By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s long-running debate over selective justice and uneven law enforcement has resurfaced after a senior opposition figure questioned why the federal government has relentlessly pursued separatist leader Nnamdi Kanu while some of the country’s most notorious bandit kingpins remain at large.

The Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in Kano State, Alhaji Musa Ungoggo, accused the All Progressives Congress (APC)-led Federal Government of applying the law based on political and regional calculations rather than national security priorities.

Speaking to party members and supporters, Ungoggo contrasted the speed and determination with which authorities arrested, extradited, prosecuted and detained the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) with what he described as a striking lack of urgency in dealing with Bello Turji, a feared bandit leader linked to mass killings, kidnappings and large-scale displacement in Nigeria’s North-West.

“They arrested Nnamdi Kanu abroad, extradited him to Nigeria, prosecuted him, and today he remains in detention,” Ungoggo said. “That case alone shows that when the Federal Government wants to act, it can deploy its intelligence, security and legal machinery with precision and speed.”

Kanu, who has consistently framed his activism as resistance to the political and economic marginalisation of southeastern Nigeria, was arrested in 2021 and has remained in custody amid prolonged legal battles and international criticism over his detention.

Ungoggo argued that the same resolve has not been applied to Turji, who is believed to operate primarily in Shinkafi Local Government Area of Zamfara State and has been repeatedly linked by security reports and survivors’ accounts to attacks on rural communities.

“Despite countless reports of killings, abductions and destruction, Bello Turji has not been arrested or brought before a court of law,” he said. “He is still roaming freely, while innocent Nigerians continue to pay the price.”

The ADC chairman warned that the disparity sends a dangerous message—that the state is swift against political dissent but hesitant or compromised when confronting violent criminal networks.

His remarks come amid mounting concern over insecurity in the North-West, particularly in Zamfara, Katsina and parts of Kaduna, where armed groups have been accused of collecting levies, enforcing parallel authority and terrorising entire communities with little resistance.

Adding to the controversy are persistent reports, yet to be officially denied, that Katsina State has earmarked ₦300 million in its proposed 2026 budget for payments linked to negotiations with suspected bandits, a strategy critics argue amounts to rewarding mass violence while victims remain unprotected.

For Ungoggo and other critics, the contrast is stark: a separatist leader who spoke out about marginalisation is pursued across borders and held in detention, while heavily armed bandit leaders accused of bloodshed and mass terror continue to evade arrest.

“This is not just painful,” Ungoggo said. “It is dangerous. It emboldens criminals and erodes public trust in the justice system.”

As Nigeria grapples with deepening insecurity and strained national cohesion, analysts warn that perceived double standards in law enforcement risk undermining both counterterrorism efforts and confidence in the rule of law, especially in regions where violence has become a daily reality.

A former British prison officer has been sentenced to more than three years behind bars after engaging in illicit relationships with two inmates and conspiring to smuggle drug-soaked mail into a high-security jail—another case that has reignited concerns about professionalism, boundaries, and emotional entanglement within the prison service.

Isabelle Dale, 23, was jailed for three and a half years at Southwark Crown Court after admitting to two counts of misconduct in a public office and one count of conspiring to convey a prohibited article into prison. The offences occurred between September 2021 and December 2022, while Dale was employed at HMP Coldingley in Surrey.

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The court heard that Dale became romantically involved with inmates Shahid Sharif and Connor Money, exploiting her position of authority while passing sensitive information and facilitating criminal activity. Sentencing her, Judge Christopher Hehir said Dale had sworn “undying love” to both men and claimed she wanted to be with them outside prison, describing her conduct as calculated and manipulative rather than naïve.

“You used your vulnerabilities as a shield and an excuse,” the judge said, adding that Dale was “thoroughly devious, untruthful and manipulative.” He went further, stating that he suspected she may have joined the prison service “with a view to becoming involved in criminal activities with prisoners.”

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Prosecutors told the court that Dale and Sharif became engaged within months of her joining Coldingley. Messages recovered during the investigation revealed what the judge described as a “clearly sexual relationship.” While the court did not make a definitive finding on claims that sexual contact occurred in the prison chapel, Judge Hehir noted that Dale’s colleagues had “obviously clocked on to what was going on.”

Sharif, who is currently held at HMP Wandsworth, was serving a 12-year, 10-month sentence for what the court described as an “extremely violent robbery” of a jeweller on England’s south coast. A search of Dale’s home uncovered a digitally altered image of the pair spliced together with a white heart and a date believed to mark their engagement.

Dale also maintained an intimate relationship with Connor Money, during which she passed him sensitive information. When Money warned her about a mobile phone hidden in his cell, Dale reassured him that “security aren’t too hot on you,” rather than reporting the breach, conduct the judge said demonstrated a clear betrayal of public trust.

The case also exposed a plot to smuggle drug-soaked envelopes containing spice, a synthetic cannabinoid, into HMP Swaleside on the Isle of Sheppey. Dale was to collect the envelopes from Lilea Sallis, 28, in Brighton after a postal strike disrupted initial plans. The scheme collapsed following a dispute between Sallis and Sharif over pricing and social media posts.

“I don’t think she had a fit of conscience,” Judge Hehir remarked of Sallis. “I think that’s why her enthusiasm cooled.”

Sallis was sentenced to two and a half years in prison, while Sharif, who admitted the conspiracy charge, received 27 months.

Dale’s defence argued that her actions were influenced by mental health challenges, including depression, anxiety, emotionally unstable personality disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder, claiming she was “ill-equipped” for the prison environment. The judge rejected the argument that these factors mitigated her crimes, stressing that Dale was fully aware of the risks of corruption when she took the job.

The case adds to a growing number of prosecutions involving inappropriate relationships between prison staff and inmates, a trend that experts warn undermines institutional security and public confidence in the justice system. Senior figures within the prison service have repeatedly stressed the need for clear professional boundaries, rigorous staff training, and emotional resilience, warning that personal involvement with inmates—however framed—creates serious security vulnerabilities.

Dale has since resigned from the prison service.

A grieving father in Imo State, southeastern Nigeria, is demanding justice after alleging that two of his twin sons and a nephew were murdered in separate attacks linked to a dispute over oil revenue, raising fresh concerns about violence, impunity and community conflicts in Nigeria’s oil-producing regions.

John Maduakolam, a native of Ukwugba Obiakpu Autonomous Community in Ohaji-Egbema Local Government Area, told journalists in Owerri that his twin sons, Izuchukwu and Ebube Maduakolam, and their cousin, Opara Abacha, were killed between February and September 2025 by a kinsman, Sixtus Chinenye Odinaka, and alleged accomplices.

Speaking at the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) Press Centre in Owerri, Maduakolam said his family and other residents are living in fear, claiming that members of the suspect’s gang remain at large in nearby forests and continue to issue threats.

According to Maduakolam, the violence followed a bitter dispute over the discovery of oil wells in Ukwugba community, where his family allegedly owns a significant portion of the land.

He accused Odinaka of unilaterally appointing himself as a community representative and misappropriating funds paid by the oil company, without accountability.

“Because of his aggressive nature, no one dares confront him,” Maduakolam said. “He used that power to unleash terror on the entire community.”

Maduakolam alleged that after his family demanded transparency and a fair sharing formula, threats escalated.

“He kept telling people to warn me and my sons that we were standing in his way,” he said.

The first attack allegedly occurred in the early hours of February 7, 2025, when gunmen stormed Maduakolam’s home. One of the twins, Izuchukwu, was killed.

Maduakolam said the assailant later issued a direct threat against the surviving twin.

“He told me that if my second son did not play with caution, he would be killed too—and that he would use money to close the case,” he said.

The matter was reported to the police, who declared the suspect wanted and circulated his name and photograph, Maduakolam said.

Despite that, the family was struck again months later.

In the early hours of September 12, 2025, gunmen allegedly returned and killed the second twin, Ebube Jacob Maduakolam, beheading him before fleeing.

“They disappeared into hiding again,” Maduakolam said.

He added that Odinaka was later tracked to Cross River State, where he was allegedly attempting to flee to Cameroon, before being arrested and returned to Imo State.

Another victim, Chinweudo Opara, told reporters that her husband, Opara Abacha, was killed during the same September attack.

She said her husband had stepped outside their home when she heard gunshots.

“I ran out and saw him lying in a pool of blood,” she said.

Opara said she was then surrounded by masked men and beaten unconscious.

“The next thing I remember, I was in the hospital,” she said.

The families praised the Nigeria Police Force for arresting the suspect but urged authorities to track down remaining gang members, whom they said are still terrorising the community.

They also called for Odinaka to be arraigned before a court of competent jurisdiction, insisting that justice must be served for the deaths of their loved ones.

Former Nigerian education minister and human rights advocate Dr Oby Ezekwesili has issued a blistering open letter to President Bola Tinubu and Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, accusing the government of abuse of power and disregard for the rule of law over the controversial demolition exercise in Makoko, one of Lagos’ most vulnerable waterfront communities.

In the strongly worded letter, Ezekwesili argues that authorities changed the rules mid-operation, expanded demolition boundaries without notice, and relied on vague administrative claims instead of clear legal authority, actions she says amount not to law enforcement but state-sanctioned lawlessness that threatens constitutional governance and human dignity.

The letter reads:

OPEN MEMORANDUM

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA

AND THE GOVERNOR OF LAGOS STATE

Subject: The State-Sanctioned Oppression of the Poor in Makoko and the Assault on Constitutional Citizenship

To

President Bola Tinubu

President, Federal Republic of Nigeria

And

Mr Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu

Governor, Lagos State

This memorandum is written in defence of the Nigerian Constitution, the dignity of citizenship, and the humanity of some of the poorest Nigerians- the poor residents of Makoko, Lagos.

Mr. President, Mr. Governor,

1. Do the poor have a right to the city, or only the rich?

2. Is Lagos a commonwealth of citizens, or a marketplace where land value overrides human value?

3. Does Nigeria’s democracy protect only those with means, or all citizens?

History will most definitely judge your answers not by the speeches you make, but by the actions you take following from here.

Makoko residents are not squatters on the Nigerian soil. They are citizens of Nigeria. They are preyed on by your same political class to vote for your parties during elections. They work. They raise families. Their children whose education is now disrupted are some of the most brilliant Nigerians I have met. They contribute to the Lagos economy through fishing, trade, and informal enterprise.

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Yet, for decades, the residents of Makoko have been treated as though poverty nullifies their citizenship.

This memorandum is written for the children of Makoko who now sleep in the open, for their mothers clutching what remains of their households, and for a nation that must decide whether poverty- which by the way is mostly the result of bad governance- is a crime, and whether justice still means anything in our country.

This memorandum is written because a deeply troubling picture has emerged from the morbid silence that follows the heartless demolition of homes far beyond 100 meters of the power line in Makoko. All reasonable people can easily see the injustice to the victims of the demolitions and condemn this dubious State-sanctioned eviction unequivocally.

This memorandum is written to demand an immediate halt of the systematic oppression of the poor being done to the people of Makoko by the Lagos State Government, with the silence and acquiescence of the Federal Government. Seizure of Makoko from the residents is unjust, unconstitutional, and morally indefensible.

What has happened in Makoko is not about safety nor urban development. What is happening in Makoko is that individuals in authority of the Nigerian State are engaged in a vicious Class Cleansing- to banish the poor from the sight of the powerful and their rich friends.

It is widely reported that in earlier meetings with Makoko’s traditional chiefs and community leaders, officials of the Lagos State Government informed them that the demolition exercise was strictly limited to structures located within a 30–50 metre safety corridor from high-tension power lines crossing the lagoon. This was presented as a narrowly defined public-safety intervention, consistent with planning regulations around critical infrastructure.

Community leaders cooperated in good faith with this representation. However, what has unfolded since then constitutes a fundamental breach of trust and legality. Despite the acceptable distance stipulated by law falling within the 30–50 metre range, the demolition has continued far beyond those limits, reportedly surpassing the agreed metre mark and extending deep into the residential core of Makoko, engulfing homes, schools, clinics, and livelihoods that bear no reasonable connection to the original safety justification.

A human rights monitoring source cited a range of 277–522 metres from the power lines as part of the cleared area  which is far past what was initially communicated.

A government that changes the rules mid-exercise, widens demolition boundaries without notice, and substitutes vague administrative assertions for clear legal authority is not enforcing the law- it has flagrantly abused power.

The incontrovertible conclusion to be drawn, is that Nigerians and the rest of the world have just witnessed a King Ahab-level land grab from the poorest of the poor by a pillaging political class that has captured the Nigeria-State. Like poor Naboth in the Bible who was killed by the wicked King Ahab to forcefully grab his land, at least four Nigerians- some of whom called Makoko their home for decades- were reportedly killed in this grand land heist by the Nigeria-State.

With the massive destruction of homes in one of Nigeria’s largest slums, the Nigerian State has shamelessly gone rogue by stealthily using administrative convenience to dispossess the poor of their meagre land assets.

Pretending to care about safety, the Lagos State Government has with the evident complicity of the Federal authorities in Abuja rendered thousands of Nigerians homeless by bulldozers deployed in the name of development, safety, and urban order and all done without compassion, restraint, or lawful care for human life.

Our Governments went from a safety claim to forced eviction of our citizens from their lands. What is occurring in Makoko is not merely a technical planning dispute over metres. What is happening in Makoko is an undisputed constitutional failure of process, transparency, and restraint. Period.

Until the latest safety reasons, the repeated justification of demolitions in Makoko was under the banner of “urban renewal” or “megacity aspirations” and that in itself reveals a deeply troubling governance mindset. It is the classist mindset that thinks of development as something done to the poor, not with them and that the city is for the wealthy, while the poor are disposable.

A State that cannot build with its poorest citizens but can only bulldoze over them has failed the most basic test of leadership.

Global best practice rejects forced evictions. I should know. As then Vice President of the World Bank responsible for forty eight countries in the Africa Region, it was imperative for any of the countries which borrowed money for urban infrastructure projects to present comprehensive environmental and social commitment plans that are consistent with global best practices on how they would treat people in cases like Makoko.

What will make Lagos a respected mega-city is to strategically build up to the status of an inclusive city. Inclusive cities invest in in-situ upgrading, secure tenure, sanitation, schools, and livelihoods. Makoko’s residents and civil society groups have proposed these solutions repeatedly but have persistently been ignored by governments.

Painfully, the poor of Makoko have been made to pay, overnight, the price of a city’s ambition. With this latest demolition, there is a question that cannot be ignored- What does citizenship really mean if the State can destroy your home and leave you with nothing?

Most alarming is the State-created homelessness and the acute humanitarian emergency now confronting Makoko residents. Thousands of families of men, women, children, the elderly, and persons with disabilities have been rendered instantly homeless by these demolitions. Security forces are deployed against civilians whose only crime is being poor and visible on valuable waterfront land. Many are sleeping in the open, exposed to rain, heat, disease, violence, and hunger. Children have been pulled out of school. Livelihoods have been destroyed overnight.

The conditions of the evicted residents of Makoko is both a Constitutional and Moral Matter. This level of displacement triggers an immediate duty of care by the state. Therefore, continued silence or delay by the Federal Government to protect and care for our beleaguered citizens in the face of this crisis amounts to complicity in their suffering.

A government cannot create homelessness and then plead administrative delay. A state that leaves citizens homeless after state action has violated everything that the Nigerian Constitution guarantees- the dignity of the human person, the right to a fair hearing, and the obligation of the state to promote social justice and welfare-regardless of how it labels the exercise. The pattern of arbitrary demolitions and displacement in Makoko violates both the letter and spirit of these guarantees.

Even where governments lawfully acquire land or enforce planning regulations, international standards and basic decency require the immediate provision of temporary shelter, emergency accommodation, sanitation, food access, and protection for displaced persons. To demolish homes without simultaneously providing short-term shelter is not only callous-it is inhumane and unlawful.

I have a few demands as a citizen of Nigeria. I demand the following immediate and non-negotiable actions to correct the injustices and wrongs committed against the residents of Makoko:

1. An immediate halt to all demolitions and evictions in Makoko.

2. Public disclosure and legal clarification of the exact planning standards governing power-line setbacks, including the authority under which demolition exceeded 50 metres.

3. Immediate provision of short-term emergency shelter for all displaced Makoko families, including, temporary housing or safe accommodation, access to water, sanitation, and healthcare, protection for children, women, and vulnerable persons.

4. Compensation and livelihood support for those already displaced.

5. A transparent, participatory process for long-term solutions developed with the community, prioritizing Security of tenure, access to basic services, and protection of livelihoods through in-situ urban upgrading rather than mass displacement.

6. Public accountability for past abuses, including the use of force against civilians and by officials who authorized demolition beyond lawful limits.

I wish to sound a considered warning to our politicians in and outside of government. A nation that fails to govern well and turns around to criminalize poverty while celebrating wealth has lost completely its moral compass and teetering on the edge.

The Nigeria-State can never successfully hide away her poor by seizing their land and killing them.

Our distressed country of over 133 million multidimensionally poor people (more than 60% of our population) according to the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics, cannot be respected because we built a city that chases global prestige by crushing its poorest residents to achieve so-called “world-class” status.

With such overwhelming poverty numbers, how many poor Nigerians can your Governments, Mr President and Mr Governor evict, kill or hide away from sight?

I advice that you both think deeply about this and choose to do right by your majority poor citizens.

Start immediately with the grieving children of Makoko and their families.

It is fiercely urgent.

Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili is the Founder of School of Politics, Policy and Governance (SPPG).

Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie has filed a ₦2.9 billion ($3+ million) lawsuit against a Lagos-based private hospital following the death of her 21-month-old son, a legal action that has thrust Nigeria’s private healthcare system into intense national and international scrutiny.

Court filings show that Adichie’s son, Nkanu Nnamdi Adichie-Esege, died on January 7, 2026, at Euracare Multi-Specialist Hospital in Lagos during a diagnostic procedure that involved sedation. The suit alleges gross medical negligence, accusing the hospital and its staff of failing to adequately monitor the child’s vital signs, lacking proper emergency preparedness, delaying life-saving intervention and violating standard anaesthetic protocols.

The case has sparked widespread public outrage and prompted swift regulatory action. The Lagos State Government confirmed the suspension of the anaesthesiologist involved and announced a formal investigation into the hospital’s practices, as pressure mounts for accountability within Nigeria’s largely privatised healthcare sector.

The scale of the lawsuit has further intensified debate. In a widely circulated video, physician and health policy advocate Dr Richard Okoye broke down the components of the ₦2.9 billion claim, explaining that it includes general damages, compensation for emotional trauma, projected loss of life opportunities, refunds for medical services and legal fees.

Dr Okoye warned that repeated claims of such magnitude could place severe financial strain on private hospitals and deter investment in a healthcare system already struggling with underfunding and workforce shortages.

“This tragedy must be addressed with justice and reform,” Okoye said, “but we must also be mindful of unintended consequences that could further weaken healthcare access.”

Beyond the courtroom, the case has reignited long-standing concerns over Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio, fragile emergency care infrastructure, weak regulation of private hospitals and growing fear of litigation among medical professionals.

While acknowledging the family’s right to pursue justice, Okoye cautioned against emotionally driven calls to shut down hospitals, arguing that such actions could worsen healthcare access for millions of Nigerians.

Public trust in medical institutions—already fragile—has been further shaken. For many Nigerians, Adichie’s loss has become a powerful symbol of a system struggling to protect its most vulnerable patients, particularly children.

As investigations continue and the legal battle unfolds, the case raises a critical question for Africa’s most populous nation: will this landmark ₦2.9 billion lawsuit drive meaningful reform in Nigeria’s healthcare system—or will it become another tragedy that fades without lasting change?

The Edo State Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development has arrested the Bishop of Royal Life of Christ Brethren Ministry, Bishop Gideon Osagie Osaze, over allegations of sexual abuse involving two sisters who were reportedly minors at the time of the alleged incidents.

The case is currently under investigation with the support of relevant child-protection and law enforcement agencies, following a formal complaint lodged by the victims.
According to information made available to authorities, the two sisters alleged that the abuse occurred over an extended period within what they described as a trusted religious and family environment. They claimed the Bishop exploited his position of authority and trust to perpetrate the acts while intimidating them into silence.

The victims further alleged that they were subjected to threats, oaths, and psychological manipulation to prevent them from speaking out. One of the sisters claimed the accused monitored her movements, which heightened her fear and prolonged her silence. The second victim stated that she was assaulted after being invited under what appeared to be a familiar and non-threatening circumstance.

Both sisters said they only reported the alleged abuse after confiding in a trusted family member, noting that the experience left lasting emotional and psychological effects.

In response to the allegations, Apostle Gideon Osagie Osaze denied the claims. He stated that one of the complainants had told him she was 21 years old and alleged that they were involved in a consensual private relationship. He also claimed to have proposed marriage to her, an assertion the victim has denied.

Confirming the arrest, the Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development in Edo State, Mrs Eugenia Abdallah, said the Bishop was apprehended following a lawful operation. She reaffirmed the state government’s commitment to justice, stressing that due process would be followed and that the rights of the victims would be protected.

Also speaking, the Manager of the Vivian Sexual Assault Referral Centre, Dr Faith Edobor, confirmed that the victims were examined at the centre and that the case had been formally reported. She noted that preliminary assessments support the victims’ accounts and assured that investigations are ongoing.

Authorities have urged the public to remain calm as investigations continue, while advocacy groups have renewed calls for stronger child-protection measures and increased vigilance within religious and community institutions.

A Lagos State government orphanage is under scrutiny after a 13-year-old girl became pregnant while in state custody, prompting her family to accuse authorities of grave failures in child protection and oversight.

Friday Akor said his daughter, Blessing, was taken into the care of the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development following a dispute over her guardianship—only for the family to later discover that the Primary 3 pupil was several months pregnant.

Blessing was brought to Lagos in December 2024 to live with her aunt, Faith Amodu, and was enrolled at Dan Esther Nursery and Primary School in Aboru, a neighbourhood on the outskirts of Lagos.

Her situation took a dramatic turn in June 2025, when she disappeared from her aunt’s home for four days. Neighbours later discovered that she had been taken away by a woman described as living nearby.

The case was reported to the Oke-Odo Police Station, where officers reportedly instructed the woman to produce the child. When she failed to do so, the police warned that she would be arrested.

Instead, the woman took Blessing to the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development in Alausa, Ikeja, alleging that the child was being maltreated by her guardian.

When Amodu and a community leader went to the ministry to retrieve the girl, they were directed to the Alausa Police Division, where officers initially attempted to detain Amodu based on the allegations. She was later released after explaining that Blessing was enrolled in school and properly cared for.

Despite producing family photographs and presenting relatives from Benue State to establish guardianship, the ministry declined to release the girl. Blessing was subsequently transferred to a state-owned orphanage in Isolo, according to the family.

Several months later, the case took a disturbing turn.

In December 2025, Akor said he travelled from Benue to Lagos after learning that his daughter had still not been released. When he finally saw her, he discovered she was pregnant, about five months along.

“I was shocked when I saw my daughter,” Akor told reporters. “She was not pregnant when she was taken into government custody.”

He said officials at the ministry told him that an unnamed individual was responsible for the pregnancy but offered no detailed explanation.

“I feel bad and heartbroken,” Akor said. “I want to know exactly what happened to my daughter while she was under the care of the state.”

Blessing’s guardian, Amodu, confirmed the case in a brief phone conversation but declined to provide further details.

A community leader and chairman of the Ayedade Community Development Association, Pastor Obagbolabo Orefuyi, said the case exposed serious lapses in how the matter was handled.

“The girl was taken away under false claims of maltreatment,” Orefuyi said. “Even after the family proved their relationship and responsibility, she was not released but sent to a government orphanage.”

According to Orefuyi, the ministry later suggested that Blessing was “hyperactive” and moved between offices in custody, citing internal camera footage—an explanation he described as inadequate.

“The ministry had no tangible account of how a 13-year-old became pregnant while under government care,” he said.

Neighbours described Blessing as a well-behaved child whose future had been derailed by circumstances beyond her control.

“She is a good girl. She doesn’t deserve this,” one neighbour said. “While the woman who took her away shares blame, the state bears greater responsibility for what happened after.”

Repeated attempts to obtain an official response from the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development were unsuccessful. Gabriel Esiwele, head of the ministry’s Public Affairs Department, acknowledged an inquiry but did not respond further by press time.