have now been fully deployed to Kajuru and surrounding communities under the directive of Inspector-General of Police Kayode Egbetokun.

The clarification follows days of conflicting narratives after Kaduna State Commissioner of Police Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu publicly questioned reports of a mass abduction during church services, urging accusers to provide names and details of victims. Those remarks sparked backlash from Christian leaders, local officials and survivors.

Read Also: [Video] From Denial to Damage Control: Police visit Kajuru after harrowing survivor account

According to the police statement, Rabiu’s comments were not intended as a denial but as a cautious response amid disputed claims during a meeting of the Kaduna State Security Council, convened by the governor after initial reports of the attack.

“Some individuals from the affected local government area disputed the report, which had earlier been confirmed by the Police, and described it as false,” the statement said, noting that the conflicting accounts created uncertainty and required careful verification before definitive public conclusions.

The Force said Rabiu’s remarks were meant to prevent panic while details—including the number and identities of those abducted—were being confirmed.

The Commissioner of Police, Kaduna State visited the site of the abduction of the #Kajuru177. He spoke to survivors. Part of the testimony of this survivor/escapee here (in yellow jersey) is as follows:👇

"We were in the Church when we heard noise from outside. I stepped out of… pic.twitter.com/yqScSULloh

— Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, CGoF (@ChidiOdinkalu) January 20, 2026

The official confirmation aligns with survivor testimonies gathered during a recent visit by police leadership to Kajuru, where an escapee described how gunmen stormed churches during Sunday worship and forced congregants into surrounding forests.

“We were in the church when we heard noise from outside,” the survivor said. “I stepped out and saw four armed men. I picked my little daughter and wanted to run, but one of them said if I run he will shoot me.”

The survivor said worshippers from multiple churches were rounded up, beaten, and marched deep into the bush.

“When we got to another village in the bush, we saw many people there—some not from our community,” he said. “That was where I escaped because of the crowd.”

Police said coordinated search-and-rescue operations are now underway, including intensified patrols, targeted intelligence gathering and the deployment of tactical units to protect communities and locate the abducted worshippers.

The Force appealed to the public and the media to rely on official communications and avoid speculation that could jeopardise ongoing operations or heighten fear.

The incident—widely referred to as #Kajuru177—has become one of the most closely watched security cases in northern Nigeria, underscoring the challenges authorities face in verifying information quickly amid mass violence, community fear and competing local accounts.

It also adds urgency to broader concerns about Nigeria’s deteriorating security landscape, particularly in rural areas of the Middle Belt, where attacks on churches, villages and commuters have persisted despite increased security deployments.

FULL LIST OF 177 KIDNAPPED PERSONS

                1.            Samson Naallah

                2.            Edisid Naallah

                3.            Christopher Naallah

                4.            Martin Samson

                5.            Moses Samson

                6.            Clever Godwin

                7.            Jerusalem Chindo

                8.            Markus Makudi

                9.            Benjamin Markus

                10.          Albert Markus

                11.          Olelana Markus

                12.          Linus Markus

                13.          Hassana Linus

                14.          Ojo Bamboya

                15.          Esther Ojo

                16.          Mary Jonathan

                17.          George Jonathan

                18.          Careful Jonathan

                19.          EF James

                20.          Morin Boniface

                21.          Junior James

                22.          Happiness Jonathan

                23.          Honest Jonathan

                24.          Honesty Jonathan

                25.          Faith Luka

                26.          Beauty Luka

                27.          Junior Luka

                28.          Rosemary Luka

                29.          Dorothy Musa

                30.          Selina Nwankwo

                31.          Alice Bamboya

                32.          Magdalena Godwin

                33.          Hassan Ishaya

                34.          Lazarus Ishaya

                35.          Marta Ishaya

                36.          Zummunta Ishaya

                37.          Salvation Ishaya

                38.          Susana Linus

                39.          Jummai Linus

                40.          Peace Joshua

                41.          Zahaya Joshua

                42.          Nabilah Makudi

                43.          Hajara Makudi

                44.          Rebecca Hosea

                45.          Ahmad Ahmad

                46.          Liyu Ezekiel

                47.          Vivian Ezekiel

                48.          Goodluck Ezekiel

                49.          Beauty Ezekiel

                50.          Matina Maiyashi

                51.          Bridget Maiyashi

                52.          Vivian Linus

                53.          Mary Amos

                54.          Hamid Amos

                55.          Patricia Amos

                56.          Hamisu Amos

                57.          Luka Amos

                58.          Tacy Amos

                59.          Cynthia Amos (guessed)

                60.          Mercy Isaac

                61.          Augustine Makudi

                62.          Matthew Samaila

                63.          Adam Musa

                64.          Malika Sule

                65.          Abu Ahmad

                66.          Hussein Lucky (guessed)

                67.          Akinyi Sadiu

                68.          Dangata Amos

                69.          Helen Jonathan

                70.          Asinwa Jonathan

                71.          Faith Joseph

                72.          Gloria Kennet

                73.          Happiness Danisa

                74.          Fidelis Jacob

                75.          Tobias Markus

                76.          Istu Paul

                77.          Hassana Paul

                78.          Charity Chindo

                79.          Christiana Danisa

                80.          Everest Danima

                81.          Thomas Philip

                82.          Catrina Danbosi

                83.          Halima Hassan

                84.          Hassan Lukumi

                85.          Mary Sadiu

                86.          Franca John

                87.          Henry Danbiyi

                88.          Genesis Lawal

                89.          Ayuba Lawal

                90.          Solomon Ayuba

                91.          Theophilus Danlami (guessed)

                92.          Charles Sambo

                93.          Rahila Charles

                94.          Gambo Danisa

                95.          Talent Danisa

                96.          Nehemiah Danjuma

                97.          Maijima Shekarau

                98.          Matina Maijima

                99.          Laraba Maijima

                100.        Musa Danjuma

                101.        Ishaya Danima

                102.        Lulu Danisa

                103.        Clement Ahmad

                104.        Destiny Ahmad

                105.        Nehemiah Ishaya

                106.        Simon Ishaya

                107.        Nasty Muku

                108.        Helena Joseph

                109.        Joseph Bawa

                110.        Sarah Joseph

                111.        Bulus Mariya

                112.        Musa Samaila

                113.        Bulus Bawa

                114.        Halima Bawa

                115.        Beture Hosea

                116.        Sati Hosea

                117.        Titus John

                118.        Dogara Bawa

                119.        Lories Bawa

                120.        Adamu Aminu

                121.        Ezekiel Adamu

                122.        Tenah Markus

                123.        Tina Danbosi

                124.        Patricio Bawa

                125.        Janet Tsuda

                126.        Amina Danjuma

                127.        Sandra Danbosi

                128.        Bridget Sunday

                129.        Saphat Innocent (guessed)

                130.        Alex Sunday

                131.        Beauty Peter

                132.        Samisa Paul

                133.        Joy Joseph

                134.        Methole Johanna

                135.        Genesis Johanna

                136.        Maria Johanna

                137.        Merozdu Adonu

                138.        Karimi Jangbe

                139.        Sunday Martela

                140.        Santina Hershinga

                141.        Keuna Michael

                142.        Hassan Bulus

                143.        Marzeta Maisoni

                144.        Mainwa Dominic

                145.        Godwin Karimi

                146.        Amos Akijo

                147.        Nathan Amos

                148.        Joseph Chindo

                149.        Lydia Godwin

                150.        Hamna Maiyangi

                151.        Toletu Maiyangi

                152.        Esther Godday

                153.        Godswill Godday

                154.        Godlive Samson

                155.        Goodluck Aliga

                156.        Madaki Tabawa

                157.        Tabawa Abba

                158.        Tabawa Iyamye

                159.        Samuel Amos

                160.        Daniel Amos

                161.        Deborah Amos

                162.        Ruth Amos

                163.        Emmanuel Danjuma

                164.        Joshua Danjuma

                165.        Rejoice Danisa

                166.        Blessing Danisa

                167.        Ibrahim Lawal

                168.        Zainab Lawal

                169.        Sadiq Ahmad

                170.        Aisha Ahmad

                171.        Yakubu Musa

                172.        Suleiman Musa

                173.        Rahama Musa

                174.        Daniel Jonathan

                175.        Samuel Jonathan

                176.        Peter Jonathan

                177.        Grace Jonathan

Kaduna State’s police leadership has shifted from outright denial to on-the-ground engagement after the Commissioner of Police visited Kajuru Local Government Area and heard firsthand accounts from survivors of the January 18 church attacks, days after authorities insisted no abduction had occurred.

The visit followed growing public pressure and detailed eyewitness accounts from Christian leaders and local officials who say armed men stormed multiple churches during Sunday worship, abducting scores of congregants in an incident now widely referred to as #Kajuru177.

One survivor, identified during the visit wearing a yellow jersey, recounted how the attackers arrived while worship was underway.

“We were in the church when we heard noise from outside,” the survivor said. “I stepped out and saw four armed men. I picked my little daughter and wanted to run, but one of them said if I run he will shoot me, so I stopped.”

The Commissioner of Police, Kaduna State visited the site of the abduction of the #Kajuru177. He spoke to survivors. Part of the testimony of this survivor/escapee here (in yellow jersey) is as follows:👇

"We were in the Church when we heard noise from outside. I stepped out of… pic.twitter.com/yqScSULloh

— Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, CGoF (@ChidiOdinkalu) January 20, 2026

According to the survivor, the gunmen forced worshippers out of their churches and regrouped them before marching them into the surrounding forests.

“They removed the other people from the church. When we got to another church, we noticed they had also removed all the members. Together, they asked all of us to go with them,” he said.

The group was beaten during the journey and pushed deeper into the bush, the survivor added.

“When we got to another village in the bush, we saw many people there—some not from our community. That was where I escaped because of the crowd,” he said. “I ran through the bush until I got back home.”

The testimony contrasts sharply with earlier statements by Kaduna State Police Commissioner Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu, who earlier this week dismissed reports that more than 100 Christian worshippers were abducted during church services in Kajuru, describing the claims as false and politically motivated.

Addressing journalists after a meeting of the State Security Council, Rabiu accused unnamed “conflict entrepreneurs” of spreading misinformation aimed at destabilising Kaduna State.

“Let anyone who claims this kidnapping occurred come forward with names and particulars of the victims,” he said at the time.

Christian leaders and local officials maintain that at least three churches were attacked simultaneously on January 18, with worshippers forced into the bush by armed assailants—an incident they describe as one of the largest single-day church abductions in northern Nigeria in recent years.

The evolving official response has added momentum to wider concerns about Nigeria’s deteriorating security landscape, particularly in the Middle Belt, where repeated attacks on rural communities, churches and commuters have continued despite heavy security deployments.

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s security crisis is facing renewed scrutiny at home and abroad as authorities dispute reports of a mass church kidnapping in Kaduna State, even as fresh allegations, foreign media controversies, and a multimillion-dollar lobbying deal raise broader questions about transparency, accountability and narrative control in Africa’s most populous nation.

Kaduna State Police Commissioner Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu on Monday dismissed reports that more than 100 Christian worshippers were abducted during church services in Kajuru Local Government Area, calling the claims false and politically motivated.

Speaking after a meeting of the State Security Council, Rabiu accused unnamed “conflict entrepreneurs” of spreading misinformation aimed at destabilising the state.

“Let anyone who claims this kidnapping occurred come forward with names and particulars of the victims,” he said.

But Christian leaders and local officials have rejected the police account, insisting that armed attackers stormed three churches during Sunday worship on January 18, abducting congregants in what they described as one of the largest mass kidnappings of Christians in the region.

Read Also: Download The Full Lobbying Agreement: Image Abroad, Insecurity at Home: Think tank seeks FOI clarity on $9m lobbying deal

The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Northern Nigeria Chapter, said 172 worshippers were taken, with nine later escaping, according to its chairman, Rev. Joseph John Hayab.

“They invaded the churches while worship was ongoing,” Hayab said. “They held the worshippers hostage and marched them into the bush.”

Accounts of the incident vary. Usman Danlami Stingo, who represents the area in the Kaduna State House of Assembly, told The Associated Press that 177 people were kidnapped and 11 escaped, while Felix Bagudu, a federal lawmaker representing Kajuru/Chikun Constituency, said he doubted the figure exceeded 100 after briefing local government officials. But none of them denied that there was an abduction.

Read Also: Fact, Fiction or Framing?  Nigeria pushes back as New York Times report on U.S. Sokoto airstrikes triggers media ethics debate

Sources told Truth Nigeria that the attacks occurred simultaneously in Kurmin Wali village, Afago ward, about eight miles south of Maro town. Survivors described the attackers as armed Fulani ethnic militias who marched worshippers into nearby forest camps believed to hold hundreds of captives.

An ECWA church member who escaped said the gunmen arrived around 10 a.m., firing shots and ordering worshippers to the ground before forcing them out.

“Some wore black robes and turbans, others wore shabby Nigerian Army camouflage,” the survivor said, adding that he escaped with his 10-year-old son through a window.

The disputed Kaduna incident comes amid heightened national tension following deadly attacks in neighbouring Plateau State, where suspected armed herdsmen killed Rev. Bulus Madaki, his daughter and son-in-law, and injured his three-month-old grandchild during an ambush on January 16.

The attack occurred around 10 p.m. at a bridge linking the Gassa and Nding communities in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area as the family travelled to a new church posting.

Confirming the incident, Rwang Tengwong, spokesperson for the Berom Youth Moulders-Association, said the victims were ambushed by armed men believed to be operating from the Jong area of Ropp District, warning that the violence reflected a “coordinated and escalating pattern” across Plateau State.

These developments are unfolding against the backdrop of a growing controversy over foreign media reporting and Nigeria’s response to international scrutiny.

In recent weeks, Nigerian officials, rights groups and political figures have clashed over a New York Times report on U.S. precision airstrikes in Sokoto State, with critics disputing the paper’s account and accusing unnamed actors of politicising intelligence surrounding the operation.

The controversy has intensified amid revelations from documents reportedly filed with the U.S. Department of Justice suggesting that the Nigerian government approved a $9 million lobbying contract with Washington-based DCI Group, including an initial $4.5 million payment.

The agreement, signed on December 17, 2025, is said to run for six months through June 30, 2026, with automatic renewal unless terminated. Under the contract, Nigeria would reportedly pay $750,000 per month to help “communicate” its efforts to protect Christian communities and sustain U.S. support for its counterterrorism operations amid mounting scrutiny in Washington.

The alleged arrangement has sparked backlash at home. The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought (TAS) has filed a Freedom of Information request with the Office of the National Security Adviser, demanding full disclosure of the contract’s terms and approvals.

Critics argue the funds would be better spent on protecting vulnerable communities rather than managing perceptions abroad.

“The government has signed away millions of dollars—not to rebuild destroyed communities, not to support widows and orphans—but to hire a Washington firm to polish its image,” said Franc Utoo, a Benue State native and human rights advocate. “They do not deny the graves. They simply try to talk around them.”

Journalist and rights advocate Charles Ogbu said the lobbying effort follows months of testimony by Nigerian clerics and survivors before U.S. lawmakers, including visits by the Catholic bishop of Makurdi and a U.S. congressional delegation led by Representative Riley M. Moore, who toured violence-hit areas in Benue State.

Ogbu also noted that Nigeria’s foreign affairs minister had publicly acknowledged government collaboration with U.S. authorities on intelligence related to the Sokoto airstrikes.

Despite this, Ogbu accused elements within Nigeria’s political establishment of attempting to redirect blame by promoting claims that intelligence for the U.S. strikes came a particular ethnic group—a narrative he said risks inflaming existing tensions.

The controversies come despite President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a national security emergency, as Nigeria continues to battle kidnappers, bandits and insurgents across multiple regions.

Plateau, Benue and Kaduna states remain among the hardest hit, with persistent attacks raising questions about the effectiveness of security deployments—and about who controls the story of Nigeria’s conflict beyond its borders.

By Johnson Agu

For more than a year, residents of Gwarimpa Estate—one of Abuja’s largest and most densely populated districts—have lived with what they describe as a slow-moving public service collapse: the near-total failure of public water supply.

In the last three months, the situation has worsened. Water has stopped flowing entirely from public taps across large parts of the estate, forcing households to rely almost exclusively on private boreholes or expensive water vendors—an option many say is no longer sustainable.

Beyond inconvenience, residents argue the crisis raises serious legal and human-rights concerns in Nigeria’s capital city.

Access to clean, safe and affordable water is recognised as a fundamental human right under international law, including the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 64/292 and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Nigeria is a signatory. Human-rights advocates note that prolonged failure by authorities to ensure basic water access—particularly in an urban, tax-paying community—may amount to a breach of the state’s duty of care.

“I live in Gwarimpa Estate in Abuja. For the past one year, water supply from the public system has been epileptic. For the past three months, it has completely stopped,” a resident told this publication. “Anyone who has water here now must have a borehole. It is an expensive and unfair burden.”

Residents say the financial strain is compounded by health risks, as water rationing affects sanitation, hygiene and disease prevention—especially for children, the elderly and people with compromised immunity.

Under Nigeria’s Constitution, while water is not explicitly listed as a justiciable right, legal experts argue that it is inseparable from the rights to life, dignity of the human person and health, which courts have increasingly interpreted expansively. In previous rulings, Nigerian courts have held that government negligence that endangers public health can trigger constitutional liability.

Despite repeated complaints, residents say authorities have offered little more than excuses.

“We were told it’s road construction, low pressure, one issue or another,” the resident said. “There is no timeline, no transparency, no accountability.”

Messages circulated by water authorities directing residents to lodge complaints with a designated customer care officer have reportedly yielded no results. Several residents say they have filed multiple complaints without follow-up, repairs or clear communication.

Urban policy analysts warn that the situation in Gwarimpa reflects a deeper governance failure: the quiet normalisation of service breakdowns, even in high-profile districts of the Federal Capital Territory.

“When a capital city cannot guarantee water to a planned estate like Gwarimpa for months on end, it signals not just infrastructure failure but institutional indifference,” said a public policy expert familiar with Abuja’s utilities sector.

Human-rights advocates argue that prolonged silence from authorities also violates principles of administrative justice, including the right of citizens to receive timely information, fair treatment and effective remedies when public services fail.

The implications go beyond household inconvenience. Public health experts warn that reliance on unregulated boreholes increases the risk of groundwater contamination, waterborne diseases and long-term environmental damage—problems that disproportionately affect poorer residents who cannot afford deep drilling or constant water purchases.

As Nigeria’s government continues to make international commitments on sustainable development, urban resilience and human rights, residents of Gwarimpa say the water crisis exposes a widening gap between policy promises and lived reality.

“All of Gwarimpa is affected,” the resident said. “We are not asking for luxury. We are asking for water.”

For many, the question is no longer whether the authorities are aware of the problem, but whether continued inaction in the nation’s capital can still be defended as mere inefficiency, rather than a failure of governance with legal and human-rights consequences.

Fresh allegations of political coercion have emerged in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State, where teachers and civil servants are accused of being pressured to compulsorily register with Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) under threat of job loss.

According to multiple accounts circulating on social media and local networks, staff of Nsukka Local Government—both teaching and non-teaching—were directed to attend a mandatory APC electronic registration exercise at Adada Hall, with explicit instructions to present their National Identification Number (NIN), voter’s card and bank account details.

A message allegedly sent to head teachers, seen by this publication, described the directive as “urgent” and “mandatory,” warning that non-compliance could attract sanctions. The message instructed school heads to organise staff attendance in batches to avoid leaving pupils unsupervised, suggesting the order applied across schools within the local government.

The directive has sparked outrage among rights advocates and residents, who argue that compelling public servants to register with a political party violates constitutional protections of freedom of conscience, association and political choice.

“No government—local, state or federal—has the legal or moral authority to force citizens to trade their political beliefs for economic survival,” one civil society activist said. “Public service is not conditional on party loyalty.”

Critics also questioned the demand for sensitive personal information, including bank details, describing it as alarming and potentially unlawful. Nigeria’s constitution and electoral laws do not mandate party registration as a condition for public employment, nor do they permit political parties to collect financial data from citizens as part of membership drives.

The allegations have deepened fears of creeping authoritarianism ahead of the 2027 general elections, with observers warning that forced registrations could be aimed at inflating party numbers or laying groundwork for voter manipulation.

“Political participation must be driven by conviction, not fear,” another local resident said. “Election season has not even begun, yet intimidation is already being deployed.”

The development has renewed debate about the politicisation of local government structures in Nigeria and the vulnerability of teachers and low-level civil servants to political pressure. Education unions and labour groups are being urged to intervene, while legal experts say affected workers may have grounds to challenge the directive in court if the allegations are substantiated.

As of press time, the Nsukka Local Government authorities had not issued an official response to the claims. The APC has also not publicly addressed the allegations.

For many residents, the controversy underscores a broader concern: that democratic participation in Nigeria is increasingly being shaped not by persuasion, but by coercion.

A growing controversy has erupted over a New York Times report on recent U.S. precision airstrikes in Sokoto State, with Nigerian officials, rights groups and political figures disputing the paper’s account and raising broader questions about foreign media reporting in conflict zones.

Nigeria’s Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has since stated that the strikes—targeting two Islamic State (ISIS) terrorist enclaves—were carried out with the approval of President Bola Tinubu. The Nigerian government has described the operation as a coordinated counterterrorism effort conducted in collaboration with U.S. forces.

However, the New York Times report suggested that the strikes were influenced by intelligence supplied by a civilian researcher rather than through formal Nigerian security channels—an assertion that has been forcefully rejected by Nigerian authorities and civil society organisations.

The International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety) has accused the New York Times and its West Africa Bureau Chief, Ruth Maclean, of factual misrepresentation and of attributing statements to the organisation that it says were never made.

In a statement signed by its chairman, Emeka Umeagbalasi, Intersociety said it was “shocked and deeply disappointed” by what it described as a report “riddled with injurious falsehoods,” published on January 18, 2026.

According to the organisation, the report followed an interview conducted on December 16, 2025, but it insists that key claims attributed to it—including suggestions of political motivation or unverified data—were neither stated nor implied during the interview.

Intersociety said its work documenting attacks on Christians in Nigeria since 2009 adheres to United Nations and African Union human rights documentation standards and has no connection to U.S. domestic politics or partisan interests.

“Our reports are rooted strictly in religious freedom and human rights documentation,” the statement said. “They are not shaped by foreign political considerations.”

The group also rejected what it described as an artificial linkage between the December interview and U.S. airstrikes carried out on December 25, noting that both the Nigerian and U.S. governments publicly acknowledged the operation as a joint military action.

Beyond the factual dispute, the controversy has broadened into a debate over journalistic responsibility in conflict reporting—particularly the risks of framing narratives that may inflame ethnic tensions or undermine state sovereignty.

Some Nigerian commentators have questioned whether the report unfairly implicated Igbo individuals or organisations, warning that such framing—if unsupported—could expose sources to security risks in an already volatile environment.

Intersociety said it had clearly explained its data-gathering methods during the interview, including the use of field researchers in areas such as Southern Kaduna, Taraba, the South-East and South-South, alongside verified third-party sources where access was limited.

The organisation also clarified that it documented an estimated 19,100 churches attacked or destroyed since 2009, countering claims that it suggested Nigeria had nearly 20,000 churches in existence.

On the question of Boko Haram’s victims, Intersociety disputed assertions that most casualties were Muslims, pointing to earlier phases of the insurgency in which Christian communities in northern Nigeria were disproportionately affected.

In a sharply worded section of its statement, the group warned that it would hold the New York Times and its West Africa Bureau Chief “vicariously liable” should any harm come to its chairman, his family or its offices, citing concerns about potential backlash resulting from what it considers misrepresentation.

Meanwhile, former Nigerian Aviation Minister and ambassador-designate Femi Fani-Kayode has also condemned the report, describing the suggestion that the United States acted without Nigeria’s knowledge as implausible and damaging.

Fani-Kayode argued that no serious military operation—particularly one involving foreign airstrikes—could be conducted based on information from a private individual using open-source tools, without formal intelligence cooperation.

He said Nigeria’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Yusuf Tuggar, had confirmed that the operation was conducted in coordination with Nigeria’s Armed Forces and intelligence services, adding that he personally spoke with Tuggar shortly after the strikes.

At the heart of the controversy is a larger ethical question confronting international journalism: how foreign media report on military operations in fragile states, and the consequences of speculative or poorly contextualised narratives.

Media law experts note that while investigative reporting plays a vital role in accountability, conflict reporting carries heightened obligations of accuracy, sourcing transparency and harm minimisation—particularly when reports may affect diplomatic relations, ethnic cohesion or individual safety.

As insecurity continues to plague parts of Nigeria, critics argue that international reporting must balance scrutiny with responsibility, ensuring that journalism does not inadvertently amplify misinformation or destabilising narratives.

While the New York Times has yet to issue a formal response to the allegations, the episode underscores the growing tension between global media institutions and local actors over who controls narratives in conflict zones—and at what cost.

A senior Nigerian journalist has accused police officers in Anambra State of unlawfully arresting and detaining him, his wife and their two underage children for 10 hours, allegedly forcing him to pay ₦150,000 in what he described as extortionary “bail” before they were released.

Jude Egbas, deputy editor of TheCable, said operatives attached to the Otolo Nnewi Divisional Police Headquarters arrested his entire family on Sunday, December 28, 2025, following what he described as a domestic dispute within his wife’s extended family.

According to Egbas, he, his wife Ogechukwu Chukwujekwu, their children—Munachukwu, 13, and Adela, three—and a caregiver were bundled into a police van, beaten, verbally abused and held without food, water or access to their phones until payment was made.

Read Also: “So I Can Collect Money”: Child’s viral joke lays bare Nigeria’s police corruption crisis

The journalist said the incident occurred in Ndiakwu Otolo Community, Nnewi North Local Government Area, where he had travelled to spend Christmas with his wife’s relatives.

Egbas recounted that the situation began in the early hours of the day when a heated argument broke out between his wife and her uncle, Collins Okechukwu Anya, a U.S.-based relative visiting Nigeria. The disagreement, he said, escalated into physical violence when Anya allegedly slapped his wife twice during a quarrel over an alternative power supply arrangement in the house.

He said other family members attempted to intervene as tempers flared, adding that his wife damaged a television in self-defence during the scuffle—an act he said further inflamed tensions that should have been resolved privately within the family.

Ogechukwu Chukwujekwu later told TheCable that the uncle had a history of physically assaulting her, citing a similar incident during Christmas 2023 when he and another relative allegedly beat her.

Following the altercation, Egbas said Anya contacted members of a local vigilante group, Agunechemba, who stormed the compound. Attempts to explain that the incident was a family dispute failed, he said, as the vigilantes allegedly began beating occupants of the house indiscriminately.

Egbas said his wife’s younger sister was slapped, stripped of her clothing and humiliated, while he was assaulted after protesting the treatment of women. He alleged that vigilantes pointed a gun at him during the confrontation.

As the family attempted to leave the premises for safety, police officers from the Otolo Nnewi Division arrived at the scene. Egbas said the situation deteriorated further.

He alleged that the police team, led by a superintendent of police identified as Onyebuchi Isiwekpeni, arrested him and his family on instructions, dragging him into a police van “like a common criminal” while officers allegedly beat his wife and threw his children into the vehicle.

Egbas said their phones were seized and that his three-year-old cried throughout the journey to the station.

At the station, he said he tried to explain that the matter was a family dispute and identified himself as a journalist. He alleged that the officer in charge responded with insults, ridiculed journalism as a “useless profession,” and verbally abused his wife, including slut-shaming her.

For 10 hours, Egbas said the family was held behind the station counter without food or water, as officers demanded money for their release.

He said he was initially asked to pay ₦220,000, which was later reduced to ₦150,000 after prolonged pleading. With night approaching and threats of detention in police cells, he said he had no choice but to comply.

Because officers allegedly refused bank transfers, Egbas said he was allowed to leave the station briefly to withdraw cash, which he returned in a black polythene bag. He said officers still compelled him and his wife to write statements and an undertaking before counting the money and releasing the family.

When contacted, Anambra State Police spokesperson Tochukwu Ikenga told TheCable that the journalist should submit a formal complaint, adding: “You can do the story and then we would react.”

Nigeria Police Force spokesperson Benjamin Hundeyin similarly directed the paper back to the state command and, when informed of Ikenga’s response, reportedly said: “Do the story, sir.”

The incident comes amid growing public anger over allegations of routine police extortion and abuse across Nigeria.

That frustration was echoed recently in a viral video of a young Nigerian girl who, when asked what she wanted to become in the future, replied that she wanted to be a police officer “so I can block the road and collect money from keke riders.” While the remark drew laughter, many Nigerians described it as an unfiltered reflection of everyday encounters with law enforcement.

Across highways and city streets, commercial drivers and commuters frequently complain of being stopped repeatedly at checkpoints and forced to pay unofficial fees to avoid harassment or arrest. Rights groups say such practices are rarely punished and have become deeply normalised.

Analysts warn that the danger lies not only in corruption itself, but in how early citizens internalise it.

“If children already see police as toll collectors rather than protectors,” a civil society advocate said, “then public trust in the state is already broken.”

As insecurity worsens nationwide, critics argue that systemic police misconduct continues to undermine confidence in law enforcement—leaving official warnings hollow and accountability elusive.