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Rule of Law on Trial: NBA seeks probe after Kwankwaso’s explosive election remarks

Nigeria’s legal community is pushing for a criminal investigation after explosive claims by a senior opposition figure suggested behind-the-scenes access to Supreme Court justices during a contested election.

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) says it will petition the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies over comments by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, national leader of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), which legal observers say imply interference in the judicial process.

Kwankwaso, a former Kano State governor, recently told supporters that during the 2019 Kano governorship election dispute, he personally took Abba Yusuf—now the state’s governor—to meet Supreme Court justices after the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared the election inconclusive.

The Supreme Court later ruled in favour of then-Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), dismissing Yusuf’s petition.

Kwankwaso revisited the episode while addressing supporters following Yusuf’s recent defection from the NNPP to the APC, framing the 2019 election as a grave injustice and describing what he said were extraordinary efforts to salvage Yusuf’s mandate.

Retired Justices Push Back

Two retired justices of Nigeria’s Supreme Court have since issued categorical denials.

Hon. Justice Musa Muhammad Dattijo, who retired in October 2023, said he never met Kwankwaso or Yusuf at any time while serving on the apex court.

“I speak only for myself,” Dattijo said in a statement released through Law & Society Magazine. “At no time did I meet Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso or Governor Abba Yusuf, whether in connection with the election or any other matter.”

He challenged Kwankwaso to provide specific details of the alleged visits—dates, locations, and the names of justices involved—warning that broad, unsubstantiated claims risk damaging the reputations of judicial officers who may have had no involvement whatsoever.

Dattijo cautioned politicians against dragging judges into partisan disputes, noting that such rhetoric fuels public cynicism toward the courts.

“Judicial accountability must be pursued through evidence and due process,” he said, “not sweeping political narratives.”

Another retired justice, Hon. Justice Ejembi Eko, issued an even sharper rebuttal, describing Kwankwaso’s claim—as it relates to him—as “false and preposterous.”

“I have never, in my lifetime, met either Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso or Abba Yusuf anywhere,” Eko said. “I have never had any form of contact with either of these two characters.”

Justice Eko, who retired in May 2022, said he did not sit on any Supreme Court panel that heard appeals arising from the 2019 Kano governorship dispute.

Call for Criminal Investigation

Beyond denying the allegation, Justice Eko called on the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation, INEC, and security agencies to investigate what he described as a potentially self-incriminating confession.

“If true, the claim would amount to an attempt to pervert the course of justice,” he said, adding that he was prepared to cooperate fully with any investigation.

NBA Steps In

Reacting to the controversy, the NBA said its National Executive Council (NEC) deliberated on the remarks after they generated widespread public attention.

In a statement shared by Etaba Agbor, secretary of the NBA Young Lawyers’ Forum, the association said claims suggesting improper access to judicial officers—whether explicit or implied—are capable of undermining public confidence in the judiciary and Nigeria’s electoral justice system.

The NBA said its planned petition would not be limited to Kwankwaso alone but would cover any individual who has made statements or admissions implying undue influence over judicial decision-making.

“The objective is not to presume guilt,” the association said, “but to ensure that allegations of this gravity are subjected to thorough, impartial, and professional investigation.”

The NEC mandated the NBA’s national leadership to formally petition the police and other relevant agencies, stressing that false claims of judicial interference are “dangerous and corrosive to constitutional democracy,” while insisting that proven misconduct must attract accountability under the law.

High Stakes for Nigeria’s Democracy

The controversy comes amid political upheaval in Kano following Yusuf’s defection to the APC and renewed scrutiny of Nigeria’s electoral justice system, long criticised for politicisation and inconsistent rulings.

With two retired Supreme Court justices now publicly distancing themselves from Kwankwaso’s claims, pressure is mounting on authorities to determine whether the remarks were reckless political rhetoric—or an admission warranting criminal investigation.

Few allegations cut deeper in a constitutional democracy than claims that the country’s highest court was lobbied behind closed doors.

Teen raped in Enugu as police arrest 59-year-old Chinese over alleged rape of Ogun woman

Photo Credit: Debonair Nestory -www.pexels.com

While the Enugu State Police Command has arraigned a 42-year-old man, Edwin Eze, before a magistrate’s court over the alleged rape of a 13-year-old girl in Mburubu community, Nkanu East Local Government Area of the state, a  59-year-old Chinese national has been arrested for allegedly raping a woman at a quarry site in the Kobape area of Ogun State.

The arraignment comes as the Enugu State Government reaffirmed its determination to intensify the crackdown on child molesters, restating the administration of Governor Peter Mbah’s zero tolerance for child abuse, sexual violence, and all forms of abuse against women.

Eze was brought before Magistrate Chijioke Idu of the Enugu East Magistrate Court on Monday. According to the charge marked CMG/69c/2026, the police accused the defendant of unlawfully having carnal knowledge of a minor, an offence punishable under the laws of Enugu State.

The charge alleged that Eze committed the offence in November 2025 at about 6:00 p.m. in Amanato, Mburubu community, where he allegedly inserted his penis into the victim’s vagina without her consent. The offence, the police said, contravenes Section 3(1)(a) and is punishable under Section 4(1)(a) of the Enugu State Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Law No. 2 of 2019.

Magistrate Idu adjourned the case to February 12, 2026, and ordered that the accused be remanded at the Enugu Correctional Centre pending further proceedings.

Reacting to the development, the Enugu State Commissioner for Children, Gender Affairs and Social Development, Mrs. Ngozi Enih, vowed that perpetrators of child abuse would not escape justice.

She described the case as another demonstration of the government’s commitment to protecting children and women, stressing that the state would pursue the matter to its logical conclusion in line with Governor Mbah’s zero-tolerance policy.

PUNCH Metro gathered on Wednesday that the Ogun State incident occurred on January 25, 2026, at the facility located within the area.

A senior security officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media, said the suspect was apprehended following a complaint by the victim.

“A 59-year-old Chinese national was arrested following an allegation of indecent assault at a quarry in the Kobape area of the state,” the source said.

“The suspect was promptly taken into custody, and the case has since been transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department, Eleweran, for a detailed investigation.”

Confirming the development, the Ogun State Police Public Relations Officer, Babaseyi Oluseyi, said the command had commenced a full investigation into the allegation.

“Investigation is ongoing,” Oluseyi said.

The arrest comes amid renewed concerns over criminal allegations involving foreign nationals in the country.

In July 2025, PUNCH Metro reported that operatives of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency arrested a Chinese national, Liang Tak You, at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, with 50 parcels of “Loud”, a synthetic strain of cannabis, after arriving from Bangkok, Thailand.

‘They Surrounded Us and Opened Fire’: Kwara terror attack exposes intelligence lapses

Nigeria’s spiralling security crisis deepened this week after suspected jihadist fighters massacred residents of two rural communities in Kwara State, killing more than 160 people in one of the deadliest attacks recorded this year and intensifying pressure on President Bola Tinubu’s administration to confront growing insurgent threats beyond the country’s traditional conflict zones.

The coordinated assault struck Woro and neighbouring Nuku in Kaiama Local Government Area on Tuesday evening, near the edge of Kainji National Park—a vast forest corridor increasingly exploited by armed groups. Gunmen reportedly arrived on motorcycles, surrounded the villages, and unleashed hours of sustained violence marked by executions, arson, and abductions.

While the Kwara State government initially confirmed 75 fatalities, lawmakers, residents, and rights groups say the toll is far higher. Amnesty International put the death count at more than 170, while Mohammed Omar Bio, a member of parliament representing the area, told the Associated Press that at least 162 people had been killed by Wednesday afternoon.

“This was not a random attack—it was systematic,” Bio said. “Entire families were wiped out.”

‘They Shot Anyone Who Tried to Escape’

Survivors described a meticulously planned operation that began around 5:00 p.m. and continued into the early hours of Wednesday.

“They surrounded the community completely and started shooting from all directions,” said Ali Umar, a younger brother of Woro’s traditional ruler. “Anyone who tried to escape was killed.”

Those who surrendered, he added, were rounded up, tied, and shot near the palace of the district head. The attackers abducted women and children, including the wife, mother, and three children of the traditional ruler. The ruler himself remains missing.

Homes, shops, and the district palace were burned. A vehicle belonging to the district head was reportedly seized and used to transport abductees into the forest.

By Wednesday night, hundreds of displaced residents were still hiding in surrounding bushland, many wounded and without access to medical care.

Warnings That Went Unheeded

Community leaders say the massacre followed months of ignored intelligence.

According to a senior member of the Kwara Emirate Council, the militants—believed to be Lakurawa fighters affiliated with Islamic State’s Sahel Province—had earlier sent letters to local leaders announcing plans to “preach” extremist ideology in the area.

The letters were reportedly forwarded to authorities in Ilorin, prompting a brief military deployment that was later withdrawn when no immediate attack occurred.

“They even preached in a neighbouring village weeks ago and warned of future attacks,” the leader said. “Then they came back with guns.”

Residents told Reuters the attackers demanded that villagers renounce allegiance to the Nigerian state and submit to extremist rule. When locals resisted during a sermon, the militants opened fire.

Human rights groups say the attack highlights a recurring pattern: early warnings, slow response, and catastrophic consequences.

Governor Orders Emergency Relief, Deployments Intensify

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq visited Kaiama in the early hours of Thursday, arriving around 2 a.m. to assess the devastation firsthand. He commiserated with survivors, the Emir of Kaiama, Alhaji Muazu Sheu Omar, and families of the victims.

Following the visit, the governor directed the Kwara State Emergency Management Agency (KWASEMA) to immediately mobilise relief materials, medical assistance, and humanitarian support for displaced residents.

“The injured have been taken to hospitals, and support is being activated for affected families,” AbdulRazaq said, condemning the killings as “a cowardly expression of frustration by terrorist cells under pressure.”

He confirmed that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had approved the deployment of a full army battalion to the area under a new counteroffensive dubbed Operation Savannah Shield.

Abuja Under Pressure

Despite the reinforcements, the scale of the massacre has reignited public anger over the federal government’s handling of Nigeria’s widening security crisis.

Critics say repeated claims by Abuja that insurgents are being “degraded” stand in stark contrast to the reality on the ground, where armed groups continue to overrun communities, exploit forest sanctuaries, and carry out mass killings with impunity.

Amnesty International described the attack as “a damning indictment of Nigeria’s security architecture,” noting that warning signs had existed for more than five months.

“This did not happen in a vacuum,” the group said. “Failure to act on intelligence cost lives.”

The Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Yakubu Danladi-Salihu, called for intensified military operations along the Niger border, warning that as pressure mounts elsewhere, armed groups are pushing into new territories.

A Conflict Spreading Southward

Security analysts warn that the violence in Kwara signals a dangerous geographic expansion of jihadist activity into Nigeria’s north-central region, long considered a buffer between the insurgency-ravaged north and the south.

The Lakurawa group, an offshoot of Islamic State networks in the Sahel, has grown increasingly active since political instability in neighbouring Niger following the 2023 military coup.

Nigeria is already battling multiple, overlapping crises: Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgencies in the northeast, banditry and kidnappings in the northwest, and communal violence in central states.

As mass graves are dug in Woro and Nuku, many Nigerians are asking the same question: how many warnings, deployments, and promises will it take before communities are no longer left to face terror alone?

Oshiomhole: From radical to rascal

By Abimbola Adelakun

What struck me about the recent viral video of Adams Oshiomhole caressing the feet of a young woman on a chartered jet is that this man still dons an outfit reminiscent of his radical socialist days. As a labour leader, he wore khaki as a sartorial expression of repudiating capitalist excess, a symbol of his identification with the working class, and to present a nonconformist image. When he became a senator, he said he switched to safari suits to comply with the National Assembly’s fashion codes. Notably, he did not start wearing flowing, flamboyant agbada like some of his peers. But looking at him on that private jet, it is almost amusing that he has largely maintained the austere appearance that purportedly eschews materialism while sitting inside a visible symbol of elite privilege. The circus is long over, but this clown will not give up his motley.

Now, it is understandable why Oshiomhole could confidently state during a recent television interview that the country was doing much better than before. He even added, “There are Nigerians now who are saying food is becoming too cheap. I even heard some opposition members saying the President is manipulating food prices to crash. So, they are angry that the food prices are down.” That is how entirely lapsed Oshiomhole has become. The old radical genuinely has no clue what the reality of the average Nigerian looks like anymore, so he makes up for the gaps in his knowledge either through his wild imagination or with the rumours conveyed to him by obsequious associates. Nothing says he is out of touch with reality than his own confession, “I even heard….” Whether it is true or not doesn’t matter. He heard what he wanted to hear so that he could enter the chartered jet with his sugar baby with his conscience completely cleared.

Things were not this bad in 2014 when Oshiomhole railed against then-President Goodluck Jonathan for failing the country.  The country had not bled this dry in 2015 when he was all over the place, crying that Nigeria was broke because some people stole so much under the PDP. He and his friends have been in power since he made that assertion more than a decade ago, so why is Nigeria still so broke? It is funny how that same Oshiomhole railed against the PDP for “almost turning Nigeria to a one-party state”. In a 2018 interview, he said, “If you wanted to be politically involved and active, and you wanted to seek election regardless of your individual views and conviction, the only business in town was to join PDP.” He added that the NLC under his leadership was the unofficial opposition, the “only credible voice” that could question the government when everyone else had been bought over. So, where is the same Oshiomhole now that his party is doing the very same thing, he claimed God saved Nigeria from in the hands of the PDP? When he was interviewed last year about the spate of defections to the APC and the possibility of a one-party state, the old rascal said it did not matter and was, in fact, a pleasant development.

Oshiomhole is not the only ex-activist who has become a parable of what men become when they purport to speak the truth, but their hearts do not join their mouths. There is also Reno Omokri, who has been (unfortunately for him) put on trial in the ongoing case of Omoyele Sowore vs the DSS. Omokri, who had in the past called Bola Tinubu several uncomplimentary names, now disgraces himself trying to extricate himself from his own words. In his self-defence, Omokri admitted that he made some “uncomplimentary remarks about the then presidential candidate of the APC, while believing those comments to be true at the time I uttered them”. He said he later discovered the statements were untrue and he publicly withdrew them in writing and on video at various times and through multiple platforms. According to him, his change of heart came when “the honourable court declared that there were no criminal charges or convictions against the President”. He added, “I flew into Nigeria from my home in California, and apologised to him in person, prostrating flat on the ground.”

 If one were not privy to his antecedents, one would be forgiven for thinking he backtracked on his accusations of Tinubu when a Nigerian court cleared him of wrongdoing.Related News

But his case against Tinubu was not predicated on Nigerian courts but on the records in the USA that tie him to drug runners. Omokri did not call Tinubu a “drug lord” because he had a case in a Nigerian court, but because of his record as a bag man for his associates who run the business. On television, Omokri read out a document showing that Tinubu had once forfeited $460,000 linked to drug dealings to the USA. Omokri also forgot that he led the #HarassTinubuOutofLondon protest in December 2022 when Tinubu went to the UK to discuss his manifesto at the Chatham House. He stood outside the place with protesters and shouted, “Tinubu, ole!” Nobody prompted him before he carried himself to Chicago State University on a fact-finding mission about Tinubu. He mocked Tinubu’s health, old age, health condition, shady past, and even ethno-religious alliances, only to turn around and state that a court judgment disabused his mind about Tinubu’s character. What kind of human being would go to that extent on a matter he did not know to be true? I am sincerely amused by his own admission that he travelled to Nigeria to prostrate flat on the ground before Tinubu. That one must have looked at him while flat on the ground with amusement. Here is another one who cannot maintain the courage of his supposed conviction.

To be sure, people change their ideological stances all the time. When American conservative writer and activist David Horowitz died last year, I was surprised to learn that he had once been a radical socialist and had even supported the Black Panther movement. There are some other similar examples. Ideological crossovers or even a change of mind are not novel. What is striking about these folks is how cheaply they defected, as if they never believed in anything they said and only said it because they needed a crucible to forge their path into national limelight.

Update:

Last week, I wrote about my disappointment in Lagos State regarding how they pursued (or failed to pursue) their appeal against Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, the alleged killer of Mrs Kudirat Abiola. Given the scale of their institutional resources, I believe Lagos State could have done more to fight for Mrs Abiola as well as other victims (or almost victims) of the infamous Sani Abacha junta. But they failed to do right by them. June 12 has served them, and now that they have what they have always wanted, they discarded it. I have since learned that Barrister Femi Falana will, thankfully, be pressing for the prosecution of Sergeant Rogers and his accomplices. It was a relief for me to learn that, in this society where men are easily seduced into contradicting their own righteous stances, someone is determined to persist in the quest for justice. Like I said last week, whether the case is won or not, we mustn’t be seen as giving up in the quest for justice without exhausting our options.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Spain moves to ban social media for children under 16, targets tech executives

Spain is preparing to bar children under the age of 16 from accessing social media platforms, as Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez unveiled sweeping digital safety measures aimed at what he called the “digital Wild West.”

Speaking on Tuesday, February 3, 2026, at the World Government Summit in Dubai, Sánchez said social media companies operating in Spain would be required to implement robust age-verification systems, warning that simple self-declaration checkboxes would no longer be acceptable.

“Our children are exposed to a space they were never meant to navigate alone,” Sánchez said. “We will no longer accept that.”

The announcement places Spain at the forefront of a growing global push to curb children’s access to social media amid rising concerns over online harm, addiction, hate speech, pornography, and disinformation. Sánchez urged other European governments to follow suit, calling for coordinated cross-border regulation.

“We will protect them from the digital Wild West,” he said.

Europe’s ‘Digitally Willing’ Coalition

Sánchez revealed that Spain has joined what he described as the “Coalition of the Digitally Willing,” a bloc of five European countries seeking to harmonise enforcement of online safety laws. While he declined to name the other members, he said the group would hold its first formal meeting in the coming days.

As part of the initiative, Spain will introduce legislation next week to hold social media executives personally accountable for illegal and hate-speech content on their platforms. The bill would also criminalise algorithmic manipulation and the amplification of unlawful content.

Among the proposed measures is a national system to monitor hate speech online, alongside mandatory age-verification mechanisms designed to be both effective and privacy-preserving.

Sánchez added that Spanish prosecutors are already exploring potential legal infractions involving major platforms, including Elon Musk’s Grok, TikTok, and Instagram.

Australia Sets the Pace

Spain’s move follows Australia’s landmark decision in December 2025 to ban children under 16 from using social media—the first such nationwide prohibition in the world.

Australia’s Senate passed the legislation by a vote of 34 to 19, following overwhelming approval in the House of Representatives. The law empowers regulators to fine platforms such as TikTok, Facebook, Snapchat, Reddit, X, and Instagram up to 50 million Australian dollars if they fail to prevent under-16s from creating accounts.

Under the Australian framework, companies will have one year to develop and deploy enforcement mechanisms before penalties take effect. Amendments to the law also prohibit platforms from demanding government-issued identification, bolstering privacy protections for users.

While the ban enjoys bipartisan political support, critics—including child welfare advocates and mental health professionals—warn it could have unintended consequences.

Senator David Shoebridge of the Greens cautioned that vulnerable children who rely on online communities for support could be isolated. “We must be careful not to sever lifelines while trying to build guardrails,” he said.

Opposition Senator Maria Kovacic defended the law, arguing that social media companies have long failed to act responsibly.

“This legislation demands that platforms take reasonable steps to remove underage users,” she said. “That responsibility has been ignored for far too long in favour of profit.”

A Legal Reckoning for Big Tech

The policy momentum in Europe and Australia comes as social media companies face mounting legal pressure in the United States.

Earlier this year, Snapchat confirmed it reached a settlement to avoid a civil trial in Los Angeles, accusing the platform—alongside Meta, TikTok, and YouTube—of deliberately addicting young users. Details of the settlement were not disclosed.

The case was being closely watched as a potential bellwether for dozens of similar lawsuits nationwide, many coordinated by the Social Media Victims Law Centre. Other cases are proceeding through federal courts in California and state courts across the country.

Social media firms argue they are shielded by U.S. law from liability for user-generated content. Plaintiffs, however, contend that the platforms’ algorithm-driven business models are designed to maximise engagement at the expense of young users’ mental health.

The lawsuits allege links between social media use and depression, eating disorders, psychiatric hospitalisation, and suicide among teenagers.

A jury trial scheduled to begin in Los Angeles in early February is expected to scrutinise whether platform algorithms contributed to severe mental health harm suffered by a 19-year-old woman. Executives, including Snap CEO Evan Spiegel and Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg, were slated to testify.

“Platform owners cannot continue to deny responsibility for how their products are designed and used,” a spokesperson for the law centre said. “The dangers are real, and the harm is measurable.”

A Global Turning Point

As governments tighten regulations and courts weigh accountability, Spain’s proposed ban signals a broader shift in how democracies are responding to the power of social media over young lives.

Whether the measures will protect children—or push them toward darker corners of the internet—remains fiercely contested. What is clear is that the era of light-touch regulation is rapidly coming to an end.

Judge fired for refusing child marriage—His stand changed the law forever

Fifty-one-year-old County Judge Robert Henderson refused to perform a marriage ceremony between fourteen-year-old Lucy Martin and thirty-eight-year-old widower Thomas Crawford on August 12, 1925, in rural Tennessee, and Judge Henderson told the families “I will not participate in the legal sale of a child, regardless of parental consent or community tradition,” and Judge Henderson’s refusal sparked outrage in the community that eventually cost him his elected position, but during his final two years as judge Henderson refused to perform seventeen child marriage ceremonies and used his authority to delay or block dozens more, and Henderson spent those two years giving speeches about raising the minimum marriage age and advocating for child protection laws, and though Henderson lost his judgeship in 1927 he helped inspire Tennessee’s 1933 law raising the minimum marriage age to sixteen, a law that protected thousands of girls from being married as children.

Judge Henderson had been performing marriage ceremonies for twenty-three years when the Crawford-Martin marriage request came to his office. Henderson had performed several marriages involving young brides before—it was common in rural Tennessee for girls as young as twelve to be married to much older men—but something about this particular case bothered Henderson. He asked to speak with Lucy Martin privately. Lucy’s father objected, saying a judge had no right to question family decisions, but Henderson insisted, using his judicial authority to require a private interview with the prospective bride.

In his private office, Henderson asked Lucy simple questions: Did she want to marry Mr. Crawford? Did she understand what marriage meant? What did she want to do with her life? Lucy’s answers shook Henderson to his core—she said she didn’t want to marry Thomas Crawford, that he scared her, that she wanted to finish school and become a teacher. Still, her father had arranged the marriage because Crawford had money and Lucy’s family was poor, and Lucy had been told she had no choice, that this was what daughters did for their families. Lucy was crying as she told Judge Henderson this, and she begged him “Please don’t make me marry him, I’m only fourteen, I’m still a child.”

Judge Henderson made his decision in that moment—he would not perform this marriage ceremony, would not use his judicial authority to legally bind a fourteen-year-old child to a man nearly three times her age, regardless of consequences. Henderson returned to his courtroom where Lucy’s father and Thomas Crawford were waiting with the marriage license and witnesses, and Henderson announced “I am refusing to perform this ceremony. Miss Martin is fourteen years old and has clearly expressed that she does not wish to marry. I will not compel a child into marriage against her will.” Lucy’s father exploded in anger, shouting that Henderson had no right to interfere with family business, that Lucy’s marriage was already arranged and paid for, and Henderson responded “A child is not property to be sold. This marriage will not happen in my courtroom.”

The community reaction was severe—Henderson received threats, his church asked him to resign from the congregation, businesses refused to serve him, and local newspapers condemned him for “destroying family values and interfering with parental rights.” But Henderson didn’t back down, and over the next two years Henderson refused to perform sixteen more marriage ceremonies involving brides under age sixteen, and each refusal generated more community outrage and more pressure for Henderson to resign or be removed from office. Henderson used each case as an opportunity to speak publicly about why child marriage was harmful, why girls needed education and development time before marriage, why older men seeking child brides were predators not suitors.

Henderson began traveling to Nashville to lobby state legislators for a law raising the minimum marriage age, and he compiled statistics showing that child brides had higher rates of maternal mortality, domestic violence, and poverty, that early marriage trapped girls in cycles of abuse and dependence, that society had a duty to protect children from marriages they couldn’t meaningfully consent to. Henderson’s advocacy made him enemies—he was called a radical, an interferer, a destroyer of tradition—but Henderson kept fighting because he’d seen Lucy Martin’s terrified face and heard her begging not to be married, and Henderson knew there were hundreds of other girls like Lucy being sold into marriages they didn’t want.

In 1927, Henderson lost his re-election bid—his opponent ran on a platform of “restoring traditional values and respecting parental rights,” and the community voted Henderson out of office as punishment for his child marriage refusals. Henderson’s final act as judge was to issue a written opinion explaining his position: “Marriage should be a union of equals entering freely into a partnership. A fourteen-year-old child cannot be equal to a forty-year-old man. A child cannot freely consent to something she doesn’t understand. These marriages are not unions—they are transactions where children are sold to men who want compliant, controllable wives. I have refused to participate in these transactions because my duty is to justice, not to tradition, and justice demands protecting children from exploitation, even when that exploitation is wrapped in the language of marriage and blessed by parental consent.”

Henderson continued his advocacy after leaving office, and in 1933 Tennessee passed a law setting the minimum marriage age at sixteen with parental consent and eighteen without, and while this law wasn’t perfect—sixteen was still too young—it was progress, and it protected thousands of girls who would have been married at thirteen, fourteen, fifteen under the old system. Henderson lived until 1949, dying at age seventy-five, and at his funeral several women attended who said they’d been the young brides whose marriages Henderson had refused to perform, and they thanked him for saving them from marriages that would have destroyed their lives, thanked him for standing up for them when no one else would, thanked him for losing his judgeship rather than participate in their exploitation.

Lucy Martin, the fourteen-year-old whose case had started Henderson’s crusade, attended Henderson’s funeral and spoke about how Judge Henderson had saved her life by refusing to perform her marriage ceremony, how she’d been able to finish school and become a teacher like she’d wanted, how she’d married at age twenty-two to a man she chose, how she’d had a good life because Judge Henderson had the courage to say “No, I will not marry this child to this man, regardless of consequences.” Lucy said “Judge Henderson lost his position, his community standing, his church membership, all because he refused to participate in child marriage. He sacrificed everything to protect children like me. That’s what real courage looks like. That’s what real justice looks like. Judge Henderson showed me that one person standing up for what’s right can change lives, can save lives, even when everyone else says you’re wrong.”

Source: https://www.facebook.com/share/1DpMQ2YE3z/?mibextid=wwXIfr

The big deal about small wins

By Funke Egbemode

Ezeani, many years ago, was a village by the bend of a lazy river. For years, hunger sat stubbornly in every compound. The elders, not able to provide food for their families usually, gathered under the big orange tree, to talk about why their farms yielded so little when the land was fertile. They called it council of elders’ meeting, but it was really nothing more than a bellyaching session held from noon to late afternoon with no solution provided. Yet they returned every day for more deliberations while their wives pretended to be in the market. One day, a young boy, barely old enough to grow a beard, climbed the tree and plucked ripe fruits hanging low. He threw them down and asked, “Must we climb all the way to the topmost branch before we eat, when food is already at our fingertips?”

The elders were silent. Shame, they say, can be louder than drums. That season, the village stopped arguing about distant miracles and started harvesting what was within reach. As quietly as it came, hunger left, like an unwanted visitor who knew he had overstayed his welcome.

Nigeria today is that Ezeani where our problems are not always the absence of ideas or resources but the stubborn refusal or lack of political will to pick the fruits hanging right before us.

In development language, “lowest-hanging fruits” are reforms and actions that require relatively modest political will, a little new spending, and existing institutions—but deliver outsized impact quickly.” They are not silver bullets, and they do not replace deep structural reforms. Yet, they buy trust, stabilise society, and create momentum. Three things Nigerian politicians love. So, why are Nigerian governors and their tripled monthly allocation from FAAC not taking advantage of the nation’s size, talent, and natural endowments to score political points while still delivering on development?

Some leaders fear small reforms because they do not look “big” enough. They prefer the ones that require big ribbons. Our governors prefer the flyovers, roads and bridges so they can invite their colleague governors and walk them up and down the roads and bridges. Not that there is something wrong with cutting ribbons on long bridges but we can also walk five governors through dozens of hectares of cassava plantation, or even okro.

I have driven almost an hour through a cassava plantation before. It was so big, my fuel gauge was blinking yellow. Yes, it was that massive. And what is even more impressive, it belonged to one man, just one farmer called Niji Lucas. He planted, he processed and exported. One man desired to do all that and did it, employing dozens.

How come no government has thought of it with all the budgets the state ministries have spent every year, for five decades? Let us not even mention the Federal Ministry of Agriculture through the years. All we see are agbada in every colour at budget presentations. The governors go to their State Assemblies for the budget ritual every year, yet they cannot plant cassava. All we get is earful of long and big figures of how much they will spend on us. May the Lord forgive some of their sins.

The cassava species I plant, yes this little girl is a farmer, is harvested after one year. Just 12 months. There are species ripe for harvests in six months, even. Now, imagine one governor planting 100 hectares of cassava? Imagine the amount of people he will employ: from farmhands to Engineers to Agromists. Think of the number of women who will work there, young Nigerians, old Nigerians. Imagine a new community that will be built and the opportunities for bricklayers and carpenters. Even I will go there and build farmhouses and collect rent. Madam Landlady will only join that level of the value chain. My lashes, nails and wig will all be able to thrive there. Don’t laugh. The point here is, a farm settlement will provide more jobs than you think. It will decongest the urban centres faster than any other sector of the economy.

Now, let us go to the point that is agitating your mind.  Security. The farms are not secure. Nigeria is no longer secure. The farmers will be abducted. Our harsh and sad reality. Do we all agree that not all the 36 states are so unsafe that we cannot plant anything? Do we all agree that we all still travel certain distances by road, in spite of our fears of abduction? Or are we all going to run abroad to live with our Japa children, all of us?

Was it not taking the easy way out that got us here? This is a country endowed enough to feed the world. The low-hanging fruits were and are still there, but our leaders were and are still climbing the iroko tree to look for what is not lost. Was it not the unoccupied, untrained, uneducated, unemployed children of yesterday that are today’s terrorists? Will they just disappear, this league of terrorists, by Nigeria doing the same things and expecting different outcomes? Will this headache be cured by running around the problems in circles?

A governor that decides to try out a corn or cassava project will even have something to showcase in 100 days. I know so. Google the images of a 100-day-old 100 hectares of corn. I just did. Take the media there with their cameras. Don’t go without the big talk show hosts and columnists. Go with the social media influencers. Then sit back and see that what a road commissioning can do, a cassava farm can do better.

Citizens experience development in small ways and that is the truth.

Small wins build trust, reduce anger, buy time for deeper, bigger reforms.

A government that harvests low-hanging fruits creates the political capital needed to climb higher branches.

So, what is stopping Nigeria from picking these fruits?

It is not ignorance and it not lack of money alone. The real obstacles are elite comfort with dysfunction.

‘Bamubamu ni mo yo, emi o mo p’ebi npomo enikankan.’

‘Me, I am well fed, I do not care about my hungry neighbours. ‘

That is how we got here. Fat cats whose palm kernels were cracked by political gods who prefer to flaunt their wealth rather than spread it? They rub the noses of the hungry neighbours in their posh and lush living. The ‘blessed’ believe somehow that there would be no consequences for ‘chopping alone.’ The rumbling stomachs of the poor gave them different instructions and they followed them, into crime, rituals into the forests

If we are going to stop more hungry people from answering the calls of the gods of evil, we must speedily, with ‘automatic alacrity’ go for the low-hanging fruits and easy gains.

There is also the need to ensure that those who shortchange Nigerians pay for it. And I do not mean send them to jail. That is a long topic I wrote about years ago but we will revisit it soon. There must be consequences for failure.

Politics that rewards noise over results is demeaning and must stop, too. Let’s focus.

History has shown that when even a few leaders choose discipline over drama, progress follows.

Conclusion: Back to the iroko tree

The village in the folktale did not become prosperous by inventing new trees. It simply stopped ignoring the fruits already ripe. Nigeria does not need to reinvent development. We need to practise it.

The lowest-hanging fruits are waiting: in classrooms, clinics, councils, farms, and files gathering dust. The question is not whether they exist. The question is whether those in power are finally ready to stretch out their hands.

Development, after all, is not always about climbing higher. Sometimes, it is about bending down and picking what has been there all along.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Legendary gospel singer Ron Kenoly dies at 81

Renowned American Christian worship leader, singer and songwriter Ron Kenoly has died at the age of 81.

The globally renowned gospel musician reportedly passed away on Tuesday, February 3, 2026, with his death confirmed by several artistes across social media platforms.

Reacting to the news, Nigerian gospel minister Nathaniel Bassey paid tribute to Kenoly, describing him as a generational inspiration.

“Dr Ron Kenoly crosses to yonder side. Thank you for inspiring generations of psalmists like me. I grew up on these songs, and today others are growing up on ours. Thank you, sir,” Bassey wrote on Instagram.

Kenoly was celebrated for iconic worship songs such as “Majesty,” “Righteousness, Peace & Joy,” “Anointing,” “All Honour,” “Sing Out,” “Lift Him Up,” and “Jesus Is Alive,” many of which shaped modern congregational worship across the world.

Born on December 6, 1944, in Coffeyville, Kansas, Kenoly rose to prominence in the 1980s and 1990s for leading large-scale live worship concerts that influenced churches globally, particularly in Africa.

His music career began after serving in the United States Air Force, with his major breakthrough coming in 1992 when Lift Him Up became the fastest-selling worship album at the time. Another album, Welcome Home, produced by Tom Brooks, was critically acclaimed and topped Billboard’s Contemporary Christian Music charts.

Ron Kenoly leaves behind a lasting legacy in gospel music, having inspired countless worship leaders, musicians and believers worldwide through his sound, spirit and message of praise.

PUNCH

Autopsy ordered after teen dies in custody—Lawyer claims attempted religious burial sparked cover-up fears

The death of a 13-year-old Christian orphan in government custody in Kano State is igniting international concern, after a U.S.-based Nigerian human rights lawyer alleged the boy was illegally detained, denied medical care, and nearly buried under religious rites inconsistent with his faith.

Emmanuel Ogebe, an international religious freedom advocate, says the circumstances surrounding the death of David Tarfa, a resident of Du Merci Orphanage, raise urgent questions about state authority, child protection, and religious liberty in Africa’s most populous nation.

At the centre of the controversy is the claim that officials moved swiftly to bury the teenager—without notifying his guardians—before an intervention reportedly led the Kano State Attorney General to advise that an autopsy be conducted.

A Death That Sparked Immediate Alarm

According to sources familiar with the incident, sympathisers alerted Du Merci orphanage proprietors, Prof. and Dr Mrs. Tarfa, about the boy’s death on January 28, 2026, prompting them to dispatch lawyers and representatives to the Nassarawa Government Orphanage, where his body was found lying on a bed.

Officials allegedly told the delegation that the child would have been buried according to Muslim rites.

“That would have been a big mistake,” a source said. “David is a Christian minor. No one has the right to forcibly convert him without parental consent.”

Hospital staff later declined to issue a death certificate, noting the boy had not died at their facility. His remains were eventually transferred to the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, a federal institution expected to conduct the autopsy.

Observers say the move may help ensure procedural transparency, given federal oversight.

Ignored Illness?

Representatives of Du Merci claim the teenager had complained of severe stomach pain for days but was ignored by authorities.

“He was said to have died on his bed after purging throughout the night,” the orphanage said, adding that siblings discovered his body after returning from classes.

If confirmed, rights advocates warn the allegations could point to medical neglect of a minor in state care—a potential breach of both Nigerian child welfare statutes and international human-rights conventions.

Illegal Detention Claims

Ogebe argues the boy should not have been in state custody at all.

A prior consent judgment, he said, ordered that 16 Du Merci children be returned to their orphanage, but Kano authorities allegedly failed to comply fully.

“David was not among those who reportedly chose to remain in the Ministry’s care,” Ogebe said.
“He was therefore being held against his will and in violation of a lawful court judgment.”

Du Merci is now seeking damages, accusing the state of contempt of court.

Conversion Dispute Adds Fuel

In a September 2025 letter responding to earlier petitions, Kano’s Ministry of Women Affairs denied allegations of forced religious conversion, insisting children under its supervision acted voluntarily and in accordance with state child protection laws.

The ministry also noted that U.S. Embassy officials had previously visited to review the situation.

Yet Ogebe dismissed the government’s position as contradictory.

“It’s perverse that having failed to convert him in life, they attempted to Islamise him in death,” he said.

Judicial Delays Raise Eyebrows

The case has also been dogged by procedural setbacks.

A scheduled court hearing in November 2025 was postponed, then delayed again in January 2026 after the registrar reportedly failed to notify state counsel.

Critics say such lapses risk undermining public confidence in the justice system—particularly in cases involving vulnerable minors.

Global Implications

Ogebe warned the case could reverberate beyond Nigeria, potentially influencing the country’s designation under international religious freedom monitoring frameworks.

“The world is watching,” he said, adding that diplomatic observers have already shown interest in the dispute.

Analysts note that allegations involving child detention, religious coercion, and disregard for court orders often attract scrutiny from foreign governments and rights bodies.

A Test of State Responsibility

Legal experts say the episode underscores a broader constitutional principle: when a government assumes custody of a child, it inherits an elevated duty of care.

Failure, they warn, is not merely administrative—it strikes at the legitimacy of public institutions.

For now, attention turns to the autopsy, which may determine whether David Tarfa’s death was preventable—and whether accountability will follow.

Until then, the case stands as a stark reminder of the fragile line between state protection and state power, and of how quickly that line can blur when the subject is a child with no voice left to speak.

Nigeria pays debt after embassy power cut—but funding crisis questions persist

The Nigerian High Commission in Pretoria has paid its outstanding utility bills after South African authorities disconnected electricity to the diplomatic facility — a startling development that has intensified scrutiny of Nigeria’s spending priorities and the long-running complaints of underfunded foreign missions.

The City of Tshwane confirmed it cut power to the mission as part of its #TshwaneYaTima enforcement campaign targeting consumers with significant unpaid municipal debts.

Executive Mayor Nasiphi Moya announced the move in direct terms.

“We’ve disconnected electricity at the High Commission of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. They owe the city for utility services,” she said.

Hours later, the mayor confirmed that payment had been received and electricity would be restored.

“We thank the High Commission of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for honouring its debt to the city,” Moya added.

Funding Crisis Back in Focus

While the immediate dispute was resolved, the incident has reignited persistent complaints that Nigeria’s diplomatic missions across the world are chronically underfunded, often struggling to maintain basic infrastructure.

The episode has led many Nigerians to question why Africa’s largest economy appears unable to adequately support its foreign representations — even as critics accuse the government of wasteful spending and the excesses of political office holders at home.

Human rights lawyer and public affairs analyst Sonnie Ekwowusi said the Pretoria blackout mirrors a broader pattern.

“The Nigeria House in New York faces the same embarrassment. The elevator to the House is dysfunctional, trapping visitors. It has trapped me twice,” he recalled.

Observers warn that such reports risk projecting an image of administrative neglect and weakening Nigeria’s diplomatic stature at a time when global perception increasingly shapes geopolitical influence.

Social Media Backlash

The power cut triggered a storm of reactions in Nigeria, with many describing the situation as a “national embarrassment.”

Critics questioned how a diplomatic mission representing one of Africa’s most influential nations could default on routine municipal payments.

Others drew uncomfortable parallels between Nigeria’s domestic electricity challenges and the embassy’s blackout abroad, arguing that the episode reflects deeper structural problems in governance.

Calls for greater transparency and accountability in the funding of foreign missions quickly followed.

Little Sympathy in South Africa

Online reaction in South Africa was far less forgiving. Social media users insisted that a diplomatic status should not exempt any institution from paying for essential services.

“If you don’t pay, you get cut off,” one widely shared comment read.

More Than a Temporary Blackout

Though electricity has now been restored, analysts say the damage may not fade as quickly. Service disconnections involving diplomatic facilities are rare and often carry outsized reputational consequences, signalling possible governance lapses.

For many observers, the Pretoria incident is less about an unpaid bill and more about what it reveals — a growing perception that Nigeria’s global presence is being undermined not by lack of resources, but by contested priorities.

The lights may be back on in Pretoria, but the uncomfortable questions about funding, governance, and national image remain very much alive.

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