Nigeria’s Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Hon. Justice John Terhemba Tsoho, is facing allegations that he failed to disclose several bank accounts in his latest asset declaration, a potential breach of the country’s Code of Conduct regime that governs public officers.

A month-long investigation involving document reviews and interviews indicates that in the asset declaration form submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau on April 29, 2024, Justice Tsoho did not list multiple bank accounts allegedly under his control.

According to documents reviewed, three accounts domiciled with United Bank for Africa and one account with Access Bank were not disclosed in the filing, despite legal requirements mandating full transparency of assets, including bank accounts and balances.

Repeated attempts to reach Justice Tsoho for comment were unsuccessful. Calls were not answered, and messages requesting clarification went unanswered as of press time.

What the Law Requires

Under Nigeria’s Code of Conduct framework, public officials must declare all assets, properties and liabilities immediately upon assuming office and at periodic intervals thereafter.

Section 15 of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act states that any false statement or omission in an asset declaration constitutes a breach of the law.

If an asset is acquired after a declaration and cannot reasonably be attributed to legitimate income, gifts or approved loans, the law presumes it to have been unlawfully acquired — unless proven otherwise.

Conviction by the Code of Conduct Tribunal carries severe penalties, including:

• Removal from office
• Disqualification from holding public office for up to 10 years
• Forfeiture of improperly declared assets

Tribunal decisions are appealable to the Court of Appeal.

At the time of publication, it remains unclear whether the findings will trigger formal investigations by the Bureau or other anti-corruption agencies.

Echoes of the Onnoghen Precedent

Any prosecution would inevitably draw comparisons to the 2019 conviction of former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen, who was removed from office after being found guilty of failing to declare several bank accounts.

Onnoghen’s accounts were ordered forfeited by the tribunal. However, in November 2024, the Court of Appeal reversed the conviction following a settlement agreement with the federal government.

Legal observers say a similar case involving a sitting Chief Judge of the Federal High Court would carry profound institutional implications.

A Career Under Scrutiny

Justice Tsoho was appointed acting Chief Judge in July 2019 by then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Tanko Muhammad. He was later confirmed substantively following a recommendation by the National Judicial Council and approval by then-President Muhammadu Buhari.

Born in Benue State in 1959, he rose through Nigeria’s judicial ranks after being called to the Bar in 1985.

But his tenure has not been free of controversy.

In 2023, critics questioned his refusal to grant a detention order against former Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele during a high-profile corruption probe. In late 2024, he also faced backlash after reassigning a sensitive receivership case involving financial institutions and the Nestoil Group.

Separate allegations circulating among critics include claims of age discrepancies in his official records. Those claims remain unproven. Under Nigeria’s Penal Code, proven falsification of age records could potentially attract forgery charges.

Justice Tsoho has not publicly addressed these accusations.

Judiciary Under Pressure

The allegations surface amid broader internal scrutiny within Nigeria’s judiciary.

The National Judicial Council, chaired by Chief Justice of Nigeria Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, has launched what sources describe as a discreet but wide-ranging probe into petitions against several senior judges.

Justice Kekere-Ekun has pledged sweeping reforms aimed at restoring public confidence in the judiciary, and multiple judges have faced compulsory retirement or sanctions in recent months.

Whether the allegations against Justice Tsoho will escalate into formal proceedings before the Code of Conduct Bureau or Tribunal remains uncertain.

But if substantiated, the case could test the judiciary’s willingness to police its own,  and potentially reshape the conversation around accountability at the highest levels of Nigeria’s bench.

Nigeria’s Federal High Court has ordered Oriental Energy Resources Limited, the oil company founded by billionaire businessman Muhammadu Indimi, to pay $43.51 million to his twin daughters following a fierce legal battle over unpaid dividends that has exposed deep cracks in their family.

According to The Africa Report, the two daughters, Ameena and Zara Indimi, instituted legal action against the family-owned oil company, accusing it of unlawfully excluding them from dividend payments arising from its highly profitable offshore oil operations.

Court filings showed that the dispute centred on the sisters’ claim to a combined 10 per cent equity stake in Oriental Energy, which they argued entitled them to a share of dividends tied to approximately $435.1 million allegedly declared by the company.

The twins further alleged that their individual shareholdings were significantly diluted under circumstances they said effectively denied them their rightful financial benefits.

By ordering the payment of $43.51 million, the court effectively upheld the daughters’ position that outstanding funds were owed to them, intensifying a bitter family conflict that has now shifted from internal corporate disagreements into full public and judicial scrutiny.

Oriental Energy, a privately owned Nigerian exploration and production company with major offshore operations in the Niger Delta, has long been a cornerstone of Indimi’s vast business empire.

The company is regarded as one of the most prominent indigenous players in Nigeria’s upstream oil sector, an industry where ownership structures and financial arrangements are often shielded from public view.

The case has drawn widespread attention partly because of the enormous sums involved and partly due to Indimi’s status as one of Nigeria’s most influential oil magnates, with extensive interests spanning energy and finance.

What might ordinarily have remained a private family disagreement has instead evolved into a high-profile legal confrontation raising broader questions about governance, succession planning, and shareholder rights within family-controlled corporations.

Reports indicate that the disagreement extends beyond the twins, with lingering tensions within the wider Indimi family over control of company holdings and whether previous financial transfers to certain relatives constituted gifts, buyouts, or settlements that nullified future dividend entitlements.

Although full details of how the court arrived at the $43.51 million figure and the timeline for compliance were not immediately disclosed, the ruling is expected to significantly alter the balance of power in ongoing negotiations among family members and company stakeholders.

In 1990, OPL 224 was awarded to Oriental Energy Resources Limited by the Federal Government of Nigeria with a mandate requirement to acquire a minimum of up to 1000 km of seismic data and to drill at least three exploratory wells.

Oil Prospecting Licence, OPL is a license granted by the government to companies, giving them the exclusive right to explore and prospect for oil within a specific area.

In the course of its operation, Oriental Energy entered into a Technical Services Agreement with DuPont Nigeria Ltd, according to information from its website, acquired the committed 2D seismic survey as well as drilled four wells including the Ufon discovery well.

This continued until the first half of the 1990s.

“At the end of the decade, the Nigerian Department of Petroleum Resources gave an approval to convert OPL 224 to OML 115 on 20 May 1999, as a result of the successful work done on the Block. OML 115 was reduced to 248 km² from its original size of 310 km² as a result of international boundary redefinition,” Indimi was quoted by BusinessDay as telling journalists in 2025.

In early 2000s, the growth of Oriental Energy proceeded quickly. Ebok marginal field (May 2007) and Okwok marginal field (2006) were awarded to Oriental Energy Resources Limited from ExxonMobil’s OML 67, through a Joint Venture Agreement (JVA) between the Nigerian government and ExxonMobil under the Marginal Fields Scheme, as a compensation for the loss of acreage to ExxonMobil Equatorial Guinea.

Strategic alliances followed with Addax Petroleum (Okwok), Nexen E&P Services Nigeria Ltd. (OML 115), and Energy Equity Resources Oil & Gas (OML 115).

In March 2011, Oriental Energy received approval from the Federal Republic of Nigeria for the establishment of the Ebok Terminal for the offloading of crude oil.

By the end of March 2011, the production, processing, and storage facilities were installed at the Ebok field and readied for first oil. By the end of 2011, the Ebok field had produced approximately 3.0 million barrels of oil.

The Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, on Wednesday, swore in the newly appointed justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Joseph Oyewole.

Oyewole’s elevation restored the apex court to its full 21-justice complement provided under Section 230(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

The CJN, who administered the Oath of Allegiance and the Judicial Oath on the new jurist at a ceremony that was held at the Supreme Court, said the occasion carried “an added institutional importance”, as the court would be further strengthened to tackle the backlog of cases awaiting judicial attention.

“This is no small milestone. A full court enhances our capacity to sit in robust panels, to manage our docket more efficiently, and to ensure that the business of the nation’s apex court proceeds with renewed vigour and dispatch. It enriches intellectual diversity and reinforces the stability of our jurisprudence.

“For a court whose pronouncements shape the legal destiny of the nation, numerical completeness is structurally significant to the effective discharge of our constitutional mandate.

“Appointment to this court is not simply the culmination of professional distinction; it is the acceptance of a sacred national responsibility. The Supreme Court stands at the apex of our judicial architecture.

“Its pronouncements settle controversies, shape the development of our jurisprudence, and define the contours of constitutional governance.

“Its judgements do not speak only to the parties before it; they speak to generations yet unborn. The authority of this court rests not on force, but on the moral weight of its reasoning, the discipline of its processes, and the integrity of men and women privileged to serve on its bench,” the CJN stated.

She maintained that Justice Oyewole’s elevation was a testament to his years of disciplined scholarship, fidelity to the law, and distinguished service on the bench.

“Your judicial record reflects intellectual depth, independence of thought, clarity of expression, and a clear appreciation of the relationship between enduring legal principles and evolving social realities.

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“These are qualities indispensable to the work of this court, where issues are often complex and where the margin for error is narrow but the consequences of every decision far-reaching.

“At this level, the judicial function transcends the resolution of disputes. It demands stewardship, careful guardianship of precedent, principled development of the law, and unwavering allegiance to constitutional supremacy.

“A Justice of this Court must possess the courage to affirm settled doctrine where stability demands it and the wisdom to refine it where justice and constitutional fidelity so require,” she added.

Besides, the CJN urged the new jurist not to be afraid of expressing a divergent opinion on cases that are brought before the court.

She said, “Your Lordship is called upon to decide according to law and conscience, free from fear, favour, affection, or ill will.

“Where your Lordship’s considered conviction differs from that of your brother justices; Your Lordship must have the courage to dissent with courtesy and precision.

“A principled dissent, expressed with intellectual honesty, is not a fracture of unity; it is often the seed of future doctrinal growth.

“The oaths Your Lordship has taken represent a covenant, binding in conscience and in law. It demands moral courage when decisions are unpopular, restraint when passions run high, and steadfastness when pressures, subtle or overt, seek to intrude upon judicial independence.

“At this level of adjudication, scrutiny is intense and commentary often instantaneous. Your compass must remain fixed upon the Constitution and the law,” the CJN added.

Prior to his elevation to the Supreme Court, Justice Oyewole served as the presiding justice of the Court of Appeal, Enugu Division.

Vanguard

Nearly four years after gunmen stormed St. Francis Catholic Church and massacred worshippers in one of Nigeria’s deadliest church attacks, operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) say they have arrested a sixth suspect linked to the atrocity.

But as authorities celebrate what they describe as a “significant milestone,” fresh violence has once again rattled Ondo State. Gunmen have abducted six worshippers from a Celestial Church in Uso, along the Owo–Akure Expressway.

For many residents, the haunting question lingers: What use is justice years later if insecurity still ravages the state and worshippers remain unprotected?

The Long Hunt for a Fugitive

The June 5, 2022 attack on St. Francis Catholic Church left more than 40 people dead and over 140 injured, sending shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond.

Five suspects—Idris Omeiza (25), Al Qasim Idris (20), Jamiu Abdulmalik (26), Abdulhaleem Idris (25), and Momoh Otuho Abubakar (47)—are already standing trial for terrorism-related offences.

For nearly four years, however, a sixth suspect allegedly evaded capture.

Security sources say DSS operatives finally tracked down Sani Yusuf in Iguosa community, along Powerline in Ovia North Local Government Area of Edo State. According to security analyst Zagazola Makama, Yusuf is believed to be a high-profile commander of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).

Investigators allege he slipped into Kano after the Owo massacre before relocating quietly to Edo State.

Security sources claim Yusuf has confessed to participating in the planning and execution of the church attack. He is also alleged to have admitted involvement in the July 2022 Suleja military barracks attack, the Zuma Rock checkpoint assault that killed five soldiers, and multiple kidnapping operations in Kaduna State.

Officials describe the arrest as a breakthrough in dismantling ISWAP-linked networks operating in southern Nigeria.

Inside the Courtroom: How the Attack Was Planned

At the Federal High Court in Abuja, a senior DSS official testified in vivid detail about how the Owo attack was allegedly orchestrated.

The prosecution witness, identified as “SSI,” a Deputy Director in charge of Terrorism Investigation, told the court that the accused were members of an ISWAP-affiliated faction described as Al-Shabab.

According to the testimony, a planning meeting was allegedly held on May 30, 2022, at a secondary school in Ogaminana, Kogi State. The directive, the court heard, was explicit: attack the Catholic church in Owo on Sunday and kill the presiding priest.

Weapons, including five AK-47 rifles, magazines, ammunition, and explosive devices, were allegedly supplied ahead of the attack. On June 5, the assailants reportedly drove to Owo in a Volkswagen Golf, concealed their weapons in a sack, and opened fire inside and outside the sanctuary.

Justice Emeka Nwite admitted DSS investigation reports, autopsy findings, and photographic evidence into the court record.

For survivors and families of victims, the trial represents a slow march toward accountability.

But outside the courtroom, insecurity remains a lived reality.

Fresh Fear: Six Worshippers Abducted

In the early hours of February 25, 2026—around 12:50 a.m.—gunmen invaded a Celestial Church during a night service in Uso, Owo Local Government Area.

According to the Ondo State Police Command, six worshippers were abducted and taken to an unknown destination.

Police spokesperson DSP Abayomi Jimoh said security operatives, in collaboration with the Nigerian Army and local vigilante groups, launched a coordinated rescue effort. One victim has since been rescued, and a suspected informant has been arrested.

Operations to rescue the remaining abductees are ongoing.

Yet for many residents, the attack is chillingly symbolic: the same Owo axis that witnessed the 2022 massacre is once again in the headlines.

Milestone or Mirage?

Security analysts say the arrest of a high-ranking ISWAP operative is operationally significant. It demonstrates intelligence persistence and cross-state tracking capability.

But critics argue that security success cannot be measured solely by arrests years after tragedy.

Ondo, like many Nigerian states, continues to grapple with kidnappings, highway ambushes, and attacks on rural communities. Churches, once considered sanctuaries, are increasingly seen as vulnerable targets.

Residents question whether counterterrorism victories translate into everyday safety.

Justice for the dead, they say, must not eclipse protection for the living.

A State Still on Edge

The Owo massacre was meant to be a wake-up call, an inflexion point in Nigeria’s fight against terrorism spreading southward.

Four years later, a fugitive has been caught. A trial inches forward. Confessions are recorded.

But as gunmen continue to strike, Ondo residents are left confronting a sobering paradox:

If arrests come after bloodshed, who prevents the next attack?

Until that question is convincingly answered, every courtroom breakthrough risks feeling less like closure and more like a reminder of a crisis that refuses to end.

A troubling video from a public primary school in Ibiaku Itam, Itu Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State, has ignited outrage across social media — and reopened uncomfortable questions about governance priorities in one of Nigeria’s highest-earning states.

The footage from Primary School, Ibiaku Itam in Ikot Mbonde Community, shows a classroom stripped to its barest form. Only four functional dual desks are visible. Four pupils squeeze into spaces meant for two. Others sit on cracked concrete floors, hunched over exercise books. Some lie on their stomachs to write. A few perch on broken planks. Their teacher, without a table, balances on a stool.

Windows hang loosely from their frames. The roof sags. The floor is fractured.

It is a scene one might expect in a remote, conflict-ravaged outpost. Instead, this school sits within the orbit of Uyo, the state capital — in oil-rich Akwa Ibom.

Model Schools vs. The Forgotten Majority

According to the 2022 approved budget, Akwa Ibom has 1,164 public primary schools. The administration of Governor Umo Eno has embarked on constructing 31 “model” primary schools — one in each local government area. Some have been completed and boast modern structures and seating.

But once those 31 schools are removed from the equation, 1,133 remain. Many are in various states of neglect.

Primary School, Ibiaku Itam, education stakeholders say, is not an isolated case. It is symptomatic.

Budget documents reviewed show repeated allocations for classroom furniture — but little evidence of execution.

In the 2023 revised budget, N16 million was approved for dual desks and plastic tables and chairs for pupils. The Budget Performance Report covering January to September 2023 recorded no expenditure on those items.

In 2024, N12 million was again budgeted for 1,000 dual desks and 50 plastic tables/chairs. Between January and September 2024, expenditure again stood at zero.

No publicly available records clarify whether spending occurred in the final quarters of 2023 or 2024. Requests for clarification to the Commissioner for Education, Ubong Umoh, and the Chairman of the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB), Anietie Etuk, have yet to yield detailed responses.

For 2025, allocations were fragmented across multiple line items, including N1.6 million for 1,000 dual desks and several million more for plastic chairs and tables. Yet the state has not published its 2025 Budget Performance Report.

The question lingers: were the desks ever bought?

Record Revenue, Questioned Priorities

In 2025, Akwa Ibom recorded its highest-ever revenue — N1.134 trillion — while total spending reached N1.330 trillion.

Among the most prominent expenditures was the donation of 10 luxury SUVs to former deputy governors and political party leaders. Each vehicle, according to the 2025 approved budget, costs N100 million, totalling N1 billion.

At the state’s own procurement benchmark — roughly N40,000 per pupil table/chair — that N1 billion could procure at least 25,000 seats.

Twenty-five thousand seats would not merely furnish a classroom; they could transform learning conditions across dozens of schools.

Instead, in Ibiaku Itam, children sit on the floor.

Civil society advocates say the optics are troubling.

“When children sit on bare floors to learn, it sends a powerful psychological message,” said Akanimo Sampson of Rebuilders Foundation. “It tells the child their comfort and dignity are not important.”

She added that in a system where luxury vehicles are routinely provided for political elites, the absence of basic classroom seating cannot credibly be blamed on lack of resources.

“It reflects a deeper governance failure — a misunderstanding of what truly drives development.”

Billions to Councils, Silence on Accountability

Primary education is also a constitutional responsibility of local governments under Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution. Itu Local Government Area received N4.62 billion in FAAC allocations between January and November 2025, excluding internally generated revenue.

Yet no local government in the state publishes its budget online, despite requirements under the Akwa Ibom State Fiscal Responsibility Law mandating transparency.

Efforts to obtain clarification from Itu council chairperson Ubong Nkutt were unsuccessful.

The silence reinforces a broader concern: public funds flow, but accountability lags.

Experts Warn of Lasting Damage

Idongesit Archibong, a professor of Early Childhood Education at the University of Uyo, described the situation as “inhuman.”

“For effective learning, method, environment and content must align,” he said. “If a child is uncomfortable, concentration drops. The demonstration method becomes difficult. Participation suffers. It is very bad to allow kids to sit on the floor in primary school.”

He posed a pointed question: Would public officials allow their own children to learn this way?

Education experts warn that discomfort is not merely an inconvenience; it shapes self-worth, motivation and long-term outcomes.

Learning, they argue, is cognitive, physical and emotional.

A Pattern of Neglect

This is not the first alarm bell.

In 2018, investigative reports detailed how corruption and poor budget implementation contributed to the near collapse of public education in the state. Infrastructure decayed. Teachers went unpaid. Students endured squalid conditions.

Years later, despite record revenues, the fundamentals appear unresolved.

Historic Neglect Mirrors Classroom Crisis

The pattern of neglect extends beyond classrooms.

The historic Amalgamation House in Ikot Abasi — where Lord Frederick Lugard signed the 1914 documents uniting Nigeria’s Northern and Southern Protectorates — now stands in visible decay. Wooden structures rot. Artefacts deteriorate. Surrounding colonial landmarks crumble.

The site, potentially a tourism and heritage hub, languishes unattended.

Critics see symbolism: a state rich in oil revenue, yet struggling to maintain both its history and its classrooms.

A Second Chance in 2026?

The 2026 budget shows increased allocations for school furniture and, for the first time, explicitly names beneficiary schools. Hundreds of dual desks are approved for select institutions across several local government areas.

Specificity marks progress.

But history tempers optimism. This is not the first time funds have been earmarked.

For pupils in Ibiaku Itam and hundreds of other schools, the issue is not allocation on paper — it is execution on the ground.

In a state that can afford N100 million SUVs, the image of children lying on concrete floors to learn may become the defining question of governance:

The question now is, what truly matters?

Watch the video below.

Nearly 1,200 children were forcibly recruited by armed groups in northeastern Nigeria two years ago, a stark reminder that, despite years of reintegration programmes and global pledges, childhood in parts of the country remains perilously fragile.

At least 595 girls and 525 boys were enlisted in 2024 alone across conflict-affected communities in Borno State, Yobe State and Adamawa State, according to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

“These are verified cases,” UNICEF Child Protection Manager Tarek Akkad said Wednesday in Maiduguri during the 2026 Red Hand Day commemoration. “Behind every number is a child whose education, safety and future were interrupted.”

The figures, drawn from the latest report of the UN Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict, expose a crisis that refuses to fade.

Childhood Interrupted

In the region scarred by more than a decade of insurgency, boys are often forced into combat or support roles, while girls are frequently subjected to forced labour, domestic servitude, and sexual exploitation.

The physical risks are immediate. The psychological damage can last a lifetime.

Experts warn that children recruited into armed groups often suffer severe trauma — post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety and deep social withdrawal. Many struggle with stigma when they return home. Others return carrying invisible wounds that can manifest in aggression, distrust and chronic instability.

When reintegration fails, the cycle can repeat.

“Recruitment is a persistent and deeply damaging violation,” Akkad said.

The Vicious Cycle

Humanitarian workers say the crisis is not only about lost childhoods, but also about the long-term destabilisation of entire communities.

Children denied education are more vulnerable to poverty and re-recruitment. Trauma left untreated can fuel cycles of violence. Communities overwhelmed by insecurity and overstretched protection systems struggle to absorb returning children.

The result is a fragile social fabric where today’s child soldier risks becoming tomorrow’s unemployed, stigmatised and psychologically scarred adult.

Globally, UNICEF estimates that roughly 250,000 children are currently involved in armed conflicts — a figure Akkad described as a “grim reminder” of the scale of the crisis.

In Nigeria’s North-East, despite hundreds benefiting from psychosocial care and education support, protection systems remain thinly stretched.

“There is an urgent need to strengthen prevention, ensure accountability for recruiters and fully implement handover protocols,” Akkad said, stressing that rescued children must be treated strictly as victims.

Red Hand Day’s Stark Symbol

The announcement came during Red Hand Day, observed annually on February 12, marking the adoption of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits the involvement of children in armed conflict.

The red handprint — the campaign’s symbol — represents a global demand: stop using children as weapons of war.

At the event in Maiduguri, some formerly recruited children shared brief testimonies. They spoke of fear, coercion and confusion — but also of gradual recovery through education and counselling.

Still, the numbers tell a sobering story.

After more than a decade of insurgency in northeastern Nigeria, recruitment has not ended. It has adapted.

And for nearly 1,200 children last year, the cost was their childhood.

Nigeria’s federal government has filed a Notice of Appeal before the Supreme Court of challenging the decision of the Court of Appeal of Nigeria delivered on January 30, 2026, which granted bail to Lagos socialite Fred Ajudua.

The appeal arises from Charge No. ID/16C/2025 and Appeal No. CA/LAG/1319/2025, and the government is seeking to overturn the entire ruling of the Court of Appeal and restore the earlier decision of the trial court that denied bail and ordered that the Respondent remain in custody.

Ajudua, 65, is standing trial for alleged conspiracy, obtaining money under false pretences, forgery, and use of forged documents under Lagos State law. 

The allegations are linked to a $1.043 million advance-fee fraud, a case that dates back to the late 1990s and early 2000s. 

The case, which began in 2005 before Justice M. O. Obadina, has faced multiple delays, reportedly due to various legal tactics employed by the defendant.

He applied for bail on July 22, 2025, citing worsening health and submitted medical reports confirming chronic kidney disease and the need for further treatment. 

However, the trial court refused bail, ruling that the Supreme Court had already revoked his bail and that his medical condition did not justify releasing him, although the Court of Appeal later disagreed.

In its Notice of Appeal dated February 20, 2026 and filed on February 23, 2026, the government stated that it was dissatisfied with the ruling of the Court of Appeal and was appealing on multiple grounds. 

The government, through its counsel, argued that the Court of Appeal erred when it overruled its preliminary objection challenging the competence of Ajudua’s appeal and made findings that, according to the government, misrepresented the effect of an earlier Supreme Court judgment delivered on May 9, 2025. 

The Notice of Appeal was filed by counsel including S. K. Atteh, T. J. Banjo, and P. I. Ugama of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

The Respondent, Ajudua, was listed through his counsel, Olalekan Ojo, SAN, and Allens Agbaka of Olalekan Ojo (SAN) & Co, Comfort Chambers, Ribadu Street, Ikoyi, Lagos.

The Court of Appeal had stated that it could not find any order in that Supreme Court judgment directing that Ajudua be detained pending the conclusion of his trial and also stated that counsel had been economical with the truth in presenting the Supreme Court’s findings. 

The government rejected this interpretation and maintained that the Supreme Court had clearly resolved the issue of bail.

The government relied heavily on a portion of the Supreme Court judgment delivered by Justice Chioma Egondu Nwosu–Iheme, which explained that the appeal had been determined on jurisdiction and that the issue of bail was inseparable from that appeal. 

The judgment described the issue of bail as being like a “Siamese twin” with the appeal and stated that both must die together once the appeal failed. 

According to the government, the meaning of those words was that the issue of bail had been conclusively determined and could not be revived or reconsidered by any lower court. 

The government argued that the Supreme Court’s decision to revoke bail and remit the case for speedy trial meant that Ajudua was to remain in custody and that no court below the Supreme Court had the authority to grant bail again.

“To severe the issue of bail from this appeal which failed woefully is tantamount to making a mockery or caricature of a very serious business,” the applicant’s lawyers argued. 

Govt Alleges Appeal Court Violated Supreme Court Orders

The government further argued that the Court of Appeal violated Sections 235 and 275(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which establish the finality of Supreme Court decisions and bind lower courts to follow them. 

It stated that the enrolled order of the Supreme Court dated June 3, 2025, signed by Justice Uwani Musa Abba Aji, who presided over the panel, clearly directed that Ajudua be remanded in prison custody and that the trial should continue and be concluded within the shortest possible time. 

The government argued that this order was clear and unambiguous and that the Court of Appeal failed to implement and enforce it.

The government also argued that the Court of Appeal acted improperly by making pronouncements suggesting that the Supreme Court did not decide certain issues because it determined the appeal on jurisdiction. 

The government stated that by doing so, the Court of Appeal effectively reviewed and reinterpreted a Supreme Court decision, which it had no authority to do. It argued that the Court of Appeal lacked jurisdiction to review, overturn, or revisit any decision of the Supreme Court and that its actions amounted to sitting on appeal over the apex court.

“The Court of Appeal was wrong in law and its judgment violated the provisions of sections 275(1) and 235 of 1999 Constitution (as amended) by subsequent grant bail to the Respondent after the Supreme Court has revoked the bail, and held that the bail issue is dead and buried, and remitted the case to the trial court for speedy trial and determination,” the government lawyers said.

“This position is firmly rooted in the principles of judicial hierarchy, stare decisis, and the finality of the Supreme Court’s decisions, which the Court of Appeal and the trial Court are bound to follow.”

Govt Opposes Case Transfer, Questions Medical Grounds For Bail

Another issue raised by the government concerned the question of transferring the case to another judge for trial. 

The government stated that this issue had not been raised at the trial court and argued that raising it at the appellate level was improper. The government also argued that transferring the case to another judge would undermine the Supreme Court’s order for speedy trial and determination and would contradict the clear directive given by the apex court when it remitted the case.

The government also challenged the Court of Appeal’s reliance on medical grounds as justification for granting bail. It argued that the Court of Appeal wrongly treated a medical report dated November 19, 2025, as evidence of changed circumstances. 

The government stated that Ajudua had been diagnosed with kidney-related illness since 1987 and argued that this condition had been used repeatedly since 2005 as a reason to avoid trial. 

The government also alleged that a consultant, Dr. A. J. Adewumi, issued medical reports on November 19 and November 27, 2025, which contained the same content but were used for different purposes, including explaining Ajudua’s absence from court. The government argued that these reports did not constitute new or changed circumstances that justified granting bail.

“That the Hon Justices of the Court of Appeal failed to consider the fact that the Consultant that issued the Medical report Dr. A. J. Adewumi, FMCP had been manipulating the report as reflected in the report dated 19th November, 2025 when the Respondent was in Court for trial and the report dated 27th of November, 2025 by the same Consultant which was the report used as excuse for the Respondent not to be present in Court on 28th of November, 2025,” the applicant’s lawyers argued.

“The two reports contained the same content.”

The government further argued that the Court of Appeal failed to consider the effect of previous bail granted to Ajudua in another charge in 2014. 

According to the government, despite being granted bail in that earlier case, only one witness had been called, which demonstrated that granting bail would frustrate the Supreme Court’s directive for speedy trial. The government argued that granting bail would undermine the purpose of the Supreme Court’s order and delay the resolution of the case.

In its appeal, the government stated that the ruling of the Court of Appeal was unreasonable and could not be supported by the evidence or the enrolled orders of the Supreme Court. 

It asked the Supreme Court to allow the appeal, revoke the bail granted by the Court of Appeal on January 30, 2026, and restore the ruling of the trial court delivered on November 20, 2025, which denied bail. The government also requested any further orders that the Supreme Court may consider appropriate in the circumstance

A congressional panel of the United States (US) has recommended the blockage of beef export and other cattle-related products from Nigeria to countries including Ivory Coast, Ghana, and others, as part of measures aimed at addressing the alleged persecution of Christians and worsening insecurity in the country.

Congressman Riley M. Moore, working with members of the House Committees on Appropriations and Foreign Affairs, had presented a report at the White House detailing what he described as concrete steps to combat the persecution of Christians in Nigeria and counter extremist violence.

The report followed President Trump’s redesignation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) on October 31, 2025.

The report, in its findings, claimed that Nigeria, after decades of persecution, “is the deadliest place in the world to be a Christian. Christians are subject to ongoing violent attacks from well-armed Fulani militias and terrorist groups, resulting in the death and murder of tens of thousands of Christians, including pastors and priests, the destruction of thousands of churches and schools, as well as kidnappings. Blasphemy laws in Nigeria’s northern states are used to silence speech and dissent, target Christians and minorities, and justify so-called “convictions” without due process.”

In its recommendations to the US President, the panel called for the “review and use points of leverage to compel Fulani herdsmen to disarm, including by blocking export of beef and other cattle-related products to countries like Ivory Coast, Ghana, South Africa, and Senegal.”

Among the recommendations are the establishment of a bilateral U.S.–Nigeria security agreement to protect vulnerable Christian communities and dismantle jihadist networks; withholding certain U.S. funds pending action by the Nigerian government to halt violence against Christians; imposing sanctions and visa restrictions on individuals and groups responsible for or complicit in religious persecution; providing technical support to address violence from armed Fulani militias; demanding the repeal of Sharia and Blasphemy laws; and working with international partners including France, Hungary and the United Kingdom.

Read the full report here.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has appointed Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of Police, Olatunji Disu, as Nigeria’s 23rd Inspector‑General of Police (IGP), following Kayode Egbetokun’s resignation.

However, with the appointment of AIG Disu as the new IGP, no fewer than eight Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police would have to leave the Force for Disu to become the substantive IGP. 

In a statement by Bayo Onanuga, the president’s special adviser on information and strategy, Tinubu received Egbetokun’s resignation earlier on Tuesday and expressed his profound appreciation for Egbetokun’s decades of distinguished service to the Nigeria Police Force and the nation. 

Confirming Disu’s appointment, the statement reads, “In view of the current security challenges confronting the nation and acting in accordance with extant laws and legal guidance, President Tinubu has approved the appointment of Assistant Inspector-General of Police Tunji Disu to serve as Acting Inspector-General of Police with immediate effect.

Tunji Disu, as he is generally known, is a career officer with more than three decades of service in the Nigeria Police Force.

Below are ten things to know about the newly appointed Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu.

1. Tunji Disu was born on April 13, 1966, in Lagos Island, Lagos State. 
2. Holds a bachelor’s degree in English Education from Lagos State University (LASU), plus two master’s degrees: Public Administration (Adekunle Ajasin University) and Criminology, Security & Legal Psychology (LASU).
3. He joined the police on May 18, 1992, and has served severally as DPO in Ago Iwoye (Ogun State), Ikare (Ondo State), Owo (Ondo State), Elimbu, and Elelenwo in Rivers State
4. AIG Disu served as Commissioner of Police in Abuja and previously in Rivers State, with multiple leadership roles, including DPO, SARS commander, and 2IC of CID.
5. He was the former head of the Police Force’s Intelligence Response Team (IRT), a position previously held by Abba Kyari, and also served as Principal Staff Officer to Acting IGP Kayode Egbetokun.
6. He completed advanced courses in small arms smuggling (Botswana), internet fraud (Cambridge, UK), forensic investigations, criminal intelligence, and strategic leadership.
7. He led Lagos State RRS from 2015–2021, rebranding officers as “The Good Guys” and promoting community-focused, problem-solving policing.
8. The new IGP is a member of the International Association of Chiefs of Police and several other global professional policing and forensic bodies.
9. He served as contingent commander for Nigeria’s first African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) in 2005 and acted as Chief of Staff in Darfur.
10. He has a third dan black belt and has won multiple national and international medals, including silver at the 2022 U.S. Open Judo Championship; former Chairman of Lagos State Judo Association and a patron of the Nigerian Police Judo Association.
11. Under Disu’s command, RRS received “Best Anti-Crime Police Squad in West Africa” (2016), and he personally earned “Most Outstanding Anti-Crime Police Chief” in West and Central Africa (2019) and CRAN’s “Man of the Year” (2019).

 Below are the DIGs to be affected:

Frank Mba

Frank Mba began his policing career as an Inspector and steadily rose through the ranks. In 1999, he was promoted to Assistant Superintendent of Police, followed by Deputy Superintendent of Police in 2003.

He was promoted to Superintendent of Police (SP) in 2008, Chief Superintendent of Police in 2012, Assistant Commissioner of Police in 2014, Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) in 2018, and Commissioner of Police in December 2020. In March 2023, he was decorated as an Assistant Inspector-General of Police.

He is a three-time National Spokesman of the Nigeria Police Force and has received the UN Medal for his service as a member of the Nigeria Police Contingent to the United Nations Mission in Liberia from 2006 to 2007

Mohammed Gumel

Mohammed Gumel assumed duty as the 4th Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Force Intelligence Department at the Force Headquarters in Abuja in late December 2025/early January 2026. He is a seasoned officer, known for community policing.

The Force Intelligence Department is the apex intelligence-gathering arm of the Nigeria Police Force. He formerly served as a Commissioner of Police and was notably recognized as the best Community Policing Advocate of the Year (2024). He holds the FIPMA (Fellow, Institute of Professional Managers and Administrators) and psc (Police Staff College) designations.

Adebola Hamzat

Adebola Hamzat currently serves as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Department of Logistics and Supply of the Nigeria Police Force. He was appointed and decorated as a Deputy Inspector-General of Police in March 2025.

ALSO READ: 10 things to know about newly appointed IGP, Tunji Disu

As the head of the Department of Logistics and Supply, he oversees the technical, administrative, and logistical needs of the entire Nigeria Police Force, including procurement, works, housing, and the Force Quarter-Master.

Previous Roles: Before his elevation to DIG, he served as the Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of Zone 16, Yenagoa (covering Bayelsa and Rivers States). He was also the Commissioner of Police for Oyo State and the former AIG in charge of the Counter Terrorism Unit. He is an indigene of Ifelodun L.G.A of Kwara State.

Yahaya Abubakar

Yahaya Abubakar is a senior Deputy Inspector-General of Police in the Nigeria Police Force who most recently served as the Head of the Department of Finance and Administration at Police Force Headquarters, Abuja. He was appointed to lead the Department of Finance and Administration, which oversees the financial management, budgeting, human resources, and administrative processes of the Force.

DIG Abubakar was appointed to the position following his promotion by the Police Service Commission in 2024, having previously served in senior roles such as Assistant Inspector-General and Zone Commander

Basil Idegwu

Basil Idegwu was appointed to lead the Department of Research and Planning at the Force Headquarters in Abuja as of March 2025. He is responsible for strategic planning, policy formulation, and enhancing the Force’s operational efficiency.

He holds a Ph.D. in Peace and Security Studies. Idegwu heads a key department focused on ensuring standards, uniformity, and modernisation in policing services.

Bzigu Kwazhi

Bzigu Kwazhi is a senior officer in the Nigeria Police Force, currently serving as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Department of Operations.

He is responsible for leading, coordinating, and implementing operational activities, crime prevention strategies, and maintaining law and order across Nigeria. As the head of the Department of Operations, he manages tactical operations, joint security operations (with the military), and policies for controlling incidents like riots, disasters, and elections.

In 2025, he has been actively involved in high-level security assessments, including leading operations to restore peace in Plateau State and Adamawa State. He is a seasoned officer with extensive field experience, having previously served as the Commissioner of Police in both Osun and Akwa Ibom State.

Idris Abubakar

Idris Abubakar was appointed into the Nigeria Police Force as a cadet ASP on 18/5/1992. He hails from Garko LGA of Kano State. He holds a B.Sc. in Education from Utman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, and an M.Sc. in Education, in Psychology and a PhD in Psychology from the University of Abuja.

Adebowale William

Adebowale Williams is a senior Nigerian police officer serving at the rank of Deputy Inspector-General of Police in the Nigeria Police Force. He held/has held a key leadership role as the Head of the Department of Information and Communication Technology at the Force Headquarters in Abuja.

He was appointed to lead the Department of Information and Communication Technology within the NPF. This department is responsible for managing and advancing the Force’s technological infrastructure, systems, and digital tools to support modern policing.