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No Justification for Force’: IBA challenges Venezuela intervention

The International Bar Association (IBA) has raised alarm over what it described as a recent military intervention in Venezuela, warning that any use of force—regardless of political justification—poses serious challenges to international law and the global rules-based order.

In a statement issued Sunday, January 4, 2026, the IBA acknowledged longstanding and well-documented allegations against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and senior members of his government, including human rights abuses, democratic backsliding and actions that have fueled widespread humanitarian suffering.

But the global legal body stressed that even grave misconduct by state leaders does not justify actions that undermine the foundational principles of international law.

“The allegations are deeply troubling and warrant robust scrutiny and accountability,” the IBA said, adding that such accountability must be pursued through lawful means, including international or independent domestic judicial processes.

The association warned that military or coercive actions aimed at forcing political change in another state—when undertaken outside internationally recognised legal frameworks—violate the United Nations Charter and risk normalising conduct international law was designed to prevent.

The UN Charter, the IBA noted, enshrines core principles including the sovereign equality of states, non-intervention in domestic affairs, and the prohibition of the threat or use of force against a state’s territorial integrity or political independence—obligations binding on all UN member states.

“Even in the face of ongoing reprehensible conduct by state leaders, adherence to international law remains essential to preserving the integrity of the rules-based international order,” the statement said.

The IBA said it remains committed to the promotion of democracy and the rule of law in Venezuela, urging that any political transition must be achieved through lawful, democratic processes rather than military intervention.

The statement was signed by IBA President Claudio Visco and Executive Director Mark Ellis.

My AFCON 2025 observatory

By Sola Fanawopo

Land Is Strategy, Not Scenery: What Morocco’s Highways Reveal About Power, Policy, and Nigeria’s Blind Spot

So far, so good—the football matches at AFCON 2025 in Morocco have been excellent. But the real education begins outside the stadiums, on the highways.

Every journey between match venues becomes a masterclass in statecraft. From Tangier down to Agadir, and from Fès to Marrakech, one pattern repeats relentlessly: almost every viable strip of land along Morocco’s highways is cultivated.

Our drive from Casablanca to Fès—about five hours, like commuting from Lagos to Asaba—was a lesson in how not to mismanage economic corridors. We had a similar experience from Fès to Ifrane, Morocco’s “Little Switzerland.”
This is not aesthetic farming.
This is not a coincidence.
This is governance made visible.
AFCON Beyond Football: Highways as Production Corridors
Morocco does not build highways as prestige projects. It builds them as economic arteries.
What AFCON visitors see from bus windows are not random farms, but planned agricultural belts positioned precisely where infrastructure multiplies value. Proximity to roads lowers transport costs, reduces post-harvest losses, and allows even smallholders to plug into national and export markets.
Here, infrastructure is not neutral.
It is productive—or it is not built.

Agriculture by Design, Not Hope
This landscape is the long-term outcome of deliberate policy frameworks such as Plan Maroc Vert and Génération Green 2020–2030.
Land use is planned.
Water is engineered.
Crops are selected for value, not nostalgia.
Farms line highways because the state understands a core principle: public infrastructure must generate private productivity.

Water Scarcity Did Not Become an Excuse
Morocco is not a water-rich country. Yet its fields remain green because scarcity produces discipline, not resignation.
Drip irrigation is standard, not experimental. Dams feed defined agricultural zones. Solar-powered pumps cut costs. Wasteful practices are discouraged. Highway-adjacent farms are easier to connect to these controlled systems—another reason they flourish.

Export Logic Shapes the Land
Much of what grows along Morocco’s highways—citrus, tomatoes, berries, olives, greenhouse vegetables—is cultivated with export timing in mind. Speed matters. Reliability matters. Distance to ports matters, especially hubs like Port of Tangier Med.
Agriculture here is treated as a foreign-exchange industry, not a poverty programme.

Nigeria in the Same AFCON Mirror
Watching this as a Nigerian is uncomfortable.
Across Nigeria’s federal highways, fertile land lies idle—bush-covered, disputed, abandoned, or politically hoarded. Not because Nigerians cannot farm. Not because the soil is poor. But because land is owned sentimentally and governed weakly.

In Nigeria:
Roads are built without agricultural zoning
Irrigation is seasonal and unreliable
Idle fertile land carries no consequence
Ministries operate in silos
Agriculture is framed as survival, not strategy
The result is a painful contradiction: vast arable land, yet chronic food imports and rural poverty.

Lessons Nigeria Must Learn—Now, Not Later
Every Highway Must Be a Food Corridor
Federal and state roads should come with agricultural belt plans—crops, water access, aggregation points, storage, and markets.
Leaving Fertile Land Idle Is Economic Sabotage
Use-it-or-lease-it policies must replace romantic land possession. Idle land is lost revenue, lost food, and lost stability.

Water Is Not Optional Infrastructure
Dams, irrigation, and energy must be planned alongside roads. Rain-fed farming alone is no longer a strategy—it is a gamble.

Agriculture Must Be Export-Credible
Nigeria will not fix food insecurity if farming remains charity-driven. It must be profitable, scalable, and bankable.
Coordination Beats Budget Size
Morocco’s success is not about spending more—it is about aligning land, water, transport, finance, and markets.

Final Observation
AFCON 2025 reveals a deeper truth: stadiums show ambition, but land shows competence.
When land along highways is cultivated, it signals a state that knows what it wants from infrastructure. When land is abandoned, it exposes a vacuum of policy imagination.
Nigeria does not lack land.
Nigeria lacks urgency.
Until fertile land is treated as a strategic national asset—planned, protected, and compelled into productivity—Nigeria will continue to drive past opportunity every day, mistaking emptiness for normalcy.
In Morocco, land is not scenery.
It is a strategy.

Sola Fanawopo, Chairman, Osun Football Association, writes from Morocco

Bypassing of the National Assembly in the NNPC Ltd $1.42 Billion (N5.57 trillion) Debt Waiver: Need for fiscal responsibility

By Obioma Ezenwobodo

Recently, the Federal Government unilaterally approved a debt waiver for the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd), amounting to $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion owed to the Federation Account, without recourse to the National Assembly for approval.

The NNPC Ltd, by its corporate structure, is a limited liability company incorporated under the Companies and Allied Matters Act, 2020, and whose shares are fully owned or subscribed by the Federal Government of Nigeria by virtue of Section 53(1) of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021. By virtue of Section 53(7), the NNPC Ltd is mandated to conduct its affairs on a commercial basis profitably and efficiently without recourse to government funds, and declare dividends to its shareholders and retain 20% of profits as retained earnings to grow its business. On remission of profits made during operations, Section 64(c) of the Act provides that the NNPC Ltd shall promptly remit its profits to the Federation, less its 30% for management fee and Frontier Exploration Fund.

Based on the above statutory provisions, the NNPC Ltd, as a business concern, should not depend on the Federal Government for its funding but should make profits, declare dividends to its shareholders (the Federal Government), retain some percentage, and remit others to the Federal Account. This is in strict fidelity to provisions of Section 162(1) and (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN), 1999 (as altered), which authorises such revenues to be paid into the Federation Account and be distributed to the component units of the Federation upon the approval of the National Assembly.

Thus, the issue of what comes in or goes out of the Federation Account is not within the exclusive preserve of the President/Executive Arm to make alone but jointly with the consent or approval of the National Assembly/Legislative Arm in consonance with the democratic principle of checks and balances. Therefore, the action of the President unilaterally waiving a huge chunk of the NNPC Ltd’s debts owed to the Federation Account, without the consent or approval of the National Assembly, is not in tandem with the clear provisions of the Constitution and the enabling Act. As a matter of fact, such an action encourages corporate laxity on the part of NNPC Ltd in contravention of the provision of Section 61 of the Petroleum Industrial Act, 2021, that mandates the NNPC Ltd to apply the principle of corporate governance in managing its affairs as a business concern.

Most importantly, Item 50 in the Second Schedule (Part 1- Exclusive Legislative List), CFRN, grants the National Assembly exclusive power to legislate on the ‘Public debt of the Federation’, which the NNPC Ltd debts fall into. It is therefore curious that a waiver was extended to the NNPC Ltd debts without the involvement of the National Assembly, which has the constitutional power to act on same.  This is contrary to the fiscal responsibility policy as provided by Section 48(1) of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, 2007, to the effect that the Federal Government shall conduct fiscal and financial matters transparently.

It is an earnest expectation and call for the Federal Government to review the waiver granted to NNPC Ltd on its debts for lack of constitutional and legal legitimacy.

Obioma Ezenwobodo LLM.

Managing Partner, Resolution Attorneys.

Pioneer Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Garki Branch, Abuja (2022/24)

[email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Lagos plumber narrates how policemen forced him to pay N70,000 at gunpoint

A Lagos-based plumber, Nifemi Oyerinde, has accused some police officers of extorting N70,000 from him at gunpoint during a stop-and-search operation near the Otedola Bridge area of Lagos State.

Oyerinde, who narrated his ordeal to PUNCH Metro on Sunday, said the incident occurred on Saturday while he was turning towards CMD Road from the Otedola Bridge axis.

According to him, the armed officers flagged him down and ordered him to bring his bag, which they placed on their vehicle and searched thoroughly.

He said, “I was on an Uber ride when they stopped the vehicle while the driver was turning onto CMD Road by Otedola Bridge. They told me to come down and took me to where their vehicle was parked. They opened my bag and checked everything. There was nothing inside apart from my clothes, charger and perfume.

So This Happened (EP 356): Tax reforms spark controversy over alleged alteration of gazetted laws5:00:00 / 1:01

He said that after the search, one of the officers asked him what he did for a living, to which he replied that he was a plumber.

“They collected my phone and asked me to call someone to verify that I’m a plumber. I called someone, and he spoke to the person, who confirmed that I’m not into fraud and that he’s my boss,” he added.

Oyerinde alleged that despite the confirmation, the officers insisted he was a fraudster and threatened to take him to the police station.

He further claimed that the officers searched through his phone but found nothing incriminating, yet continued to accuse him of internet fraud.

“They said I should bring N1m or they would take me to the station. I told them I don’t have such money. They later reduced the amount to N300,000 and eventually demanded N70,000 after prolonged negotiations.”

He alleged that he eventually transferred the N70,000 to one of the officers before his phone was returned to him.

“After I transferred the N70,000 from my second phone, because of the gun they were holding, they gave me back my phone and even followed me to the car before letting me go,” Oyerinde added.

Reacting to the incident, the Lagos State Coordinator of the Take It Back Movement, Taofeek Adekunle, in a statement sent to PUNCH Metro on Sunday, condemned the alleged action of the officers, describing it as another case of systemic abuse by law enforcement agents.

In the statement, Taofeek demanded the immediate identification of the officers involved, a refund of the extorted N70,000, and the arrest and prosecution of all those responsible.

“The incident further confirms the systemic extortion and terror being unleashed on innocent Nigerians under the guise of policing,” he added.

When contacted on Sunday, the state command spokesperson, Abimbola Adebisi, said she was aware of the incident.

“The Complaint Response Unit is handling the matter,” she added.

The incident adds to growing concerns over police misconduct in Lagos, with residents repeatedly accusing officers of extortion at some checkpoints.

Source: PUNCH

Saraki’s persona in Bolaji’s book

By Lasisi Olagunju

I begin with a telling scene. In 2001, former Sports Minister, Bolaji Abdullahi, then a young journalist, visited the strongman of Kwara politics, Dr. Olusola Saraki, at his Lagos home. From his vast library, the elder Saraki presented his guest with a book: ‘Life in the Jungle’ by Michael Heseltine. “Politics is truly a jungle,” the old politician told the young journalist. 

That moment stayed with me as I read Bolaji’s latest book, ‘The Loyalist: A Memoir of Service and Sacrifice’, slated for presentation in Abuja on January 27. I was to review it at the event but for my phobia for Abuja and its toxins. The author, nevertheless, sent me an advance copy. I got it on Friday. This is my preview of the book. 

From beginning to end, what I see here is Bolaji’s own version of D.O. Fagunwa’s ‘Ogboju Ode’, a forest thick with demons, trials, and betrayals. Former Ekiti State governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, captures its essence in a cover blurb; he describes the book as an exploration of “the underbelly of human nature.” Aptly so.

The author started his political life as Governor Bukola Saraki’s Special Assistant, then commissioner for education. Later he became Goodluck Jonathan’s Sports Minister. Did he become minister because Saraki willed it? If the position did not come through Saraki, why did he lose it because of him? The book speaks on these. 

‘The Loyalist’ is an unflattering, tell-all account of the author’s long association with Senator Bukola Saraki. It takes a brief detour into Nigeria’s ailments, then settles into a story of power, patronage, promise, and eventual separation after 22 years. It is a primer on godfather-godson politics and on what happens when loyalty is repeatedly tested.

Bolaji insists he set out to tell his own story, but he concedes that “in telling your own story, you tell other people’s as well.” He writes: “Nobody’s story has been as intricately connected with mine in the 20 years that this book covers as Senator Bukola Saraki’s… For most of the journey, I walked under his shadow… Therefore, readers will find that, to a large extent, this book is his story as well.”

I would argue it is even more Saraki’s story than the author admits.

Throughout the book, the boy sketches the boss as a man of effortless authority and magnetism—one who draws people in while holding them at arm’s length. Proximity here is never accidental; it is rationed, measured, controlled. Once, boss and boy shared a romance of duty, trust, and friendship. The early chapters bear witness to that bond. Later chapters show how politics devoured it. 

What Bolaji is set to release is less a memoir of self than a study of a ruler—a cold, calculating king who “keeps himself in clouds,” to borrow from William Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet’. Many orbit him; few approach; none fully enter.

The book runs to 13 chapters and 287 pages. Chapter Three, “Sowing the Mustard Seed,” is described by Olusegun Adeniyi, who wrote the foreword, as “easily the most important chapter.” Perhaps. I might have chosen the later chapters of raw politics, broken promises, and disappointment. Still, it is here that Bolaji takes a scalpel to power’s façade, slicing through the boss’ fine charm to reveal the architecture of control beneath.

He writes of Saraki: “He exuded an aura that appeared to attract and repel at the same time… It was as if he was surrounded by invisible fences… In the innermost chamber of his life, he resided alone, inscrutable, like a god.”

To write thus is to lay a living leader on a cadaver table. Power prefers action to autopsy. Bolaji’s disquisitive tendency could actually be the undoing of his politics. Who knows? In Shakespeare’s ‘Julius Caesar’, Caesar loathes Cassius because he “looks quite through the deeds of men”—a man too observant to be safely ignored. 

The recurring theme of promise and disappointment runs through the book. Check this: In November 2016, Saraki urged Bolaji to accept the role of APC Publicity Secretary, warning: “I don’t want us to send someone who will see small money and turn against us.” Twenty months later, on July 27, 2018, Saraki hinted that Bolaji would soon be asked to quit that office. A consolation prize was dangled: the governorship of Kwara State. Three days later, Saraki asked him to resign and follow him back to the PDP. Bolaji complied. He pursued the governorship with total commitment.

One day, boss asked a cleric to pray for Bolaji’s success; Bolaji knelt before cleric and received the supplication into his life. Bolaji’s campaign ran out of cash, boss supplied cash. Days before the primary, boss quietly instructed delegates to support another aspirant. The directive leaked to Bolaji. Bolaji asked boss, boss did not confirm or deny it. The D-Day knocked. Without announcing it, boss doubled down on giving the ticket to the other man. A shattered Bolaji withdrew from the race. End of story. Or, as Shakespeare would have it in Richard II – Act 5, scene 5: “I wasted time, and now doth time waste me.”

Disappointment recurs. Like photographs in a coffee-table book, the author lays them out for judgment. What emerges is a tactician who rationed intimacy, gave offices in the evening and withdrew them in the morning; a leader who made unreadability and unreliability a method. You could orbit his star, but are never allowed to explore it. 

Some would argue that what this persona reflects is not cruelty but strategy for survival in a field of mines and betrayal. Perhaps. 

Segun Adeniyi says readers will enjoy “Bolaji’s disquisition on Saraki’s persona.” Disquisition. The word is precise: exposition, interrogation, laying bare. Readers may enjoy it. The subject himself is unlikely to. To dissect power is to threaten its crown. Someone said leaders prefer to be felt, not explained. Power feeds on mystery.

The book also offers insight into how power was organised. Bolaji wrote: “Collective decisions presupposed the existence of a team, but he never built a team… No one ever had the full picture… There was always a game at play, with the end goal known only to him.”

Yet ‘The Loyalist’ is not only about a ruler and his follower. It is also a portrait of a wicked Nigeria that sees nothing wrong betraying its poor. As commissioner for education, Bolaji encountered schools without learning. “We soon found ourselves clapping for pupils in Primary IV” because they “could spell their names,” he writes. He experienced the bad and the ugly. He saw teaching jobs sold and teachers’ salaries siphoned by officials employed to enforce moral and academic standards. 

‘The Loyalist’ is a beautiful book well written. But the content is a warthog in ugly details. It has a space for the Nigerian voter cashing in before elections. Bolaji recalls a hospital calling him because a man had abandoned his pregnant wife, left Bolaji’s number, and named him as the one to pay for a caesarean section. All politicians from Bola Tinubu to the lowliest of the low will easily connect with this. The Nigerian hangers-on is an albatross on their necks. 

In the early chapters, Bolaji’s relationship with Saraki is rendered almost as governor and unofficial deputy. It was that close. So what became of everything? The answer comes quickly. At Pastor Tunde Bakare’s church in 2017, Bolaji heard a counsel: “Do not treat as optional those who treat you as their priority.” He wished he could send that message to his boss without sounding rebellious. He has now written a whole book to do just that.

It is a notorious notion that every book must have a last line; the question is whether it closes the story or merely ends it. On page 280 comes Bolaji’s final verdict: “Some relationships can only be saved through an amicable divorce.” It is a sad, dramatic closure.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Delta Police Shake-Up: DPO ousted over extortion, intimidation as new CP vows rights-first policing

Officers and men of the Delta State Police Command have been charged to shape up, as acts of incivility, abuse of office, extortion, or violation of human rights will not be tolerated.

This is even as the command has removed Joseph Udoh, the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) of the GRA Police Station in Asaba, Delta State, in response to a public outcry over allegations that Mr Udoh, a chief superintendent of police, allegedly intimidated and extorted a citizen who helped a dying stranger.

How it happened

Although the alleged intimidation and extortion occurred in early 2025, the public outcry against it gained traction after the victim, Tomi Wojuola, shared his ordeal on Facebook on 31 December 2025.

Mr Wojuola, in the post, detailed how he was detained by the police on the allegation of murder after the stranger he took to a hospital later died.

He also narrated how he was threatened by Mr Udoh and other officers who allegedly “emptied” his bank account before releasing him on bail.

Law & Society Magazine earlier reported that, upon sharing his ordeal on Saturday, the Police Complaint Response Unit confirmed that Mr Udoh has been summoned for questioning.

‘Removed and sanctioned’

Reacting in a post on his X handle on Saturday evening, the police spokesperson in Delta State, Bright Edafe, announced that the DPO has now been “removed” and sanctioned.

“The guy (Wojuola) has since been contacted, the DPO removed and sanctioned, and the money refunded,” Mr Edafe, a superintendent of police, wrote.

The police spokesperson did not provide details of the sanction imposed on the DPO and the refunded amount that was allegedly taken from the victim’s account by the officers.

Police brutality and extortion in Nigeria

Cases of police brutality, extortion and other unprofessional activities in Nigeria have continued despite sanctions by police authorities, such as dismissal from service.

In 2024, for instance, the police in Imo State ordered an orderly room trial of four officers seen in a viral video clip extorting motorists in the state.

In August of the same year, police operatives in Bayelsa State extorted N3 million from a Nigerian man at gunpoint the same year.

The officers were subsequently arrested after the victim petitioned the police authorities.

The police operatives later returned the N3 million to the victim, about three weeks later.

In his charge, while briefing newsmen in Asaba on Monday, the new Commissioner of Police, Aina Adesola, assured them of a purposeful leadership and a fair command, stressing the need for discipline, professionalism, loyalty to duty, and respect for the uniform at all times.

The 23rd police boss in the state called on residents to continue to support the Police by providing credible and useful information that would assist in preventing and detecting crime.

“If you see something, say something responsibly and through appropriate channels,” he said.

Emphasising that security is a collective responsibility, Adesola, who began his career in the Police Force at Ogwashi-Uku after passing out from the Police Academy and later served as Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of operations in the state, noted that effective policing thrives on trust, cooperation, and timely information from the public.

CP Adesola appreciated his predecessor, AIG Olufemi Abaniwonda, for his leadership, dedication, and service to the Command, adding that he left behind institutional structures and operational foundations upon which the Command would continue to build.

He reassured the people of the state that the Command under his leadership would consolidate on existing gains while adopting a professional, intelligence-driven, and people-centred approach to policing, with strict adherence to the rule of law and respect for human rights.

According to him, the Command would work closely with sister security agencies, the Delta State Government, traditional institutions, community leaders, and other stakeholders to address criminal activities such as kidnapping, armed robbery, cultism, community conflicts, and other forms of criminality, within the confines of the law and in line with national policing standards.

He also expressed appreciation to the Delta State Government for its consistent support of the Police Command.

U.S. Actions in Venezuela and strategic implications for Nigeria

By Meekam K. Mgbenwelu

Critical Development

The United States has conducted a military operation in Venezuela, capturing President Nicolás Maduro and asserting temporary control over the country’s governance and oil sector. This unprecedented action, combined with President Trump’s public description of Nigeria as “disgraceful” and recent U.S. airstrikes on terrorist targets in Sokoto, represents a fundamental shift in American foreign policy that demands immediate Nigerian attention.

Key Threat Indicators

Direct Precedent Set: The Venezuela operation demonstrates that the Trump administration will use military force for regime change when it frames a situation around narcotics, terrorism, or protection of vulnerable populations—without waiting for international consensus or gradual escalation.

Nigeria Already in Crosshairs: Trump has publicly delegitimised Nigeria’s government, while U.S. forces have already conducted kinetic operations on Nigerian soil. The narrative framework—”failing to protect Christians from terrorists”—mirrors justifications used in Venezuela.

Sovereignty Secondary: Both Venezuela and Nigeria cases show Washington treating host-state sovereignty as negotiable when U.S. security, moral narratives, or economic interests are invoked.

Immediate Vulnerabilities

Given Nigeria’s current challenges—governance deficits, corruption perceptions, ongoing insurgency, and economic fragility—the country fits the profile of a state that could face escalating U.S. pressure or intervention under similar pretexts used in Venezuela:

  • Islamic terrorist groups provide ready-made security justification
  • Religious violence against Christians creates moral pretext
  • Oil and gas resources present economic incentive
  • Perceived governance failures enable “disgraceful country” narrative

Recommended Actions

1. Demonstrate Security Competence
Visibly intensify credible counter-terrorism operations, particularly protecting religious communities, to deny Washington the narrative that Nigeria “cannot or will not” secure its citizens.

2. Establish Clear Diplomatic Red Lines
Immediately communicate precise boundaries for security cooperation through bilateral and multilateral channels, making unilateral action politically costly for Washington.

3. Diversify Strategic Partnerships
Urgently deepen relationships with AU, ECOWAS, EU, and Asian partners to reduce dependence on U.S. support and create alternative security and economic options.

4. Control the Narrative
Proactively shape international perception of Nigeria’s security efforts before external actors define the narrative for intervention.

Bottom Line

Venezuela represents a warning, not a hypothetical. For countries Trump publicly disparages yet views as strategically important, the combination of moral denunciation, security pretexts, and resource interests can rapidly translate into coercive pressure or direct intervention. Nigeria’s existing vulnerabilities make it particularly exposed to this risk calculus.

Time-sensitive action is required to strengthen Nigeria’s position before external pressures intensify.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Meekam K. Mgbenwelu
[email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The Abduction of Nicolas Maduro by the United States – What needs to be known

Ike Odionu, PhD

The first question that confronts everyone in the abduction of Nicolas Maduro by the United States military forces for a trial in the United States is the issue of sovereignty. Indeed, the United States had earlier set a precedent in the past in South America with the abduction and trial of Manuel Noriega, the then head of state of Panama in 1989.

By the application of customary international law, a sovereign or a state is entitled to immunity for the sovereign acts of the state. Also, the rules of customary international law enshrined the principle of equality of states, and by this, a state or sovereign cannot be subjected to the authority of another state. This is expressed in the maxim- par in parem no habet imperium (an equal cannot have authority over his equal).

These rules are to some degrees enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Article 2 (4) of the United Nations Charter enjoins members to refrain “from the threat or use or force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any state…”

Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, however, provides for the right of individual and collective self defence of a member state if an armed attack occurs against such state. This becomes an exception to the rule of non-interference in the internal affairs of another state under the United Nations Charter.

However, states have devised further exceptions to the rule of non-interference based on the interpretation and application of rules of customary international law as well as other treaties. One of such is human rights abuse. In the Augusto Pinochet’s case (No. 2), the British House of Lords ruled in 1999 that Pinochet’s immunity as a former head of state did not cover acts of torture and crimes against humanity, referencing particularly the United Nations Convention Against Torture.

Furthermore, the International Criminal Court established under the Rome Statute has also been inhibiting the sovereign immunity rule by issuing international warrants of arrests against sitting sovereigns, notably the warrants issued against Omar Al-Bashir (former president of Sudan), President Putin of Russia and Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu of Israel.

These exceptions, and indeed others, will go to show that sovereign immunity is never absolute but relative even for sovereign acts of a state (acta jure imperii). For commercial acts of a state (acta jure gestionis), there is certainly no immunity.

In the case of Nicolas Maduro, a precedent had earlier been set in the United States with the arrest and trial of Manuel Noriega, then head of state of Panama. The two central issues in the case, that is, extraordinary renditon and immunity, were resolved against Manuel Noriega by the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. On the issue of extraordinary renditon, the court held that the manner by which he was renditoned to the United States did not rob the court of jurisdiction. On the issue of sovereign immunity, the court ruled that Manuel Noriega could not claim sovereign immunity as the United States did not recognize him as the president of Panama.

Obviously, these essential issues raised in Manuel Noriega’s case will be in focus in the case of Nicolas Maduro, and quite significantly, the United Court of Appeals has resolved them. Just like the case of Noriega, the United States did not accept the legitimacy of Nicolas Maduro as the president of Venezuela following the fraudulent manner by which he emerged as the president of Venezuela.

No doubt, international law is essentially interpreted based on the whims and caprices of the powerful nations. However, there is an underlying fact that an act of criminality can constitute a limitation to the claim of sovereign immunity, which may necessitate foreign intervention on international humanitarian ground. In this case, apart from various abuses of human rights under Nicolas Maduro’s regime, there is the issue of the regime running a narcotic state with the United States as its primary market. This involves the employment of armed drug cartels that flood the United States with assorted illicit drugs. This may provide a raison d’etre or casus belli for the United States to intervene on grounds of self defence.

Ironically, some of those who are condemning the abduction of Nicolas Maduro by the United States are the ones promoting and championing the International Criminal Court which has been issuing international warrants of arrests on sitting sovereigns in defiance of sovereign immunity claims.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

AWLA Nigeria 2026 registration and annual dues

⚠️ Important Notice:
Any payment made into any account other than the one stated above is unauthorised and shall be treated as fraudulent. Members are advised to exercise due diligence.

The African Women Lawyers Association, AWLA, Nigera is a dynamic network dedicated to empowering African women in the legal profession. We advocate for gender equality, promote access to justice, and support the professional growth of women lawyers across Africa.

FG withdraws criminal case against Senator Natasha over alleged defamation of Akpabio

Breaking news

Nigeria’s Federal Government of Nigeria has withdrawn the criminal defamation case filed against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, court documents have shown.

Akpoti-Uduaghan is a member of the 10th Nigeria National Assembly representing Kogi Central Senatorial District.

A notice of discontinuance filed on December 12, 2025, by the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) informed the Federal High Court of the government’s decision to terminate the criminal proceedings against the senator.

The case arose from petitions submitted by Senate President Godswill Akpabio and former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello, which led to criminal charges being brought against Akpoti-Uduaghan.

natahsha

The senator had been arraigned over statements she made on Politics Today, a programme hosted by Seun Okinbaloye, in which she accused Akpabio and Bello of plotting to eliminate her.

Despite her petition to the Inspector General of Police alleging threats to her life, which she said was ignored, Akpoti-Uduaghan was subsequently charged with criminal defamation and cyberbullying for publicly raising the allegations.

During the proceedings, Governor Usman Ododo, Senator Ekpenyong Asuquo, Ambassador Reno Omokri, and Sandra Duru were listed as witnesses for Akpabio and Bello.

The discontinued charge is one of two criminal cases instituted by the Federal Government against Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan.

The second case, also filed by the Federal Government, is scheduled to come up on Monday and may likewise be withdrawn.

Both cases were initiated by the Federal Government, not by Senator Godswill Akpabio in his personal capacity.

This development comes days after promised to withdraw all the court cases he instituted against individuals over alleged defamation.

On January 1, SaharaReporters reported that Akpabio had directed his legal team to immediately discontinue all ongoing court cases he instituted against individuals accused of defamation, including Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan and several others.

Akpabio made the announcement during a church programme, admitting that a cleric’s sermon compelled him to reconsider his actions.

“I had almost nine cases in court against some individuals who defamed me, who lied against me, who slandered my name,” he said. “But I listened to the priest and suddenly realized he was talking to me, so I hereby direct my solicitor to withdraw all lawsuits against them.”

The Senate President did not disclose the exact identities or status of the cases, but prior reports by SaharaReporters highlight a legal confrontation between Akpabio and Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan of Kogi Central.

In December 2025, Akpabio filed a ₦200 billion defamation lawsuit against Akpoti-Uduaghan, accusing her of publishing malicious allegations that he sexually harassed her.

Documents from the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory showed that Akpabio is demanding extensive damages, retractions, and nationwide broadcast apologies, insisting that the senator’s claims severely injured his reputation and subjected him to public ridicule.

TIPS