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Treading with care on the unfortunate alteration of tax laws, By Muhammad Nami

We woke up to a shocking report from the National Assembly that specific provisions of the Tax Administration Act had been amended by an unidentified group before the legislation was gazetted by the government. The implication of this unfortunate act by the yet-to-be-identified persons is that the actual legislation passed and signed by the president differed from that which was eventually gazetted. In other words, the legislation was significantly altered at the point of gazetting without the knowledge of the presidency or the national assembly.

The occurrence of this incident is not only unusual but also regrettable, as it marks the first time in our country’s history that such an incident has happened. This calls for a proper and unimpeded investigation, as well as the prosecution of the perpetrators. Those found culpable must be punished accordingly.

What is even more strange and disturbing about all this is the call by some people for a protest against the government for a crime it probably had no hand in.

Unfortunately, such a call is being made despite the critical challenges we already face in Nigeria, including insecurity, budget deficits, and government borrowing to finance these deficits, among others.

It is equally disturbing and confusing that someone is calling for a stakeholders’ consultation on a document that was criminally and arbitrarily altered by a yet-to-be-identified set of individuals. Some are even asking that those beautiful documents ( the amended tax laws) that are a result of our painstaking research, investment, and legal process by NASS that started in 2022, be swept under the carpet.

We have on our hands a group of people who criminally altered a legal document and another set of individuals who appear to be operating like a government within a government. In this case scenario, we can not afford to take sides with any of them.

Need I say that Nigeria is the only country we have, and we must do everything possible to ensure peace and the protection of the lives and property of all citizens, as well as commit to its progress.

In light of this, our best option in this crisis time is to stand firm with the NASS. They are verifiably doing their best to ensure that there is peace in our country; they are working hard to ensure that all efforts and resources invested in the tax reforms project thus far is not wasted, and that, come January 2026, we can implement the new tax provisions that are needed to block leakages in our tax system, generate revenue to fund our economic growth and developmental programmes, fund debt servicing and budget deficits by the government at all levels, initiate social welfare programmes, provide security and build world class infrastructure, attract foreign direct investment in our economy.

Indeed, numerous provisions encourage governments at all levels to prioritise taxing prosperity over poverty and fruits over seeds so that SMEs can grow and provide employment opportunities to our youth, ultimately becoming taxpayers in the future.

NASS Committee on the Review of the Alterations.

The Committee’s review ( though the source of the report is yet to be confirmed) was supported by forensic comparisons and independent legal opinions, and it has established that:

• Substantive provisions were inserted, deleted, or modified after
passage by both Chambers.
• Several oversight, accountability, and reporting mechanisms
approved by Parliament were removed in the final Acts.
• New coercive and fiscal powers (e.g., arrest powers, garnishee
without court order, compulsory USD computation, appeal
security deposits) appeared without legislative approval, and that
• These changes, which can not be classified as clerical or editorial corrections, are deplorable.

Constitutional Implications

If the above is true, then there are constitutional consequences; that

• Sections 4 and 58 of the 1999 Constitution vest law-making
power exclusively in the National Assembly.
• The executive or any person purporting to act on behalf of the executive has no constitutional authority to alter a bill after passage.
• Any post-passage alteration is ultra vires, unconstitutional, and
void to the extent of the alteration.
• Affected provisions are vulnerable to judicial invalidation, creating legal and fiscal uncertainty.

Way forward for the NASS and the Federal Government

A. NASS should consider passing a resolution for the outright cancellation of the gazetted Tax Administration Acts.
B. NASS should also consider passing a resolution prevailing on its committee on the review of the alterations to jointly work with the executive team to gazette the actual law passed by the two chambers.
C. Thirdly, NASS should thoroughly investigate the circumstances that might have led to the unilateral action of the few, those involved, prosecute and punish them in line with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and other laws of the land.
D. The Executive should prevail on the FIRS to halt the regulations and information circulars already prepared and ready for release to the public to prevent further damage and confusion in the tax system.

Nami is the immediate past executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service, the Joint Tax Board, and president of the Commonwealth Association of Tax Administrators (CATA).

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

‘Abuse of Power’: Nigerian man says police assaulted him, crashed his car

A Nigerian man, Somto Okonkwo, has accused officers of the Nigeria Police Force of assault, unlawful detention and reckless conduct after an encounter in Abia State that he says ended with his brand-new vehicle wrecked and his life endangered.

Okonkwo made the allegations in a statement posted Wednesday on X, sharing images and videos of individuals he identified as the officers involved. He claimed the incident occurred around 3:00 p.m. and involved the forceful seizure of his phone, physical assault and his removal from Aba to Umuahia against his will.

“These are the faces of some of the officers who completely destroyed my brand-new car with my family inside,” Okonkwo wrote.

He questioned the officers’ identity and conduct, pointing to their attire and alleged failure to properly identify themselves. “Look at how they’re dressed. How can people dressed like this claim to be police officers, assault civilians, seize phones and force someone into their car?” he said.

Okonkwo stressed that police officers are required to be clearly identifiable and to follow due process, warning that deviations from these standards expose civilians to grave danger. “This kind of dressing puts citizens at serious risk. Anyone could be kidnapped or harmed under the excuse of ‘police work,’” he said.

According to Okonkwo, the situation escalated during transit when an officer driving his vehicle allegedly engaged in reckless driving, dangerously overtaking a police bus. He said the manoeuvre caused the car to lose control, spin and crash into nearby bushland.

“The reckless action led to a serious accident,” he wrote, describing the incident as a “clear abuse of power” and a violation of his fundamental rights.

Okonkwo called on the Abia State Government to investigate the incident, hold the officers accountable, and take responsibility for the damage to his vehicle. “No citizen should be treated this way. Abuse of power must stop,” he said, urging the public to amplify his account.

In response, the Nigeria Police Force’s Complaint Response Unit (CRU) acknowledged the allegations via its official X account and requested further details from Okonkwo.

“The experience is unacceptable and should not have happened to you or any other Nigerian under any guise,” the CRU said, asking him to provide his contact information through direct message to enable further action.

The incident adds to growing public scrutiny of police conduct in Nigeria, where allegations of misconduct and excessive force continue to spark outrage and calls for accountability.

Nigeria blames POS operators for aiding Ransom collection, claims terrorists are beating surveillance

As kidnappings and terrorist attacks intensify across Nigeria, the federal government is facing growing criticism for what observers describe as a widening gap between rhetoric and decisive action.

Rather than announcing major arrests or operational breakthroughs, senior officials have issued a series of disclosures pointing to how armed groups continue to evade state surveillance—raising fresh questions about accountability despite years of heavy security spending.

Weeks after Nigeria’s Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, revealed that terrorists were using sophisticated communications technology to defeat government tracking systems, the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) has now alleged that point-of-sale (POS) operators are facilitating ransom payments to criminal and extremist networks.

Ransom Payments Routed Through POS Terminals

Speaking at an end-of-year media briefing in Abuja on Tuesday, NCTC National Coordinator Maj. Gen. Adamu Laka said investigations into kidnapping and terrorism cases showed that ransom payments are increasingly being routed through POS terminals.

“In many cases, ransom payments are transferred by victims directly to POS operators whose account details are provided by terrorists,” Laka said. “The money is then withdrawn by the criminals.”

His comments come amid a resurgence of kidnapping-for-ransom operations, particularly in northern Nigeria, where armed groups have stepped up attacks on soft targets including schoolchildren and worshippers.

In November alone, Nigeria recorded two separate mass school abductions in Kebbi and Niger states, though the victims were later released.

While the government officially discourages ransom payments, families often pay to secure the release of loved ones. Allegations that the state itself sometimes pays ransom have circulated for years—claims authorities consistently deny.

A Growing, Poorly Regulated POS Network

Nigeria’s POS ecosystem has expanded rapidly in recent years, driven by limited access to formal banking in rural communities and the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) push for financial inclusion.

Today, thousands of agents provide cash withdrawals, transfers and bill payments on behalf of banks and fintech firms, often operating informally and with minimal oversight.

Although the CBN has issued multiple regulations governing agent banking—including Know Your Customer (KYC) rules, transaction limits and mandatory reporting of suspicious activity to the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU)—analysts say enforcement remains uneven, particularly in remote areas where criminal networks thrive.

Under existing rules, financial institutions are expected to flag unusual transactions and freeze accounts linked to crime. Critics argue that persistent gaps in supervision have turned POS networks into a weak link in Nigeria’s counterterrorism and anti-kidnapping efforts.

Media Warned as Government Urges “Operational Sensitivity”

Alongside the disclosures, the NCTC urged media organisations to exercise caution in reporting sensitive security information, warning that premature disclosures could compromise investigations and endanger lives.

Laka praised journalists for helping counter extremist propaganda but cautioned that in the age of instant digital virality, the line between public interest and operational security is increasingly blurred.

“Operational details, intelligence-led activities and ongoing investigations are highly sensitive,” he said, warning that criminal groups actively exploit open-source information.

He stressed that the call was not for silence but for responsible judgment, arguing that press freedom and national security are “complementary pillars” of a stable democracy.

Terrorists Using Advanced Tech to Stay Ahead

The NCTC’s comments followed revelations earlier this month by Communications Minister Bosun Tijani, who said armed groups are using advanced call-hopping technology to mask their locations.

“They weren’t using normal towers,” Tijani said during an appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today on December 12. “They bounced calls off multiple towers and operated from areas with little or no coverage so their signals vanish once they relocate.”

According to Tijani, this tactic allows militants to coordinate attacks from unserved regions, staying several steps ahead of conventional tracking systems.

The government says it is attempting to close the gap by upgrading Nigeria’s communication satellites to serve as backups when ground-based infrastructure fails.

“If our towers are not working, our satellites will work,” Tijani said, noting that Nigeria is the only West African country with its own communications satellites.

Public Anger, Political Pressure—and a Shocking Video

The disclosures have intensified public anger over Nigeria’s massive defence and security spending. Over the past decade, billions of dollars have been allocated to military procurement and intelligence operations, yet armed groups continue to expand their reach, firepower and sophistication.

Political pressure on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has mounted following his recent declaration of a security emergency. Labour leader Joe Ajaero has accused the administration of failing to deliver tangible results—an allegation the government rejects.

Public confidence was further shaken by a widely circulated but unverified video appearing to show a Katsina State lawmaker entering a forest to negotiate directly with armed bandits without any visible security escort.

In the footage, recorded in Hausa, the politician addresses the gunmen deferentially, referring to their leader as the “Grand Commander of Peace.” He thanks them for allegedly releasing abductees and announces what he describes as an agreement with the group.

The remarks—including calls to halt military operations against “peaceful bandits” and requests for government projects in bandit-controlled areas—have sparked nationwide outrage.

Security analysts warn that if authentic, the video points to a dangerous erosion of state authority and the emergence of armed groups as parallel power structures, exposing the desperation of local officials amid a faltering national security response.

Ex- Gov. Sam Mbakwe’s wife commends Gov. Otti for delivering people-centred governance

The wife of the former and highly celebrated Governor of the Old Imo State, late Dr. Sam Mbakwe, Lady Victoria Mbakwe, has commended Abia State Governor, His Excellency, Dr. Alex OFR, for the good works he is doing for the people, and specially expressed her profound gratitude to the Governor for regularly looking out for them and supporting the family.

Mrs Victoria Mbakwe spoke on Tuesday, 23rd December, when Governor Otti paid an unannounced visit to the family.

According to the widow of Late Dr. Sam Mbakwe, Governor Otti’s support to the family is not tied to Christmas visits and festive seasons, noting that Governor Otti has remained regular in looking out for and supporting her family.

Mrs Mbakwe also commended the Governor of Imo State, Sen. Hope Uzodimma, CON, whom she said, like Gov. Otti has been consistent with his support for the family without waiting for festive seasons.

The First Lady of Abia State, Her Excellency Lady, Priscilla Chidimma Otti, who had planned the visit with her husband but had to stay back to attend to urgent family needs, sent some gift items to the family through her husband.

Lady Victoria Mbakwe thanked Governor Otti for the visit, praying God to keep blessing him and his family for the good works he is doing for the people and for always looking out for them and supporting her family.

Governor Otti was accompanied on the visit by the National Secretary of the Labour Party, Sen. Darlington Nwokocha, the Member representing Ikwuano, Umuahia North and South Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, Hon. Obi Aguocha, member representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency in the Abia State House of Assembly, Hon. Roland Chinwendu, the Commissioner representing Abia State in the Federal Character Commission (FCC), High Chief Victor Ikeji, Ph.D among others.

Ctz. UKOHA, NJOKU UKOHA
Chief Press Secretary to the Executive Governor of Abia State.
December 23, 2025.

Quiet Excellence Rewarded: FIDA Abuja hails Dr. Chukwuani’s rise to Director in Federal Service

On behalf of the leadership and entire membership of FIDA Nigeria – Abuja Branch, and on a personal note as Chairperson of the Branch, I joyfully and proudly celebrate one of our own, a longstanding dedicated member – Dr. Princess Franchesca Chukwuani – whose recent, well-deserved promotion to the cadre of Director in the Federal Civil Service stands as a powerful testament to the rewards of quiet excellence, unwavering focus, and uncommon resilience.

Having served FIDA both at the branch and national levels, her journey has been marked by consistent diligence, disciplined service, steadfast professionalism and commitment to excellence.

Through seasons of challenge and opportunity alike, she is a worthy demonstration that true progress is often forged through patience, discipline, and an unshakeable belief in one’s chosen path (those who recall the period of her tenure as the Chairman of the NBA Unity Bar, may better understand this).

This milestone serves as an enduring lesson to younger lawyers within the legal profession: that growth is not confined to a single path, nor is success defined by noise or haste.

Whatever area of practice or service one may be inclined to tow, dedication, integrity, and resilience remain timeless currencies for advancement and fulfilment.

Importantly, substance and consistency still speak, and excellence still commands affirmation, for indeed, “nothing will work unless you do.” 

So, whether in public service, advocacy, academia, private practice, the development sector, or even entrepreneurship, growth is nurtured by commitment, ethical grounding, and resilience.

Her career exemplifies the courage to stay the course while evolving with purpose.

Her heartwarming elevation not only crowns years of diligent service, but further strengthens her capacity to influence policy, shape outcomes, and champion reforms that resonate deeply with FIDA’s mandate of justice, equity, and the protection of the rights of women, children and PWDs.

Yes, in this new capacity, she is even more strategically positioned to lend her voice, experience, and leadership to the causes we hold dear as an Association.

We celebrate her not merely for the office she now holds, but for the values she embodies and the inspiration she continues to offer across generations of lawyers, especially within the FIDA Abuja family.

As Scripture reminds us, “Seest thou a person diligent in their business? they shall stand before kings, not before mean men”.

Today, this remarkable promotion stands her tall as an emblem of diligence rewarded and service honoured.

Congratulations, to our dearest Dr. Chukwuani, on this outstanding achievement.

FIDA Abuja is immensely proud of you, and we look forward with expectation to the greater impact your service and contributions will undoubtedly make.

Chioma U. Onyenucheya-Uko, FMTI

Chairperson,

FIDA Nigeria – Abuja Branch

2025, japa dreams, immigration shege, By Funke Egbemode

One very profound Yoruba migration proverb is “Ita l’ó máa n na omo padà sílé.” (It is the outside world that beats a child back home). A variant says, “The outside teaches a child to return home.” Like the child beaten back home, migrants are being reminded, often brutally, that escape is not a substitute for fixing the house one ran from.

Now, hostile immigration policies in the developed world have become the cane with which the “outside” disciplines those who fled failing homelands, exposing the illusion that opportunity abroad is unconditional or permanent.

In those days, each time my mother caught any of her six children attempting to go and play in our neighbour’s compound, she would say, “E je ki kainkain ile yin o ta yin nidi.” In direct translation, she meant that we should fasten our buttocks to our father’s compound and allow the ants there to bite us rather than the ants in the neighbour’s home. In other words, no matter how unattractive your home is, it is better to sit there and endure the discomforts than to sneak out into another compound and assume there are no poisonous ants there.

But did we always listen? Of course not. We were children. We always wanted to go to the “other compound.” And somehow, we almost always ended up in trouble. If we did not break something, we would return with bruises from “playing rough.” And then Mummy would report us to Daddy, and both of them would unleash their customised shege. The combination of those two and their premium shege can only be understood by “legends” whose parents were like mine.

My siblings and I eventually learned to be one another’s friends and playmates. We quarrelled, fought, and resolved things among ourselves. We made our beds the way we wanted to lie on them. In those days, our parents were lawgivers and law enforcers. It was hard being their children, but the discipline toughened us.

2025 came in smiling sweetly, wearing a seductive scent and a swag. We embraced her and laid our heads on her succulent breasts. We were so, so sure everything would be cool. So we revved up our Nigeria and told ourselves, “If Nigeria is not liveable, we will go somewhere else.” 2025 smiled, nodded, and encouraged us to go ahead. We sold land and jewellery. We took loans and sent our children to the UK, US, Canada—everywhere we thought the fields looked greener. Couples went with their children. Some even left their children, hoping to return for them. We even had extreme cases where men in their late 40s and 50s sold their homes so they could go into the neighbour’s compound to explore and enjoy the greener pasture.

2025 continued to smile.

She did not warn us.

More people boarded the Japa train. Then one day, the UK arrived with branded shege.

They called it Changes to Legal Migration and Work Visas.

It started with the May 2025 Immigration White Paper, which tightened the noose around the necks of “earned settlement” with stricter eligibility rules. That was followed by skilled worker restrictions. Jobs our people took for granted suddenly came under “thou shalt not come to the UK to do these jobs.”

By July 2025, the list of jobs eligible for sponsorship was shortened. By July 22, the UK ended overseas recruitment of social care workers by employers. From here on, for international students, the post-study work period (Graduate visa) will be reduced from two years to 18 months for most applicants starting in early 2027. From January 8, 2026, your English-speaking prowess must be far from Pidgin and close to the Queen’s English. Applicants for Skilled Worker and High Potential Individual visas must now demonstrate a B2 level of English proficiency, up from the old B1.

The Immigration Skills Charge (ISC) paid by employers to sponsor foreign workers was increased by 32 per cent in December 2025.

Still, 2025 was adjusting her bra and patting her bone-straight wig, as if she did not know that all these new laws are a pain in the butt.

The UK government’s 2025 proposals seek to redefine settlement as a privilege rather than a right. The UK is now planning to increase the standard qualifying period for Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) for many legal migrants from five years to 10 years. These, and many other stinging ants, are lining up to bite Nigerians living and working in the UK.

And 2025 is still sitting unruffled in her low-neckline, sweet pink dress. Who wears pink when everything is going dark?

And if we thought we had heard the worst news of the year, it was because we had not opened Uncle Donald’s Santa Claus duffel bag of goodies. Even 2025 was shaken by the contents.

Even yours sincerely is seething—very angry that I paid for a five-year visa that I will not be able to use. I hope Uncle Donald is reading this. My B1/B2 visa is now sitting lame in my passport. I heard it also affected F, M, and even J visas. I guess all alphabets are in trouble in this Trump trouble. Even those who have Green Cards and citizenship are in trouble. Of course, our pregnancies have been told to stay out of America. Under the new ban, U.S. citizens seeking to bring over their spouses and children from travel-banned countries will be unable to do so, unless they manage to fulfil a few extra righteousness.

“The new ban no longer contains an exemption for Afghans who assisted the US war effort in Afghanistan (2001 to 2021). Those Afghans put themselves in mortal danger to help the US, and there are an estimated 260,000 of them who remain abroad waiting for entry to the US. Some are in third countries, but many remain in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan and thus face risks to their freedoms or lives.

Even Afghans who have made it to the US on a Special Immigrant Visa or who are otherwise there legally are fearful that they will be deported.”

I brought this last part to pull the ears of those Nigerians already planning how to enter America by fire or by force. Trump means business. Do not think up any of your Nigerian slangs on this matter. Staying wise and safe should be your motto now. Borrow yourself brain and shelve all plans to outwit Trump. Right now, he holds the aces. If Afghans who “put themselves in mortal danger to help the US” are not exempted from bans and restrictions and those already in America are “fearful they will be deported,” Nigerians desperate to leave Nigeria should look beyond the UK and the US.

I am embarrassed on behalf of all of you Nigerians reading this. We should all be ashamed. Yes, no man is an island, but why is Nigeria not the country everybody wants to visit and live in?

We have great hills.

We have awesome waterfalls.

We have beautiful beaches.

We have minerals of all kinds under our soil.

We are brilliant people.

We are patient, long-distance runners.

We are rugged.

So how did we manage to turn all those attributes into curses and disadvantages? Why can we not make all our advantages make us a superpower, even if only an African superpower?

A land flowing with milk and honey is now queuing to buy sugar in other countries. We are being threatened by all the letters of the English language, all because we failed to do what we should have done when we needed to do them.

The people who call themselves lawmakers have not been able to find the right English to write a law that will make our gold, for instance, as useful as our oil. They prefer to pass bills that enable the President to borrow more money. The Nigerian Police have not found the right way to use our NIN and BVN to track criminals. They are busy somewhere, as you read this, calculating how much they will make from issuing tint permits every year. How did we end up with leaders like the ones we have had? Quickie, two-minute leaders who can neither thrust deep nor last long. They leave no memorable performance—leaders you do not yearn for.

According to the American Immigration Council, “the country most heavily impacted by the new restrictions is Nigeria. Over the last decade (excluding the COVID years of 2020 and 2021), Nigerians received an average of 128,000 immigrant and non-immigrant visas on an annual basis. Nearly all of these visas will now be restricted, blocking legal immigration from the most populous country in Africa.

In addition, two of the newly banned countries, Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire, qualified for the World Cup in 2026, which will mostly be held in the United States. Under the new travel ban, any fans of those countries who don’t have valid visas as of January 1, 2026, will be barred from getting them and unable to attend the games in person.”

Well, at least Nigeria will not need to sponsor hundreds of people to “go and support our players”. It won’t kill us to watch football where we can rewind and fast-forward, for once.

On a serious note, won’t Canada, Australia, and others soon follow with restrictions because ‘bi iya nla ba gbeni san’l?, keekeeke a ma g’ori eni? When a big tragedy knocks you down, it gives smaller misfortunes the opportunity to jump on you. Won’t Gambia and Mauritania one day also tell Nigerians they cannot bring their trouble to trouble their lands?

When will our leaders start leading in ways that will make everybody stop looking down on us? When will they start doing instead of boasting like Okobo, the impotent bridegroom?

And 2025 is still smiling. Only God knows the next shege she has planned.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Behold the 7 countries still under colonial rule in 2025

Although most nations became independent in the last century, some territories are still ruled by other nations.

Many of them remain on the United Nations list of non-self-governing territories, meaning they have not completed the process of decolonisation. These places usually depend on bigger countries for laws, passports, defence, or political control.

In this article, Tribune Online highlights 7 territories still under colonial rule:

1. Western Sahara

Western Sahara remains one of the world’s biggest unresolved colonial issues. Morocco controls most of the territory, but the Polisario Front wants independence for the Sahrawi people. The UN is still trying to help both sides agree on a peaceful solution.

2. Guam

Guam is an important US territory in the Pacific, used heavily for American military operations. The US oversees its defence and foreign relations. 

People living there are US citizens, but they cannot vote in presidential elections and do not have full representation in Congress.

3American Samoa

American Samoa has more local control than Guam, but the United States still decides immigration, defence, and foreign affairs.

Residents are considered US nationals and must apply  if they want full citizenship.

4United States Virgin Islands 

The US Virgin Islands have their own legislature, but the United States makes major constitutional and political decisions. The territory depends  heavily on US federal support.

5. Falkland Islands / Malvinas

The Falkland Islands remain controlled by the United Kingdom (UK), but Argentina has long disputed this claim, having been in control of the Islands for a few years before 1833. 

The people living there voted strongly to stay British, yet the sovereignty dispute continues to appear in the UN.

6Gibraltar 

Gibraltar sits at the Southern tip of Spain. The United Kingdom controls it, but Spain insists the territory belongs to them.

Gibraltarians have repeatedly voted in favour of remaining British, but the dispute is still discussed within the UN Decolonisation Committee. 

7. Bermuda

Bermuda is a British Overseas Territory situated in the North Atlantic Ocean. Although it manages most of its own internal affairs and enjoys a strong economy with modern facilities, the United Kingdom still handles its defence and represents it in global matters.

Reviewing the rules on challenging the jurisdiction of court in our justice system, examining the justice for the claimant and the need for a reform

By Oseini Wale Bamigbaiye Esq.

The issue of jurisdiction is a very important factor in any justice system. It is the basis upon which the court or tribunal derives its power to hear and determine any matter at all in the first place.  If the Court does not have jurisdiction whatever decision, no matter how beautiful, fair, well conducted the trial was and how good the decision is, it is a complete nullity. This is hinged on the principle that you cannot place something on nothing and expect it to stand.

In the Nigerian justice system, jurisdiction is the legal authority of a court to hear and determine a case. It is considered the “lifeblood” of an action; if a court lacks jurisdiction, any proceedings it conducts are a nullity. The landmark principle established in Madukolu v. Nkemdilim remains the standard for determining a court’s competence. A court is only considered to have jurisdiction if:

  1. It is properly constituted in terms of the number and qualifications of its members.
  1. The subject matter of the case falls within its constitutional or statutory authority.
  2. The matter is properly brought before the Court

The Supreme Court in the 2022 case of MANOMI v. DAKAT   (2022) 15 NWLR Pt. 1853, explained clearly the position of the principles guiding issues of jurisdiction and how and when it can be challenged.

 Justice Nweze JSC on the fundamental nature of issues of jurisdiction held that:

  “ The issue of jurisdiction is so radical that it forms the foundation of adjudication, it also lacks the necessary competence to try the case at all. A defect in competence is fatal, for the proceedings are null and void ab initio, however well conducted and well decided they may otherwise be. Due to its fundamental nature, it can never be too late in law to raise the issue of jurisdiction. Indeed, leave of the appellant court is unnecessary since the court can itself raise it suo motu as soon as sufficient facts or materials are available for it to do so. (Pp. 261 -262)

His lordship   on the need to determine issue of jurisdiction before determination of substantive matter at paragraphs A-B of page 262 held that further that:

“ The Court must first of all be competent, that is has jurisdiction before it can proceed on any adjudication as it is fruitless venture to decide merit of a case without jurisdiction. If a Court or tribunal is not competent to entertain matter or claim or suit, it is a waste of valuable time for the court to embark on the hearing and determination of the substantive matter. Therefore, it is an exhibition of wisdom to have the issue of jurisdiction or competence determined before embarking on the hearing and determination of substantive matter“.

From the position of the learned honourable Justice of the Apex Court, the following principles on jurisdiction in our justice system stands out:

  1. The issue of jurisdiction is radical and fundamental and forms the foundation for adjudication.
  2. If the Court or tribunal lacks jurisdiction it also lacks the necessary competence to try the case at all.
  3. A defect in competence is fatal,
  4. Any proceedings conducted without the necessary competence are null and void ab initio, however well conducted and well decided they may otherwise be.
  5. Due to its fundamental nature, it can never be too late in law to raise the issue of jurisdiction.
  6. Leave of the appellant court is not necessary to raise the issue of jurisdiction.
  7. The court can itself raise Issue of jurisdiction suo motu as soon as sufficient facts or materials are available for it to do so.
  8. The Court must first of all be competent, that is have jurisdiction before it can proceed on any adjudication.
  9. It is fruitless venture to decide merit of a case without jurisdiction.
  10. If a Court or tribunal is not competent to entertain matter or claim or suit, it is a waste of valuable time for the court to embark on the hearing and determination of the substantive matter.
  11. It is an exhibition of wisdom to have the issue of jurisdiction or competence determined before embarking on the hearing and determination of substantive matter“.

The Apex Court also went further to state when a Court is competent to exercise jurisdiction on a matter and that includes :

  1. When it is properly constituted as regards  the number  and qualifications of the members of the bench and no member is disqualified for one reason or another
  2. When the subject matter of the case is within the jurisdiction of  the Court  and there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction
  3. When the case comes before the court initiated by due process of law and upon fulfillment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction.

The jurisdiction of any Court is granted aliunde from without and not from within. Courts are creatures of statutes and it is the statute or law creating the court that determines and defines its jurisdiction.  (Quoting the words of Honourable Justice Nweze JSC).

The Jurisdictions of the Courts in Nigeria, especially Courts of records are clearly defined in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, especially as regards courts of records.

A court of law can only have and properly exercise its jurisdiction to hear and to determine a case before it where it is satisfied that:

  1. The proper parties are before the court
  2. The court is properly constituted
  3. The subject matter of the case falls within the subject matter jurisdiction of the Court
  4.  The matter is within the appropriate venue
  5. The originating proceeding and processes are  properly commenced and before the Court both in form and procedure
  6. Any condition precedent for the institution of the matter before the court are duly complied with

CHALLENGING JURISDICTION OF COURT

The Court can suo motu address the issue of jurisdiction at any time and confirm or deny jurisdiction or demand that the parties address the courts on jurisdiction.  A Claimant, petitioner ,complainant ,plaintiff .prosecutor whatever case it may be may at any time withdraw or discontinue the matter before the Court if it find that the Court has no jurisdiction to adjudicate on the matter as it is or as it is constituted . Also a Defendant or respondent may at any time challenge the jurisdiction of the court to hear the matter at any time, even for the first time on appeal and even at the Apex Court even on issues as little as failure to sign am originating process.

The Supreme Court as recently as 2022 held in AYA v. NKANU [1] (2022)11 NWLR  (Pt. 1840 )  page 157 at 184 paras G-A

  per Justice Abba Aji JSC that:

      “ A defect in the competence of a court process is fatal and the proceeding arising there-from is a nullity, no matter how well conducted. It follows, therefore that the present case initiated and commenced by an unsigned writ of summons was not initiated by due process of law and upon fulfilment of all conditions precedents for the exercise of jurisdiction. The issue being one of jurisdiction could be raised at any time, even in the Supreme Court after judgment had been delivered by the Court of first instance .“

In this case, the Respondents instituted against the Appellant at the trial Court. The Respondents writ of summons was however, not signed at all by either the legal practitioner or any of the parties in accordance with the provisions of the law, though signed by the Registrar. The trial Court granted the reliefs of the respondents against the Appellant. On appeal by the Appellant to the Court of Appeal, the judgment of the trial court was upheld and the Appeal of the Appellant was dismissed. , The Appellant was aggrieved and appealed to the Supreme Court.

In resolving the appeal , the Supreme Court considered the provisions of the High Courts of Cross River State Civil Procedure Rules 2008) and held that the filling was incompetent and dead on arrival and that the trial Court and the Court of Appeal proceeded on that invalid and incompetent writ of summons to adjudicate  on the suit. That the concomitant effect was that the instant appeal must be struck out for incompetence and it was accordingly struck out. The whole proceedings from the onset were a nullity.  Time, money and resources wasted.  

The suit leading to the Appeal was filled on 31st day of October 2012, litigation in the matter lasted for over 9years from the date of commencement at the trial Court through the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court. This is one of the shortest time lapse of cases of this nature, probably because of the reforms in the justice system over the years and concerted efforts made to decongest the dockets of the Court of appeal and the Supreme Court to ensure speedy trial of cases. Ordinarily cases can take up to 20 years litigating from the trial Court through the Appeal Court to the trial Court.

This case is a clear demonstration of time, money and resources wasted and all these losses suffered by the plaintiff for the shortcomings and failure of both the Registrar of the trial Court, the Judge of the Trial Court and the respondents and their Counsels. If the Registrar of the trial Court was meticulous and vigilant enough in the performance of his duties, he would have noticed the incompetence in the writs and would have refused to registrar it until it is corrected, thereby safe the wasted 9 years of litigation. The Court has the power to suo motu raised the issue of the non-signing of the writ as it is connected to writ not been properly before the court and hence a matter of jurisdiction, in which case he can ask the litigants to address him on it or decide on it suo motu, thereby safe a wasted 9 years of litigation.  The Respondents and their counsel either did not notice the error or deliberately decided to weaponise it against the claimant and pull it out as an ace at the Supreme Court.

Like in all similar cases, it is the claimant, petitioner or complainant that suffers the most when issue of jurisdiction is not raised timeously. It is the claimant who suffers the bulk of the wasted time, money and resources and not the Court nor the Defendant., the petitioner or the complainant, who even after the wasted cost and time still end up with no result at all. The question is, is this justice? Can these be called substantive justice which should be the ultimate objective of justice system? The answer is  definitely no. Can these also be described as justice seen to have been done to the Claimant? The answer definitely is no. It’s not even justice for the court either, because valuable time, resources and energy of the Courts and judges have been expended and wasted.

It is my humble submission and opinion that the long standing principle under our jurisprudence that the issue of jurisdiction can be raised at any time and even at the Supreme Court for the first time[1][2] is a little bit too harsh, does not truly meet the cause of justice and should be reviewed and restricted only to matters that can occasion miscarriage of justice .

I think it is largely unfair and unjust to a litigant who run to Court for redress to litigate a matter from the trial Court through the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court , for a long number of years, expending time, money, resources , emotions and faith , and have all those wasted because  the Judge who has not just the opportunity to see and identify the issue of jurisdiction  but to also have the power to suo motu raise it and decide on it failed or omitted to do so and  the defendant missed or deliberately  failed to raise it , especially on mundane issues like failure to sign an originating processes.

This explained the dissenting opinion of AGIM JSC.  in Aya v. Nkanu  at page 196-197 paras H-E  , where his lordship held that:

            “ The suit leading to this appeal was filed on 31-10-2012. Litigation in the case has lasted for over 9 years from the date, from the trial court through the Court of appeal to this court. The judgment of the trial court was affirmed by the court of appeal. If the appellant has raised the issue of non –compliance with Order 8 Rule 2(3) of the Cross River State (Civil Procedure) Rules within the time limited by Order II Rule 2(2), it would have been determined in limine before the appellant filed its statement of Defence or at the trial. Without appealing against the holding of the court of that the objection is belatedly made raising it in the court is an abuse of court process. If the objection is upheld it would frustrate the respondent`s 9 years quest for justice in the courts and make a mockery of the courts. It would disrepute the court tio after 9 years of litigating in three courts, to tell the claimant that an originating process they filed 9 years ago is incompetent for non-compliance with Rules of Courts and for that reason all the proceedings and the judgment of the two courts in their favour are nullified. . It is obvious that at this stage the respondents who would have exhausted much of their resources, would have become litigation weary and too exhausted to commence another case. Raising such an issue at this stage smacks of bad faith. To uphold such an objection would elevate technicality over the pursuit of the justice of the case. The appellant should not be allowed to benefit from his failure to comply with Order ii Rule 2(2) in making the objections to the Writ for non –compliance with Order 8 Rule 2(2) of the same Rules.

Sadly the majority decision is the law and the opinion of Justice Agim JSC as laudable as it is still remains an opinion and does not represent the laws as it is today . Jurisprudence in jurisdiction like the United Kingdom and the United State of America reflect a drift from the position of our laws on the issue of challenges to jurisdiction to reflect the position of Justice Agim JSC .

The Honourable Justice Agim, tacitly suggested an ideal solution when he went further at page 195 -196 paras F-D and stated that:

“ The issue of non-signing of the originating summons by the Registrar of the trial court or an officer of the Court duly authorized to sign same is mere lapse on the side of the Registrar of the trial Court. It is non-compliance with the court rules of procedure which regulate the exercise of jurisdiction conferred   on a Court by a statute. It has nothing to do with the jurisdiction of that Court. In cases where the filed originating process was not signed by the officer authorized by the rules to sign and issue it, the originating process remains valid and competent. Such failure to sign the originating process is a mere procedural irregularity. A procedural irregularity should not vitiate a suit once it can be shown that no party suffered miscarriage of justice.“

 This position is similar and following in the line of the position of the law in the United Kingdom and the United State of America on the issue where the point at which the   application to challenges the jurisdiction of the Court is restricted only to non-subject matter jurisdiction and not procedural and other forms of jurisdictions which effects do not likely to occasion miscarriage of justice.

In the United Kingdom , jurisdiction is primarily territorial, meaning courts generally only exercise authority over acts committed within their respective legal systems (England and Wales, Scotland, or Northern Ireland). However, this is supplemented by common law and specific statutes that allow for extra-territorial reach. Jurisdiction is also  includes subject matter jurisdiction, common law baselines for jurisdiction and specific Acts of parliament that create jurisdiction such as the International Criminal Court Act 2001 for genocide.

In the UK justice system, challenging jurisdiction is a formal procedural step where a party disputes the court’s legal authority to hear a case. . For 2025, these challenges are governed primarily by Civil Procedure Rule (CPR) Part 11 and recent legislative updates like the Arbitration Act 2025. The grounds for Challenging Jurisdiction fall into two categories:

  1. Lack of Substantive Jurisdiction: The argument that the court has no legal power over the defendant or the subject matter (e.g., the defendant has no “minimum contacts” or residency in the UK).
  1. Forum Non Conveniens: The court has jurisdiction, but another country’s court is “clearly and distinctly” more appropriate for the trial.
  2. Procedural Irregularity: Challenges based on defective service of the claim form or the expiration of time limits for service.
  3. Exclusive Jurisdiction Clauses: The parties previously agreed in a contract that a different country’s courts would handle disputes. 

Under the UK, Civil Procedure (CPR Part 11), a defendant wishing to challenge jurisdiction must follow a strict timeline to avoid “submitting” to the court’s authority by default: 

  1. Acknowledgment of Service: The defendant must file an Acknowledgment of Service form and specifically tick the box indicating their intention to contest jurisdiction.
  2. 14-Day Deadline: Within 14 days of filing that acknowledgment, the defendant must make a formal application to the court for a declaration that it lacks jurisdiction.

The application must be supported by written evidence, usually a witness statement, outlining why the UK is not the proper forum and crucially, the defendant should not file a defence on the merits of the case before this challenge is resolved, as doing so may be treated as accepting the court’s jurisdiction. 

Arbitration Act 2025 Updates: The Arbitration Act 2025, which came into force in August 2025, changed how jurisdictional challenges work for arbitral awards: 

  • Review, Not Rehearing: If an arbitral tribunal has already ruled on its own jurisdiction and a party participated in that process, any subsequent court challenge under Section 67 is now a “review” of the tribunal’s decision rather than a full new hearing (rehearing).
  • Exceptional Evidence: New evidence or arguments can only be introduced in “exceptional situations” to prevent wasteful repetition of the arbitration proceedings. 

Extradition and “Forum Bar”

In criminal and extradition contexts, a “forum bar” can be raised. This allows a defendant to argue that they should be prosecuted in the UK rather than extradited, provided a “substantial measure” of the alleged criminal activity occurred in the UK. 

As can be seen above, challenging jurisdiction under the UK justice system is not an open ticket as we have in Nigeria. For the purpose of challenging jurisdiction,  jurisdictions are categorized into territorial jurisdiction, subject matter jurisdiction, common law baseline jurisdiction and jurisdictions created by specific Acts. The mode of challenging these jurisdictions are specifically provided, in ways   which are not open ended and mostly within specific time limit otherwise they are taken to have been waived.

Like under the Civil Procedure Rule (CPR) Part 11, the defendant must file an Acknowledgment of Service form and specifically tick the box indicating their intention to contest jurisdiction, and this must be done within 14 days, which is a formal application to the court for a declaration that it lacks jurisdiction, supported by a written witness statement as evidence. The defendant must not file a defenec before bringing the application otherwise it will be taken to have been waived.

The UK Arbitration Act 2025 has an in-built mechanical provision on challenging jurisdiction that restrict the time line for doing so and prevent repetition of Arbitral proceedings, in the sense that a review of a decision on jurisdiction is what is allowed as against a rehearing. In criminal matter , the `Forum Bar ` is a device used to ensure that issue of jurisdiction are discussed and decided once and for all at the beginning of the matter and not left hanging to be raised at any point during the life of the matter .

In the United States justice system, jurisdiction is the legal power of a court to hear a case and render a binding judgment. To exercise this power, a court must satisfy two primary constitutional requirements: Subject Matter Jurisdiction and Personal Jurisdiction. Subject Matter Jurisdictionrefers to a court’s authority to hear the specific type of legal issue in dispute. 

Federal Courts have Limited Jurisdiction in the sense that they can only hear cases specifically authorized by the U.S. Constitution or federal statutes. These generally fall into two categories, federal question which are cases involving the U.S. Constitution, federal laws, or treaties, and diversity of citizenship, which are Civil disputes between citizens of different states where the amount in controversy exceeds $75,000.

State Courts have general jurisdiction. State courts handle the vast majority of cases (over 95%), including family law, contracts, and most criminal matters (e.g., murder, theft).  They are presumed to have power over any claim unless federal law grants exclusive jurisdiction to federal courts (e.g., bankruptcy, patents). 

Personal Jurisdiction (The Power Over the Parties) also known aspersonam jurisdiction. This is the court’s authority over the specific individuals or entities being sued. Personal jurisdiction is typically established if the defendant is a resident of the state, was served with a summons while physically present in the state, or has voluntarily consented to the court’s authority. Under the 14th Amendment, a court cannot bind a defendant unless they have “minimum contacts” with the forum state, ensuring the lawsuit does not offend “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice”.

Under the dual Sovereignty policy, because the U.S. is a federalist system, both the federal government and state governments are considered independent “sovereigns.” A person can be prosecuted by both a state and the federal government for the same act if it violates both sets of laws, without violating the double jeopardy clause.  Often, both state and federal courts have the authority to hear the same case. In these instances, the plaintiff may choose where to file, though the defendant may sometimes “remove” a state case to federal court. While parties can waive (give up) an objection to personal jurisdiction, they cannot waive subject matter jurisdiction. If a court lacks the authority to hear the type of case, it must dismiss it immediately, even if neither party objects. In other words, in the US the court does not only have the power to suo motu to decide on issue of jurisdiction, it is obligated to, it is a must.

In the U.S. justice system, challenging jurisdiction is a critical procedural step handled primarily through Rule 12 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure (and equivalent state rules). These challenges focus on the court’s authority over either the legal topic or the parties involved. 

The major provisions of the Rules as regards challenging jurisdiction are:

1. Core Jurisdictional Defenses (Rule 12(b))

A defendant can move to dismiss a case at the outset based on several jurisdictional   grounds:

  1.  Lack of Subject Matter Jurisdiction (12(b)(1)): Arguing the court does not have the authority to hear this type of case (e.g., a state law claim filed in federal court without a federal question or diversity of citizenship).
  2. Lack of Personal Jurisdiction (12(b)(2): Asserting the court has no power over the defendant specifically, often because the defendant lacks “minimum contacts” with the state where the court sits.
  3.  ImproperVenue (12(b) (3): Arguing that while the court might have power, it is the wrong geographical location for the trial.
  4. Insufficiencyof Process or Service (12(b)(4)-(5): Challenging the technical form of the summons or the method by which it was delivered

2. The Principle of Waiver (Rule 12(h)  : One of the most rigid aspects of the U.S.    

system is the requirement to raise certain defenses immediately or lose them forever:

  • Waivable Defenses: Objections to personal jurisdiction, venue, and service of process MUST be raised in the very first filing (either a pre-answer motion or the formal answer). If a defendant engages in the merits of the case (like filing a counterclaim) before objecting, these defenses are generally waived.
  • Non-Waivable Defense: A challenge to subject matter jurisdiction can be raised at any time—even after a trial has ended or during an appeal. If a court discovers it lacks subject matter jurisdiction, it must dismiss the case sua sponte (on its own). 

   3. Procedures for 2025

       For cases in 2025, several practical standards apply:

  • 21-Day Deadline: In federal court, a defendant typically has 21 days after service to either file an answer or a Rule 12 motion to dismiss.
  • Special vs. General Appearances: Modern federal rules have largely abolished the old distinction between “special” and “general” appearances. Simply appearing in court no longer automatically waives jurisdiction, provided the objection is included in the first responsive pleading.
  • Factual vs. Facial Challenges: Defendants can make a “facial” challenge (arguing the complaint’s allegations don’t support jurisdiction) or a “factual” challenge (introducing outside evidence to prove the court lacks authority). 

In summary, under the US justice system like the UK system,  challenges to jurisdiction is not an open ended ticket that  can be used at will, and any time even for the first time at the apex court. The Courts do not only have the power to suo motu raise and decide issue of jurisdiction, they are under obligation to do so. For the purpose of challenging jurisdiction, defenses are classified into waivable and non waivable defenses. The challenges to personal, venue and service of processes jurisdiction are waivable, they must be raised at the very first filling, otherwise if the defendant engages in any merit of the case without objecting the challenge to jurisdiction is deemed waived

It is only in cases of challenges to subject matter jurisdiction that the challenge is not waivable and can be raised at any time even after the decision has been given and even at appeal. But unlike in the case of Nigeria, there are still checks to the ticket. For example.  In federal court, a defendant typically has 21 days after service to either file an answer or a Rule 12 motion to dismiss. Also under the modern US Federal law, unless an objection is raised in the first responsive pleading, appearance in court will operate as a waiver of the challenge to jurisdiction. And unlike under the Nigeria justice system, challenges to jurisdiction can be made orally or factually introducing outside evidence.

It seems obvious and clear that the world has moved away from the strict traditional position where the issue or defence of the court lacking in jurisdiction is been allowed to linger on and hanging from the trial court and allowed to be raised even for the first at the Supreme Court with its attendance miscarriage of justice is no more fashionable, and it is high time we amend our rules and laws to reflect the global trend in the matter.

It is my humble submission and suggestion that:

  1. the rules of court especially courts of first instances, should provide that matters of the jurisdiction of the court must be settled by all  parties before the court and the court must issue a certificate of clearance on it if it is settled and resolved that the court has jurisdiction, and that will and should put to rest the issue of jurisdiction in the matter. This should be a baseline procedure.
    1. Just like under the US justice system, personal, venue , originating process and service of process based jurisdiction should be waivable and treated as minor procedural irregularities
    1. The National Judicial Council and the Rules of Courts as well as the laws of courts should not only give judges the powers to suo motu raised the issue of jurisdiction but must also make it obligatory ,before they can take any step in the matter .  

OSEINI WALE BAMIGBAIYE ESQ. Acis. AciArb

Principal partner

Corporate Legal Consulting

[email protected]. +2347069765970


[1] (2022) 15 NWLR Pt. 1853,

[2] Ibrahim v.Sarham (2024) 4 nwlr (Pt. 1927) Page 1 at 50 paras E-F

At last Sunday Jackson is free as Adamawa governor grants him pardon!

Despite his claims of clear self-defence, Jackson was handed a death sentence and later transferred to the Kuje Medium Security Custodial Centre, Abuja.

Adamawa State Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri on Tuesday granted a Christmas pardon to Sunday Jackson, the farmer who was controversially sentenced to death after killing a herder while defending himself during an attack on his farm.

Jackson, whose case had sparked outrage among human rights activists and farming communities, was convicted after a violent confrontation in which he was reportedly attacked by a herder on his farmland. 

Despite claims of clear self-defence, Jackson was handed a death sentence and later transferred to the Kuje Medium Security Custodial Centre, Abuja.

For years, his case stood as a chilling symbol of what critics described as the criminalisation of farmers who fall victim to attacks while protecting their lives and livelihoods.

That chapter closed on Tuesday.

Governor Fintiri, exercising his constitutional prerogative of mercy, granted Jackson a full pardon as part of Christmas and New Year’s Day celebrations, effectively ending what many had described as a grave miscarriage of justice.

The decision immediately sparked relief and celebration across Adamawa, particularly among rural farmers who saw Jackson’s conviction as a warning that self-defence could cost them their lives.

The governor said the pardon followed recommendations from the Adamawa State Advisory Council on the Prerogative of Mercy and was informed by Jackson’s conduct while in custody.

Governor Fintiri said the inmates had demonstrated significant improvement in their behaviour and conduct.

“Therefore, in the exercise of my prerogative of mercy as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and in line with the recommendations of the Adamawa State Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy, I have granted pardon to three persons and directed the remission of the reminder of the sentences of five others who have served various jail terms and have significantly demonstrated good conduct over the years,” he said.

Though the government statement avoided revisiting the facts of the case, rights advocates insist the pardon amounts to a quiet acknowledgement that Jackson should never have been sentenced to death in the first place.

Alongside Jackson, two other inmates were also pardoned, while five others had their sentences fully remitted. But it was Jackson’s freedom that dominated conversations across the state.

The dangers of legalising civilian dictatorship

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

In 1999, Nigerians rejoiced at the seeming exit of the military from power, after annulling and desecrating all our democratic institutions for years. But when General Olusegun Obasanjo, a retired military officer, emerged as the winner of the presidential election, we all waited with bated breath on the fate of democracy under such a setting. We didn’t have to wait too long though, as all subsequent elections became a do-or-die affair and those who were trusted with power became so drunk with it that they were plotting to extend even their second tenure. Things have never been the same ever since and all that we now see are snippets of that infamous era.

The military has not really relinquished power; they are in the National Assembly, they form the shadow government of every regime in power, they have cornered all the important contracts, they influence government policies and decisions, they sit on the board of many private companies, they own land in the choicest locations across the country and they are politically very active. President Umaru Yar’Adua who emerged as the next civilian president did not stay long in office and even the one chosen to conclude his tenure was eventually chased out of office for another military general to cling to power. What do the military want from Nigeria? Obasanjo served his term as Nigeria’s Head of State to the fullest, came back as President and also served his two terms. Buhari took over the reins of power as Head of State and like Obasanjo, he returned as President and served his uneventful two terms. Against all odds, a civilian democrat emerged President in 2023 with the mantra of Renewed Hope Agenda.

This new President had been in the trenches as he was instrumental in the exit of the military, in a way. He was an activist and a federalist so that you didn’t need to campaign for him on the values of democracy, devolution of powers, state police, good governance and true federalism, with him in charge as President. You would almost go to sleep with your two eyes closed, hoping to wake up with a truly restructured Nigeria.

In March 2025, a civilian coup was imposed upon the people of Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole, when the activist President unilaterally declared a state of emergency on the State, suspended democratically elected officials of the state, including the governor, the deputy-governor and all members of the State House of Assembly. A retired military officer was imposed as the sole administrator. This didn’t come so much as a surprise, given the ambition of the President to remain in office by all means possible. Rivers State was too precious to toy with for both its economic and electoral values. A lot had changed from the days of the President’s activism, as a member of the dreaded National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), a campaigner for fiscal federalism, resource control and the rule of law. The only option left for the people was to run to the last hope of the common man, the judiciary. Several cases were filed in court, especially in Port-Harcourt, but they were all transferred to Abuja in very controversial circumstances, leading to strident protests by some of the plaintiffs in those cases.

Eventually, all the cases were thrown out on technical grounds of lack of locus standi, absence of jurisdiction, etc. But there was one of the cases pending before the Supreme Court, begging for a definitive judicial pronouncement on the issue of state of emergency. Although the case was filed early enough, it took Nigerians practically crawling on their bent knees for it to be fixed for hearing. And this was after the sole administrator had conveniently concluded his presidential assignment in the oil-rich state. Eventually, the Supreme Court delivered its judgment in the case last week, declining jurisdiction to entertain the case filed by eleven States of the Federation.

“Jurisdiction is the lifeblood of adjudication. It is the authority conferred on a court to hear and determine a matter, and without it, any proceedings conducted or judgment delivered are a nullity, no matter how well reasoned. In determining whether it has jurisdiction, the Court is guided strictly by the Plaintiffs’ originating processes, particularly the originating summons and supporting affidavits, since it is the Plaintiffs’ claim that defines the scope of the Court’s jurisdiction. Section 232(1) of the Constitution confers original jurisdiction on this Court in disputes between the Federation and a State or between States, provided the dispute involves a question on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends…

Upon a careful examination of the Plaintiffs’ questions and reliefs, it is clear that their grievance arose principally from the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, the suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor and House of Assembly of that State, and the appointment of a Sole Administrator. However, none of the Plaintiffs represents Rivers State, and neither did they establish any authority to litigate on its behalf was there any deposition showing that a state of emergency had been declared in any of the Plaintiffs’ States. The Plaintiffs also relied on an alleged statement made by the Attorney-General of the Federation during a media briefing, which they construed as a threat to their respective States.

Such a statement, standing alone, cannot constitute an actionable conduct of the Federation itself for the purpose of invoking Section 232(1). Complaints directed against individual officials or functionaries of the Federal Government, even when acting in their official capacities, do not amount to disputes between the Federation and a State within the contemplation of the Constitution. In the circumstances, the Plaintiffs failed to disclose any reasonable or justiciable dispute between them and the Federation capable of invoking the original jurisdiction of this Court. The absence of a competent cause of action is fatal and deprives this Court of jurisdiction. Consequently, the suit is incompetent and must be struck out.”

The matter should have ended at this point, as the absence of jurisdiction deprives the court of the power of further judicial intervention in the case. In my humble view, the ugly example of the state of emergency in Rivers State was enough cause of action for any other State that seeks protection from the Court, from arbitrariness and dictatorship of the civilian. Since the President did not consult with or seek the consent of the people of Rivers State before making the declaration, any State within the Federation should possess the requisite locus standi to seek a judicial determination of section 305. To my mind, the ugly precedent already laid in Rivers State serves enough caution to all other States of the Federation. After declining jurisdiction, the Supreme Court then went into what it termed a ‘considered discussion’ of section 305 in respect of the scope and exercise of the powers conferred on the President when declaring a state of emergency. Let us hear the Apex Court.

“The Nigerian Constitution adopts a markedly different approach. Section 305 authorizes the President to proclaim a state of emergency under specific conditions, including war, imminent danger of invasion, actual or threatened breakdown of public order and safety, or other public danger threatening the existence of the Federation. However, unlike the Constitutions of India and Pakistan, Section 305 of the Nigerian Constitution does not expressly confer power on the President to assume or temporarily displace the executive or legislative institutions of a State. This omission is deliberate and reflects Nigeria’s constitutional commitment to federalism and the autonomy of State governments.

In interpreting Section 305, this Court is guided by settled principles of constitutional interpretation as restated in the cases of SKYE BANK PLC VS. IWU (2017) LPELR-42595 (SC); NAFIU RABIU VS. STATE (1980) 8 9 SC 130; A. G. FEDERATION VS. ABUBAKAR (2007) 10 NWLR (PT. 1041) 1 and SARAKI VS. F. R. N. (2016) 3 NWLR (PT. 1500) 531. Applying these principles, Section 305 of the Nigerian Constitution is clear in its grant of power to proclaim a state of emergency but silent on the precise content of the “extraordinary measures” that may follow.

This silence is intentional. Emergencies are inherently situational, varying in scope, intensity, and threat. The Constitution therefore entrusts the President with discretion to determine the measures required to restore peace and security, subject always to constitutional limits, proportionality, legislative oversight, and judicial review.”

The ‘considered discussions’ embarked upon by the Court invariably cemented the discretionary powers of the President in relation to declaration of a state of emergency, if one is not permitted to interpret the reasonings and conclusions of the Court as encouraging these arbitrary powers. Curiously, the Court did not review or discuss the facts and circumstances that the President claimed to have actuated the capricious exercise of power, whether there was sufficient threat of war, an outbreak of any natural disaster of such magnitude as to prevent governance or whether the events in Rivers State at the time qualify for such declaration.

Contrasting the cases of Plateau, Ekiti, Adamawa and Yobe States landed the court on the proverbial fence, trying to maintain judicial neutrality in the face of a monumental constitutional aberration. In that flowery sophistry that characterised the decision of the Supreme Court on this national embarrassment, it unconsciously rubber-stamped the decision of the President, leaving him even with wider discretion to repeat the anomaly and with guidelines on how to perfect it. We all live in very troubled times. One day, like a movie, a President woke up and decided to remove the Chief Justice of Nigeria through an ex parte application filed at the Code of Conduct Bureau and proceeded to swear in another Justice of the Supreme Court in his place.

The judiciary danced around it until it became too academic to decide the point, whilst the Acting CJN was confirmed and served out his tenure. Another President has suspended a Governor, his deputy and all members of the House of Assembly of a State. The judiciary kept blowing the smoke until the fire in the case was completely extinguished and the sole administrator served out his controversial tenure. The Supreme Court concluded this matter in the following words. Please read between the lines and make your own meaning out of them.

“Nevertheless, the President’s discretion under Section 305 is not unfettered. Emergency measures must be temporary, corrective, and proportionate. They must be directed towards restoring constitutional governance, not extinguishing it. Any permanent displacement or abrogation of democratically elected institutions would constitute a constitutional aberration. Outside a validly declared state of emergency, the President possesses no power whatsoever to interfere with State executive or legislative institutions.”

TIPS