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‘Not Me. Name the Judges’: Justice Dattijo challenges Kwankwaso over explosive election claim

A retired Justice of Nigeria’s Supreme Court, Hon. Justice Musa Muhammad Dattijo, has issued a pointed clarification following claims by former Kano State governor and national leader of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, that he visited the homes of Supreme Court justices to plead over governor Abba Yusuf’s election dispute.

Justice Dattijo stressed that he was speaking strictly with respect to himself, insisting that at no time did he meet Kwankwaso or Kano State governor Abba Yusuf, whether in connection with the election or any other matter, while he served on the apex court.

His statement follows recent remarks by Kwankwaso alleging that after the 2019 Kano governorship election was declared inconclusive, he personally took Yusuf to the residences of all Supreme Court justices to seek intervention.

In a statement made available to Law & Society Magazine, Justice Dattijo, who retired on October 27, 2023, challenged Kwankwaso to provide specifics of the alleged visits, while making it clear that his response should not be interpreted as a blanket denial on behalf of the judiciary.

“I speak only for myself,” the retired justice said, noting that he was a serving Justice of the Supreme Court at the time and never held such a meeting with Kwankwaso or Governor Abba Yusuf.

Read Also: Updated:[Download Full Speech] Justice Dattijo blasts CJN, Says absolute power corrupts

He added that if Kwankwaso maintains his claim, he should state when and where such meetings occurred, who was present, and which justices were involved, stressing that careless generalisations risk damaging the integrity of judicial officers who may have had no involvement whatsoever.

Warning Against Reckless Political Claims

Justice Dattijo cautioned politicians against indiscriminately dragging judicial officers into partisan disputes, warning that such claims, whether substantiated or not, feed public cynicism toward the courts.

While acknowledging that public perception of Nigeria’s judiciary has deteriorated over the years, he reiterated a position he articulated in his valedictory speech, where he described public attitudes toward the courts as “witheringly scornful and monstrously critical.”

However, he underscored that judicial accountability must be pursued through evidence and due process, not sweeping political narratives.

“My intervention is not intended to defend or indict anyone else,” he said. “It is simply to clarify that I was not part of any such engagement.”

Constitution, Faith, and the Limits of Speech

Justice Dattijo invoked the 1999 Constitution, noting that while freedom of expression is guaranteed, it is not without limits—particularly where statements risk harming the reputation of others or undermining public institutions.

He also framed his response within his personal faith, citing Qur’an Chapter 4 (An-Nisa), Verse 135, which enjoins believers to stand firmly for justice, even against themselves or those close to them.

He warned that societies unravel when wrongdoing is ignored, tolerated, legitimised, and ultimately celebrated—before those who resist it are punished.

Quoting organisational psychologist Adam Grant, Dattijo stressed that integrity requires loyalty to principles rather than personalities, adding that judicial reform must be grounded in honesty, restraint, and collective responsibility.

Political Context: Defection and Fallout

The controversy unfolds amid political upheaval in Kano following Governor Abba Yusuf’s defection from the NNPP to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Yusuf cited internal party crises and leadership disputes as reasons for his exit. Kwankwaso, however, accused his former ally of handing over the NNPP’s mandate to political opponents.

Speaking to supporters in a widely circulated video, Kwankwaso revisited the 2019 election crisis, describing it as an unprecedented injustice and recounting what he said were desperate efforts to salvage Yusuf’s mandate—including the alleged visits to Supreme Court justices.

Revisiting the Kano Election Battles

The 2019 Kano governorship election was declared inconclusive after the margin between the leading candidates fell below the number of cancelled votes. Following a supplementary poll, APC’s Abdullahi Ganduje was declared the winner—a decision later upheld by the Supreme Court in January 2020.

In 2023, Yusuf returned to power on the NNPP platform. Although his victory was overturned by both the election tribunal and the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court in January 2024 reinstated him, faulting the lower courts and restoring cancelled votes.

That ruling remains one of the most consequential and closely watched electoral decisions of Nigeria’s recent democratic history.

Judiciary in the Crosshairs

Justice Dattijo’s clarification has sharpened the debate, not by closing it, but by drawing a careful line between personal denial and institutional judgment.

As political tensions rise, his message is a narrow but pointed one: claims involving the judiciary must be precise, evidence-based, and responsibly framed, lest they further weaken public trust in an institution already under strain.

Click here to read more about the Supreme Court’s verdict on the election.

UK-bound lawyer dies on board after falling asleep on mom’s shoulder

An American lawyer died after dozing off on her mother’s shoulder on a UK-bound Delta flight from Minnesota

 Minnesota attorney Rachel Green, 44, was on the flight to London to conduct research for a novel she was writing when she fell asleep on her mother’s shoulder on April 30, 2025, and tragically “never woke up,” a West London Coroners Court heard this week, per The Sun.

 Cabin crew attempted to wake Green and asked for a physician to help, but resuscitation attempts did not save her, the outlet reported.

Green had a cocktail of prescription drugs in her system, including several antidepressants, melatonin, cannabinoids, and a low concentration of alcohol, officials revealed during the court hearing, the Daily Mail reported.

She was also found to have a preexisting heart condition, which likely caused her death in combination with the prescription drugs.

“This lady simply died whilst on a flight. She was coming to our country to do some research, staying for some time with her mother,” Senior Coroner Lydia Brown told the courtroom, according to The Sun.

“Instead, she did not even get off the plane without her mother and sister being bereaved. Poor Rachel never did [finish] that book. I wish it were different; it is not,” Brown said.

Pathologist Dr. Alan Bates also told the courtroom that Green’s heart was “normal” other than one of her coronary arteries that was covered in myocardial tunnelling, which is a common congenital heart condition where a segment of one’s coronary artery runs through heart muscle, instead of over its surface.

Green’s sister, Roxanne Carney, questioned the number of prescription drugs she was on and added that her sister had an “abnormal” heart test and was never referred to another doctor.

“I wonder why she was never referred to a cardiologist before being prescribed this combination,” Carney said, per the outlet.

“Why was she on this regimen? Why are they prescribing this combination of medications?”

In a final tribute during the hearing, Carney described her sister as an attorney who also specialised in insurance and loved history.

“On April 30th, 2025, we lost an angel on earth and gained one in heaven. My beloved sister and friend to so many, Rachel S. Green, passed away peacefully in her sleep as she was flying from Minneapolis to London for a much-anticipated trip to the UK,” she said.

“My sister was the absolutely most incredible and selfless person in this world.”

Fatal Obsession:  Ex admits killing university student in UK after relationship ended

A twisted 40-year-old man has pleaded guilty to stabbing his ex-girlfriend to death after their brief romance ended.

Adedapo Adegbola brutally attacked Steph Irons, a 23-year-old university student, as he visited her address in Mapperly, Nottingham, United Kingdom, on October 21 last year.

Her body was discovered after her colleagues raised the alarm when a series of “concerning messages” were sent to them.

Police confirmed the pair’s relationship had come to an end before the horror killing.

Adegbola appeared at Nottingham Crown Court on Monday, where he pleaded guilty to murder.

He and Steph had been in a relationship after meeting as co-workers, but had recently split.

Emergency crews were scrambled to Steph’s home at around 10.07 pm, where they discovered the student with knife wounds in her living room.

Tragically, she could not be saved and was declared dead at the scene.

Meanwhile, Adegbola had fled the home, leaving behind a trail of discarded evidence on the streets of Mapperley and Carlton.

This included blood-stained trainers and a jumper, Nottingham Police said.

The killer then travelled to Mansfield, Worksop, Sheffield and finally to Hull before eventually handing himself into police.

Despite answering “no comment” in interviews with officers, police were able to piece together his movements before and after the murder.

Adegbola has been remanded into custody ahead of sentencing on February 5.

Detective Inspector Stuart Barson, lead investigator of the case, said: “This is a tragic case in which a caring and compassionate young woman was taken away in horrific circumstances.

“Following the attack on Miss Irons, Adegbola made no attempt to call for an ambulance, and was concerned only with getting away from the scene and attempting to dispose of vital evidence.

“I want to thank Miss Irons’ family for the incredible strength that they have shown through this process.

“I hope that this outcome assists Steph’s family in coming to terms with such a dreadful loss.”

Paying tribute previously, Steph’s family said she had an “infectious smile and laugh which lit up any room she walked into”.

They added: “She was a beautiful, loving and caring daughter, sister, niece, cousin and friend. She had a compassion for others and would always see good in everybody.

“She had a huge heart and wore it on her sleeve.

“Her ambition to be a psychologist was well on the way after gaining both a degree and masters in clinical psychology. After gaining experience, she was about to apply for her doctorate in clinical psychology.

“Our bright young star has had her future taken away and while we can’t comprehend what has happened, she will be forever with us.”

Nigeria’s Forgotten Founding Father: How Ladoke Akintola’s historic home was left to ruin

Photo Credit: PUNCH Newspapers

The crumbling estate of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, one of Nigeria’s most influential pre-independence leaders, stands today as a case study in heritage neglect.

Located in Ogbomoso, the once-grand residence of the former Premier of Western Nigeria has been systematically stripped by scavengers, by neglect, and by years of institutional indifference. Window bars, doors, plumbing, books, and fittings have all been removed. Roofs have collapsed. What remains are bare walls and abandoned graves.

Akintola was assassinated during Nigeria’s first military coup in 1966. Nearly six decades later, the physical remnants of his life and legacy remain unprotected.

Multiple residents recount how looters repeatedly accessed the property through an unsecured rear fence, often operating unhindered. Farmers occupying parts of the land admitted they could only offer “informal” security when present. When they were absent, more items disappeared.

Despite the estate’s historical significance, there is no evidence that it was ever designated or protected as a national heritage site. No museum conversion. No preservation framework. No sustained security.

Former caretakers say the house once functioned as a political hub, school, and community centre. That stopped after the commemorative activities ended. What followed was a slow but relentless dismantling of history.

In late 2024, the property was leased to Ladoke Akintola University of Technology (LAUTECH). University officials confirmed that by the time they inspected the estate, nearly everything of value—including books—had already been carted away.

“We discovered it was just walls,” the Vice-Chancellor said, explaining why renovations were delayed.

While the university now plans to rehabilitate parts of the property, heritage experts warn that restoration without documentation means that irreplaceable historical artefacts have already been lost.

Read the fuller report here.

Kano’s Baby Boom Meets Street Hunger: Inside Nigeria’s richest Northern state and its poorest children

  • Kano man expresses frustration after watching children, aged 2 and 5, ‘scavenge for food’

By Lillian Okenwa

Kano State, one of West Africa’s oldest commercial powerhouses and northern Nigeria’s undisputed hub of trade, textiles and political influence, is bracing for a population shock that could overwhelm an already fragile system, and deepen a humanitarian crisis playing out in plain sight.

Health authorities estimate that between 600,000 and 700,000 babies could be born in Kano in 2026 alone, a demographic surge that exposes the widening gap between political wealth and public neglect in one of Nigeria’s most powerful states.

The projection, based on a 3.5 percent population growth rate extrapolated from Nigeria’s last census, was disclosed by Dr. Mansur Mudi Nagoda, Executive Secretary of the Kano State Hospitals Management Board, during the maiden convocation of the Sardauna College of Health Sciences and Technology.

“Our population growth is outpacing the capacity of our health system,” Nagoda warned, revealing a shortfall of about 4,000 health professionals in the state. “Kano is facing a serious manpower crisis.”

The warning comes as Kano—home to some of northern Nigeria’s richest politicians, merchants and religious elites—continues to grapple with crumbling healthcare infrastructure, chronic underfunding, and one of the country’s highest poverty rates.

A State of Contradictions

Kano is a paradox. It is Nigeria’s historic centre of commerce in the North, a magnet for enterprise and political power. Yet its streets tell a harsher story—one of abandoned children, informal survival and systemic failure.

That contradiction exploded into public view last week after Zafrullah Abdulaziz, a Kano resident, shared a harrowing account on social media describing two children—a two-year-old boy and a five-year-old girl—scavenging for food in the cold.

“A baby. How did we get here?” Abdulaziz wrote. “How have we become so desensitised that we walk past toddlers begging for their lives and feel normal?”

His post struck a nerve in a city long accustomed to the almajiri system, which sends thousands of children—often under the guise of religious instruction—onto the streets to beg, scavenge and survive on charity.

“No tradition, no religion justifies throwing children into the streets,” Abdulaziz wrote. “Our silence is a betrayal of our humanity.”

The Almajiri Question No One Wants to Answer

Human rights advocates say Kano’s looming baby boom threatens to reproduce the same cycle of neglect, funnelling hundreds of thousands of new children into an environment already unable—or unwilling—to protect its most vulnerable.

“The almajiri system is not just a cultural issue; it is a governance failure,” said a public health analyst familiar with northern Nigeria. “You cannot celebrate population growth while ignoring where those children will sleep, eat, learn or receive healthcare.”

Despite repeated government pledges, primary healthcare facilities remain overstretched, rural communities lack trained personnel, and maternal and child mortality rates remain stubbornly high.

Nagoda said the state plans to recruit more health workers and deploy them to underserved local government areas such as Doguwa, Rogo and Sumaila, but experts warn that recruitment without sustained funding, accountability and social reform will have a limited impact.

A National Crisis, Sharpened in Kano

Nigeria already records between 7.5 million and 9.2 million births annually, a figure that now surpasses the combined births of Europe and Russia. Kano’s projected surge highlights the speed—and danger—of that growth in regions where public systems are weakest.

For critics, the issue is no longer demographic mathematics but moral urgency.

“A society that does not protect its smallest members has lost its way,” Abdulaziz wrote. “This is a ticking time bomb.”

As Kano’s elite continue to thrive and political power remains concentrated, the question grows louder: Who is responsible for the children left to survive on the streets, and what happens when the next 700,000 arrive?

Baby Nkanu:  Negligence or meningitis?  A rejoinder

By Stephen Azubuike

As condolences are being rendered like cold compress gel to the family of the Late Master Nkanu Nnamdi Adichie-Esege to reduce the inflammation of grief, Onikepo Braithwaite appears to deliver a repressive gel, capable of inflicting more pain to Nkanu’s grieving family. This was as contained in her article published in Thisday Newspaper on Tuesday, 20 January 2026. In the article, Ms. Braithwaite seems to compound the tragedy of Nkanu’s demise by some misstatement of the law and unhelpful assumptions. I write to address these anomalies.

Background Story and Allegation of Medical Negligence

Nkanu had suffered an infection and was taken to Atlantis Pediatric Hospital (Atlantis) in Lagos for treatment. From available reports, Nkanu’s parents were also in consultative contact with Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, US. Following their decision to evacuate their son to the US for specialised treatment, John Hopkins was said to have recommended some preliminary procedure to be carried out in Lagos in preparation for the medical flight. The procedure includes an echocardiogram, brain MRI, a lumbar puncture, and the insertion of a Peripherally Inserted Central Catheter (PICC) line.

Nkanu was transferred from Atlantis to  Euracare  Multi-Specialist  Hospital (Euracare) for the procedure where the 21-month-old child eventually died on 7 January 2026. Following Nkanu’s death, his mum and renowned author, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, accused Euracare of medical negligence. Ms. Adichie said a doctor in Euracare had directly told her that the resident anaesthesiologist had administered an overdose of propofol, a sedative. Nkanu’s family further claimed that after Nkanu was sedated, the child was not properly monitored, and that the anesthesiologist carried Nkanu on his shoulder to the Intensive  Care  Unit  (ICU)  without proper support or equipment.  

Also,  it was alleged that during this transfer,  Nkanu was not provided with supplemental oxygen, and monitoring equipment was not used, making clinical observation impossible. The tragic climax of these events was that the child reportedly became unresponsive, suffered seizures, and cardiac arrest, which inevitably led to his death. As you will discover in the latter part of this piece, where I will state the true position of the law regarding autopsies, the relevance of the facts recounted above will become even clearer.

Expectedly, Euracare issued a statement denying the allegation of medical negligence, stating that Nkanu was critically ill upon arrival and that the hospital provided care in line with established clinical protocols and international standards. Interestingly, Euracare announced that they have commenced an internal investigation and expressed their willingness and readiness to cooperate with relevant regulatory authorities for full and independent investigation.

Ms. Braithwaites Intervention

While investigation is ongoing and possible judicial intervention is being awaited, Ms. Braithwaite expressed a distressing opinion on the topic, which was published.  Ms. Braithwaite contended that to determine the cause of Nkanu’s death and whether there was medical negligence, an autopsy must be conducted; otherwise,  the cause of death cannot be proved.  She concluded that following an investigative journalism report that Nkanu’s body might have already been cremated, the reported cremation was a deliberate act to destroy evidence required to prove the allegation or determine the cause of Nkanu’s death. The Learned Author relied on Section 48(1) of the Coroner’s System Law of Lagos State 2007 (“the Law”) which criminalises the chemical preservation, dismemberment or disposal of a body of a person who died in circumstances that require a Coroner’s Inquest, without the approval of the Coroner.

In advancing the above contentions, Ms. Braithwaite made further statements which are  less than accurate and legally unsupportable. I will proceed to address them below.

Coroners Inquest can be Conducted in the Absence of the Deceased’s Body

Whilst the Law in Section 48(1) requires the approval of a Coroner before the disposal of the body of a person who died in circumstances that may require an inquest, the Law does not state that a coroner’s inquest cannot be conducted in the absence of the body of the deceased. In fact, it is within the contemplation of the Law that there might be instances where the body of the deceased may be unavailable. Section 21 of the Law provides:

“Where a Coroner has reason to believe that a death has occurred within his District and in such circumstances that an inquest should be held, he may hold an inquest regarding the death if he considers it necessary, notwithstanding the:

(a.) total destruction or partial destruction of the body by fire or any other cause, an inquest cannot be held except by virtue of the provisions of this Section;

(b) fact that the body is lying in a place from which it cannot be recovered.

Provided that the law relating to inquest shall apply with such modifications as may be necessary on or after a medical examination of the body found within the Coroner’s District.”

Interestingly, Ms. Braithwaite failed to specifically capture the above provision in the Law. However, she acknowledged judicial authorities in support of the position that an autopsy is not required in all cases to determine cause of death. The Learned Author opted for illustrations that lean towards the rather narrow conclusion that in the instant case of Nkanu, autopsy is the only way. But she cited no authority to specifically support this argument, even in the face of the express provisions of Section 21.

Therefore, in line with Section 21 of the Law, Ms. Braithwaite’s contention is clearly erroneous.  The  Coroner’s inquest can still be conducted in the absence of Baby Nkanu’s body. In his rejoinder to Ms. Braithwaite’s article, Learned Counsel, Thaddeus Idenyi had aptly explained that:

“This provision anticipates precisely the situation at hand: where grief, cultural choice, or circumstance results in burial or cremation, the law still insists that inquiry can still proceed. To suggest otherwise and allege crime in the burial of the deceased child is to mislead the public and weaponize grief against mourning parents.”

Relevance of Medical Records

If a coroner’s inquest is ordered, it is the duty of the coroner to embark on the inquiry and consider all available medical records, the precise treatment procedure administered on Nkanu, statements obtained and other available evidence in order to determine the cause of death.

All of these are capable of providing both documentary and circumstantial evidence which the coroner or even the courts may work with in determining the cause of death and the veracity of the allegations levelled by Nkanu’s family against Euracare.

For instance, securing and a careful consideration of the complete medical records and an examination of Ms. Adichie’s claim about the information she received regarding the alleged over-dosing of Nkanu on propofol, would be relevant and could serve as a useful guide. From available medical literature, propofol is regarded as a powerful intravenous sedative-hypnotic drug. Propofol overdose is said to be capable of causing a severe central nervous system and cardiovascular depression, leading to respiratory arrest, profound hypotension (shock), unconsciousness, metabolic acidosis, cardiac arrhythmias (abnormal heart rhythm), and rhabdomyolysis (muscle breakdown),  with potentially fatal outcomes.  This highlights  the need  for urgent care and attention.

Thus, it behoves the coroner to make a definite determination whether in spite of all  available information and evidence, cause of death cannot be confirmed due to the absence of Nkanu’s body. It is not the duty of Ms. Braithwaite to make this determination based on a misstatement of the law.

By making reference to a section of the Law (section 48 on preservation of body) without considering other vital provisions of the same statute (such as section  21  on conduct of  inquest in the  absence  of the  body),  Ms. Braithwaite’s contention here was clearly misleading.

Also, autopsy is clearly not the only way to determine propofol overdose. Ms. Braithwaite  was in error when she made a sweeping conclusion to the contrary in this regard.

Ms. Braithwaites Allegation on Deliberate Destruction of Evidence

Curiously, with Nkanu’s parents having reportedly cremated the body of their child, Ms. Braithwaite accused the grieving parents of deliberately destroying evidence required to prove the allegation of medical negligence, or determine the cause of Nkanu’s death. The implication of this accusation when closely checked  is that  Ms.  Braithwaite appears to suggest that the evidence—Nkanu’s body—needed  to help establish the innocence of Euracare was deliberately destroyed. This is the only logical implication of the allegation of deliberate destruction of evidence.

Ms. Braithwaite did not reveal the source of her conviction as it was not clear whether she was relying on the same investigative journalism report through which she learnt of the cremation in the first place. Therefore, without any concrete information on the reason for the cremation, and without considering whether Nkanu’s parents at the time of cremation even thought about any coroner’s inquest, Ms. Braithwaite rapidly concluded that the purpose was to destroy evidence. This, in my opinion, was unfair.

The Issue of Standard of Proof

Ms. Braithwaite stated in her article that “Where a specific cause of death is alleged, the person making that allegation must prove it, beyond reasonable doubt.” The Learned Writer relied on the criminal case of State v. Chukwu (2021) LPELR-56610(SC).

The above is only true where an action on medical negligence is only founded on criminal negligence. An action founded on paediatric medical negligence can still be maintained against Euracare and any erring doctor under the tort of negligence which is a civil claim. Here, it is trite that the standard of proof required is proof based on preponderance of evidence or balance of probabilities and not proof beyond reasonable doubt.

Nevertheless, it is also not true that in the absence of Nkanu’s body for an autopsy, the prosecution cannot prove a criminal allegation of medical negligence beyond any reasonable doubt. An autopsy report is not the only key to establishing a case beyond reasonable doubt. It is trite that the court can rely  on other evidence and  surrounding circumstances  to  determine cause of death in the absence of an autopsy report. The law is that proof beyond  reasonable  doubt  is what  is  required  and not  proof  beyond  any shadow of doubt.

Mr. Idenyi made a fine observation here when he stressed that:

“An inquest into the cause of death suspected to have been caused by medical negligence is not necessarily to establish guilt or for criminal prosecution only, but to unravel the truth regarding the medical care offered and for preventive steps in the future. When properly viewed, the temptation to insist that an inquest must proceed on the basis of a post mortem for some proof beyond reasonable doubt becomes less fanciful.”

Ms.  Braithwaite’s  Reference  to  Meningitis and  otherPossible Causesof Death

According to Ms. Braithwaite, “Meningitis is an extremely serious condition that can kill a patient within 24 hours. Is it then possible, to completely ignore such a serious condition which may have remained untreated, and blame the death of such a patient, solely on a sedation overdose? This is a question that was begging to be answered.”

It is clear that Ms. Braithwaite did not appear to have factored in the serious consequences of propofol overdose. Her tone of reference to “sedation overdose” sounds as if we are talking about an overdose of some baby milk. Although propofol has been referred to as a “milk of amnesia” due to its milky white appearance, propofol remains a powerful substance whose overdose can lead to fatal consequences. It should never be heard that an anaesthesiologist administered an overdose of propofol, and without proper monitoring.

We must bear in mind the claim that Baby Nkanu was said to have been taken to Euracare in a stable condition for the prescribed procedures to be performed.

To carry out the procedures, he was sedated with propofol and that appeared to have marked the beginning of the troubles which led to his demise. Everything he was said to have suffered aligns with the established consequences of possible propofol overdose and not meningitis per se. Therefore, it is still necessary to conduct an enquiry through the records and to consider all claims relating to how the toddler was managed.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Ms. Braithwaite wrote that she “will never be a party to determining liability based on the judgement of the court of public opinion without proper evidence being taken in a court of competent jurisdiction, or without the due process of the law being followed…”

But in the same vein, Ms. Braithwaite appears to be subtly determining the innocence of a hospital accused of medical negligence by a misstatement of the law where she argued that an autopsy is the only way to prove medical negligence in Nkanu’s case; and that the standard of proof required is only proof beyond reasonable doubt. Ms. Braithwaite accused the grieving parents of cremating their lost baby as a deliberate move to destroy evidence, without any concrete proof in support of this premature verdict.

Contrary to these, I’ve been able to show that a coroner’s inquest can be conducted in the absence of the body of the deceased Nkanu. Autopsy is not the only way to prove propofol overdose or any of the allegations bordering on pediatric medical negligence.  Also, standard  of  proof  required  in medical negligence is not only proof beyond reasonable doubt except criminal negligence is alleged, and the absence of the body does not automatically mean that proof beyond reasonable doubt is impossible. Besides, there is no evidence that the cremation of Baby Nkanu was deliberately done to destroy evidence.

Now, if you were the coroner or court in this matter, would you be seeking to confirm if Baby Nkanu had Meningitis when he was brought to Euracare or if the medical care Euracare provided put his life in grave danger?

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Video: Police fire tear-gas at Lagos residents protesting Makoko demolitions

Pandemonium broke out as men of the Rapid Response Squad, RRS, of the Lagos State Police Command, in Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos, fired teargas on Wednesday, to disperse hundreds of protesters participating in the peaceful demonstration against demolitions of Makoko and Iyana-Oworoonsoki areas of the state.

The incident took place outside the Lagos State House of Assembly Complex, forcing workers and passers-by and protesters to flee helter-skelter for safety.

The demonstrators displayed banners with different inscriptions calling on the government to save their souls.

Read Also: Supreme Court Ignored: Nigeria’s rule of law tested as Lagos defies courts on waterfront evictions

Eyewitnesses reported seeing protesters injured during the police crackdown, although organisers have not yet released an official casualty count.

Men of the RRS, who were stationed at strategic spots, blocked access to the Lagos State House of Assembly at about 1.30 p.m.

“Policemen at the scene of the ongoing protest began shooting teargas at us to disperse protesters. Many of us were injured in the process,” one of the protesters told Vanguard.

“We have been heavily tear-gassed at the Lagos State House of Assembly and some of us have been arrested, including comrade Soweto,” another protester told Vanguard.

Below is a video from the scene:

Video: Police tear-gas Lagos residents protesting Makoko, Oworoonsoki demolitions

Credit: Johnson Idowu pic.twitter.com/Bxd2f0wMIM— Vanguard Newspapers (@vanguardngrnews) January 28, 2026

Vanguard

Supreme Court Ignored: Nigeria’s rule of law tested as Lagos defies courts on waterfront evictions

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s commercial capital is now being compared, uncomfortably, with cities across the Global South accused of using urban development as a weapon against the poor, as human rights lawyer Femi Falana, SAN, accuses the Lagos State Government of openly defying court orders while demolishing waterfront communities.

In a statement issued January 24, 2026, Falana said the ongoing destruction of homes in Makoko, Oko-Agbon, Sogunro, Iwaya and other waterfront settlements amounts to executive lawlessness, warning that Lagos risks sliding into the same category as cities where courts exist on paper—but bulldozers rule in practice.

A Pattern Seen Across the Global South

From Rio de Janeiro’s favelas, where residents were forcibly evicted ahead of the 2016 Olympics, to Mumbai’s slum clearances, and Cape Town’s apartheid-era spatial legacies, urban experts say Lagos now mirrors a familiar pattern: informal communities erased to free land for elite investment, often in defiance of domestic courts and international human-rights standards.

In Brazil, mass evictions triggered condemnation from the UN Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing. In India, the Supreme Court has repeatedly clashed with state governments over slum demolitions carried out without resettlement. In South Africa, constitutional litigation forced authorities to adopt “meaningful engagement” with affected communities before evictions.

In Nigeria’s case, Falana argues, the courts have already spoken—yet the demolitions continue.

Courts Ruled. Lagos Bulldozed Anyway.

A landmark 2017 Lagos High Court ruling declared the state’s mass waterfront evictions unconstitutional after more than 30,000 people were displaced, awarding compensation and ordering a halt to further demolitions. That judgment alone could have shielded over 270,000 residents.

In August 2025, the Federal High Court reinforced the ban, restraining Lagos authorities and the police from demolishing Makoko, Oko-Agbon, Sogunro and Iwaya communities, citing residents’ “continuous fear of imminent demolition.”

Yet according to Falana, homes, schools and medical centres have since been flattened—sometimes overnight—leaving families homeless and livelihoods destroyed.

“This is not urban renewal,” Falana said. “It is state-enabled dispossession.”

Supreme Court Authority Undermined

Beyond housing rights, Falana says Lagos is defying Nigeria’s apex court. In January 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that only the federal government, through the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), has legal control over inland waterways—where most waterfront communities are located.

The ruling stripped Lagos State of any authority to regulate, seize or demolish structures on navigable waters.

“Any demolition carried out by Lagos State on the waterfront is not just illegal—it is contemptuous of the Supreme Court,” Falana said.

Legal scholars warn that when sub-national governments ignore apex court rulings, it weakens constitutional federalism and erodes public trust in the judiciary.

Protest, Policing and the Criminalisation of Dissent

On Wednesday, civil society groups staged a protest at Ikeja Underbridge, accusing the Lagos government of clearing poor communities to make way for luxury estates, hotels and commercial developments.

Placards read: “Lagos Is Not for the Rich Alone” and “Homes Before Hotels.”

The demonstration was met with heavy police deployment; a response critics say reflects a broader trend in which housing justice protests are securitised rather than addressed—a pattern documented in cities from Nairobi to Jakarta.

A Human Rights Issue, Not a Local Dispute

Under international law, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, forced evictions without consultation, compensation or resettlement are prohibited. Nigeria is a signatory.

Urban justice advocates warn that Lagos’ actions could expose Nigeria to international scrutiny, particularly as the country positions itself as a regional leader on governance and rule of law.

“Cities are judged globally by how they treat their poorest residents,” said one housing rights advocate. “When courts are ignored, investors may come—but legitimacy leaves.”

‘If Soldiers Obeyed Courts, Why Can’t Civilians?’

Falana invoked the landmark case of Military Governor of Lagos State v. Ojukwu, where a military regime complied with a Supreme Court order and restored seized property.

“If a dictatorship could obey the courts,” Falana said, “there is no excuse for a democracy not to.”

As demolitions continue and protests grow, Lagos now stands at a crossroads—between becoming a global city anchored in law, or another case study in how development, unchecked by justice, becomes displacement by design.

Judicial Reforms: President Tinubu proposes virtual hearings, increases appeal court justices to 110

Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu has transmitted an executive bill to the Senate seeking to amend the Court of Appeal Act to increase the number of justices from 70 to 110.

The proposed amendment also aims to modernise appellate court proceedings through the introduction of virtual hearings and the establishment of an Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre (ADRC) within the Court of Appeal.

Notice of the bill was contained in a letter read by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, during the plenary on Tuesday.

Tinubu in the letter said the amendment is intended to strengthen the institutional capacity, efficiency, and effectiveness of the Court of Appeal in line with constitutional provisions and evolving realities in the justice sector.

“The bill seeks to increase the number of justices of the Court of Appeal from 70 to 110 and provide clarification of judicial structure and seniority,” the president said.

He added that the bill introduces a restructuring of the ranking system within the court, including provisions on the ranking of the president of the Court of Appeal and the determination of seniority among justices.

On the proposed ADR Centre, Tinubu explained that the initiative would allow certain appellate matters to be resolved outside the conventional court process.

“The bill provides for the conduct of proceedings of the Court of Appeal through electronic and audio means, and the establishment of an Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre (ADRC).

“The bill seeks to establish an Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre within the Court of Appeal, where appellate matters may be referred for settlement,” the president added.

Reasons for reforms

The president said the reforms are designed to improve professional efficiency and legal certainty in appellate practice in line with modern institutional standards.

He noted that the amendment will also update terminology and definitions in the principal Act, including the formal recognition of virtual hearings and modern correctional nomenclature.

“The bill also seeks to update terminology and definitions within the principal Act, including the recognition of virtual hearings and modern correctional nomenclature,” he said.

“It seeks to consolidate interpretative provisions to ensure clarity, consistency, and alignment with the current legal and institutional framework.”

President Tinubu noted that the amendment has become necessary due to the increasing workload at the appellate court and is expected to reduce delays in the administration of justice, strengthen access to justice, and promote public confidence in the judiciary.

Federal High Court amendment bill

In a separate letter, the president also transmitted a bill seeking to amend the Federal High Court Act to increase the number of judges from 70 to 90.

He further requested the Senate to screen and confirm the nomination of Oyewole Kayode as a Justice of the Supreme Court.

After the letters were read, Akpabio referred the amendment bills and the nomination to the Senate Committee on Rules and Business for further legislative action.

The committee, whose responsibility lies solely in designing the Senate’s legislative agenda, is expected to list the bills on the Order Paper for Wednesday’s plenary for first reading.

If the Senate so decides, the bills may be scheduled immediately for second reading, during which the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, will lead debate on their general principles and clauses, after which they will be referred to the Committee on Judiciary and Human Rights for public hearing.

Premium Times

Forgotten by the State, terrorists raise ransom to N250million, 20 motorcycles to free abducted worshippers in Kaduna

After the villagers sold thousands of bags of maize to pay ransom demanded by kidnappers, the suspected terrorists who abducted no fewer than 177 worshippers in the Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State have increased their ransom demand to N250million and 20 motorcycles.

The village head of Kurmin Wali, Mr Ishaku Dan’azumi, disclosed this on Tuesday while speaking on the plight of the community, days after armed men stormed three churches in the area and carried out one of the largest mass abductions recorded in recent times.

Elders of Gidan Waya community in Lere Local Government Area told reporters they had sold more than 3,000 bags of maize to raise ₦40 million demanded by kidnappers who abducted 13 villagers during a late-night raid in November. More than three weeks after the money was delivered, none of the captives has been released.

According to Dan’azumi, the attack occurred on January 18, 2026, when gunmen invaded Kurmin Wali village during a religious gathering, abducting men, women and youths indiscriminately. 

Read Also: ‘We Sold Bags of Maize, Raised ₦40 Million  and Got Nothing’: Kaduna kidnappings expose Nigeria’s security vacuum

The Sun reports that Dan’azumi said the latest demand by the kidnappers was far beyond the reach of the largely rural community, already battered by repeated attacks and economic hardship. 

“This is beyond what our people can afford. We are pleading with the government and security agencies to come to our aid and secure the release of our people,” the village head said.

Residents of Kajuru Local Government Area, located in southern Kaduna, have for years lived under the shadow of banditry and kidnapping, with communities frequently targeted for mass abductions, killings and arson attacks that have displaced hundreds of families.

Many villagers have been forced to flee their homes in search of safety, abandoning farmlands and livelihoods, as security challenges continue to escalate in rural parts of the state.

Community leaders are now urging the Kaduna State Government and security agencies to urgently intensify rescue efforts and deploy stronger security measures to prevent further assaults on vulnerable rural communities.

Law & Society previously reported that the Commissioner of Police in Kaduna State Muhammad Rabiu, visited one of the churches where terrorists abducted worshippers in Kurmin Wali, a remote community in Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State, following the deadly attack that has thrown the area into fear and mourning. 

Multiple sources recalled that during the visit, the police commissioner, who arrived at the scene with heavily armed security operatives, instructed everyone present to switch off their mobile phones and warned them not to record videos or take photographs throughout the visit.

According to sources, the commissioner also visited the surrounding areas affected by the attack. 

The visit followed attacks on communities in southern Kaduna. Meanwhile, the same police commissioner earlier denied that any abduction of worshippers took place. 

SaharaReporters obtained a video from the scene showing the commissioner of police surrounded by armed officers as he inspected the church building and interacted with some of the victims.

In the video, one of the victims, seen wearing a yellow jersey, has visible head injuries. The victim reportedly escaped from the terrorists as they were transporting the abducted worshippers into the forest.

During the visit, the commissioner was seen speaking directly to the injured victim inside the church, questioning him in Hausa about how he managed to escape from the abductors and what exactly transpired during the attack. 

Narrating his ordeal to the commissioner and his team, the victim explained that the attack happened suddenly while they were in church for worship.

He said, “When we reached the place where they chased people, I was carrying my daughter in my hand. Because we were many, when we reached an area where houses were close to each other and the road was narrow, I managed to escape. I entered one house and locked it. None of them noticed me.”

When the police commissioner asked whether he was inside the church when the attack began, the victim clarified that he was worshipping in another church nearby.

“I was in the second church, ECWA church,” he said. 

As entire villages across Kaduna, Katsina, Benue, Sokoto and other states empty out under the weight of repeated attacks, critics warn that Nigeria is sliding into a ransom-driven shadow economy—one where survival depends not on citizenship, but on the ability to pay.

For the families still waiting, the questions are becoming sharper and more dangerous:
If security forces denied the attacks when they happened, who was being protected—and who was abandoned?

TIPS