Breaking: Court halts NBA 2026 elections, bars NBA President from election process

March 5, 2026

The build-up to the 2026 National Officers’ Election of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has been thrown into fresh controversy after a High Court in Oyo State issued a dramatic order halting activities related to the electoral process.

In a ruling delivered on Wednesday, Justice G. A. Opayinka of the Oyo State High Court sitting in Ibadan granted an interim injunction restraining the Electoral Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association (ECNBA) and the NBA President, Mazi Afam Josiah Osigwe, SAN, from taking further steps in connection with the election.

The order followed a Motion Ex-Parte filed by four lawyers, Ibrahim Lawal, Raymond Oki, Omotan Olusola Ogunmodede, and Chief Gabriel Ojo Adekunle Ijalana, who challenged aspects of the electoral process and the constitution of the ECNBA.

The applicants joined as defendants the Nigerian Bar Association, its President Afam Osigwe, SAN, the Body of Benchers, and the General Council of the Bar, represented through the Attorney-General of the Federation.

Also listed as defendants are members of the ECNBA: Aham Ejelam, SAN; Ibrahim Aliyu Nassarawa, Esq.; Muhamad M. Nuhu, Esq.; Uju Okafor, Esq.; and Ume Maduka, Esq.

In the interim order, the court restrained the 5th to 9th defendants from parading themselves as Chairman, Secretary, or members of the ECNBA, or performing any act connected with the conduct of the 2026 NBA National Officers’ Election.

Justice Opayinka further directed that NBA President Afam Osigwe must not take any step whatsoever toward the constitution or composition of the ECNBA, nor participate in supervising, influencing, or interfering with the electoral process pending the determination of a Motion on Notice seeking a substantive interlocutory injunction.

The application was argued by Tunji Ogunrinde, SAN, alongside R. O. Solahudeen, Esq., counsel to the claimants.

Legal observers say the ruling could significantly disrupt preparations for the NBA’s 2026 elections, which are expected to hold in about four months.

With the ECNBA now restrained and the NBA President barred from further actions relating to the committee’s composition, the decision is already raising serious constitutional and political questions within the Bar about the fate of the election timetable and the future of the electoral process.

The court adjourned the matter to 12 March 2026 for the hearing of the Motion on Notice for interlocutory injunction.

Poverty drives Nigerian families into overcrowded public schools despite failing infrastructure

March 5, 2026

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s worsening economic crisis is pushing thousands of families into a painful dilemma: sending their children to public schools that lack even the most basic facilities or withdrawing them from education altogether.

Across the country, parents who once struggled to keep their children in private schools are now transferring them to public institutions, not because they believe the schools offer better learning conditions, but because the country’s spiralling cost of living has left them with little choice.

The shift is flooding already overstretched government schools with new students, exposing deep structural failures in Nigeria’s education system.

Private School Exodus

Parents and education stakeholders say rising transportation costs, inflation, and the ripple effects of economic reforms have made private school tuition unaffordable for many households.

Education manager Mr. Alake Ayo said the cost of schooling has become unbearable for average Nigerian families.

“Tuition fees have increased even for families that could afford them before, while living expenses have surged fourfold,” he said.
“Many parents simply cannot keep their children in private schools anymore.”

As a result, thousands of students are leaving private schools and moving into public institutions that were already struggling with inadequate infrastructure and poor funding.

Education analysts estimate that millions of Nigerian students have dropped out of school in recent years, while many others are being pushed into the public education system as the only affordable option left.

Public Schools Buckling Under Pressure

The sudden influx of students is overwhelming government schools that already lack sufficient classrooms, teachers, and learning materials.

In some cases, classrooms designed for fewer than forty students now accommodate more than one hundred.

A teacher in a public school in Iba, Lagos, who spoke anonymously, described the situation as unsustainable.

“Even though we are already in the second term, parents are still bringing their children for admission,” the teacher said.
“Some classes now have over a hundred pupils.”

Such overcrowding is worsening long-standing problems in public schools, where dilapidated classrooms, broken furniture, poor sanitation and shortages of teachers are common.

Critics say the situation reflects years of weak governance and chronic underinvestment in Nigeria’s education sector.

Families Forced Into Difficult Choices

For many parents, transferring their children to public schools is not a preferred option but a survival strategy.

Books, uniforms, transportation and other associated costs have also risen sharply, leaving families struggling to keep their children in any form of schooling.

Some parents have gone further, pulling their children out of school entirely and sending them into informal work to support household income.

In Okokomaiko, Lagos, residents say children as young as seven are now seeking work in local factories and small businesses.

One concerned parent described scenes of children lining up outside a popular sachet-water factory in search of daily-paid jobs.

“Some parents even bring their children themselves to beg for work,” the parent said.
“They believe the small money earned each day will help the family survive.”

Schools Struggling to Stay Afloat

The economic downturn is also affecting the ability of schools to operate effectively.

School administrator Miss Akwa Ugo said the crisis is destabilising school management.

“Students keep leaving because their parents cannot pay fees,” she explained.
“Teachers are also quitting because salaries no longer cover basic living expenses.”

According to social commentator Mr. Stanley Uzo, the imbalance between school fees and teacher wages highlights the structural problems within the education sector.

“Teachers are building the future while being compensated as if they belong to the past,” he said.

Even Public Technical Schools Becoming Expensive

In some parts of the country, even government-owned institutions are becoming financially inaccessible.

Education advocate Mr. Alex Onyia pointed to technical schools in Enugu State where fees reportedly exceed ₦300,000 per term, a figure far beyond the reach of low-income families.

He also questioned the effectiveness of government programmes designed to support students.

“The government allocated ₦30 billion for school feeding, yet fewer than ten schools are benefiting,” Onyia said.
“Something in the system is clearly broken.”

A System Near Breaking Point

While a few low-cost private schools offering flexible payment plans have seen a rise in enrolment, analysts say such isolated cases cannot offset the broader collapse unfolding across the education sector.

The combination of poverty, failing infrastructure and weak governance is creating a perfect storm.

As public schools become overcrowded and underfunded, Nigeria risks producing a generation of students educated in conditions that make meaningful learning nearly impossible.

For many families, however, the reality is stark: public schools may be broken, but they remain the only schools they can still afford.

Coroner’s inquest without the deceased’s body

March 5, 2026

Leadership Newspaper Editorial

Nkanu Esege, one of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s twins, died on 7 January 2026, following complications during a series of preparatory medical procedures at Euracare Multispecialty Hospital, Lagos.

A Coroner at the Yaba Magistrate Court, Lagos, has scheduled 14 April 2026 for the commencement of a formal inquest into the death of the 21-month-old son of the renowned author.

However, reports have emerged that the deceased’s body has been cremated, thereby leaving the Coroner without primary forensic evidence as to the cause of death.

This editorial examines the possibility of the Coroner’s inquest proceeding in the absence of the body of the deceased.

Suffice it to say that had the body of the deceased been buried, and not cremated, perhaps, the fears of the looming uncertainty as to the cause of his death, resulting from the absence of his body for the purpose of the inquest would have been allayed.

This is because, save in circumstances where it would be injurious to public health, or where there is no reasonable probability of a satisfactory result being obtained thereby, whenever it appears to a Coroner that the body of a person, who has died under circumstances requiring the conduct of an inquest, has been buried without being viewed or without an inquest having been held, the Coroner is vested with powers by dint of a warrant, to order the exhumation of the body for the purpose of holding an inquest as contained in Section 6 of the Coroner’s Act, 1945

Under Section 16 of the Coroner’s System Law of Lagos State. 2007, tampering with or disposing the body of a deceased person prior to conduct of a post-mortem examination is prohibited, except by the prior authorisation of the medical examiner.

It must be noted that this provision applies only where, prior to the tampering with the body, a Coroner’s inquest has begun, with a view to ascertaining the cause of the deceased’s death. This is also the jurisprudential basis for the provision of Section 10 of the Coroner’s Act which prohibits the burial or cremation of the body of a deceased person requiring an inquest until such inquest is held.

For ease of reference, Section 10 of the Coroner’s Act provides that: a coroner may prohibit the burial or cremation of a body lying within jurisdiction until an inquest is held.”

Also, Section 22 of the Coroner’s System Law of Lagos State, 2007 provides that: “A Coroner may order the postponement of chemical preservation or disposal of any body lying within his jurisdiction, until an inquest has been held.”

Notwithstanding the foregoing, a Coroner’s inquest can still be held in Nigeria even if the body of the deceased has been cremated, as the inquest focuses on determining the cause, time, and circumstances of death through evidence elicited from witnesses and medical reports, rather than relying solely on a physical autopsy/post-mortem examination. Thus, while cremation complicates forensic analysis/evidence, legal proceedings can proceed based on available records.

Again, in our opinion, it depends on the key details regarding this situation, such as the purpose of the Inquest. The primary goal is to determine who, where, when, and how the deceased died, which can be achieved through witness testimonies, circumstantial evidence, documentation, and the deceased’s available medical records.

There is also procedural flexibility which indicates that despite the cremation of the deceased’s body, an inquest can be initiated or continued based on evidence gathered before or after cremation, as aforestated.

On the proposition that a Coroner’s inquest can be conducted in the absence of the deceased’s body, provisions of Section 9 of the Coroner’s Act, 1945 provide that (1) where a coroner has reason to believe that a death has occurred in the area within which he has jurisdiction in such circumstances that an inquest ought to be held, and that owing- (a) to the destruction of the body by fire or otherwise; (b) or to the fact that the body is lying in a place from which it cannot be recovered, an inquest cannot be held except by virtue of the provisions of this section,he may, if he considers it desirable so to do, hold an inquest touching the death.

In an inquest under subsection (2) of this section, the Law relating to inquests shall apply with such modifications as may be necessary in consequence of the inquest being held otherwise than on or after view of a body lying within the coroner’s jurisdiction.”

The above provisions of the Coroner’s Act of 1945 are in pari materia with Section 21 of the Coroner’s System Law of Lagos State, 2007.

Section 9(2) of the Coroner’s Act refers to the use by the coroner of such means other than viewing of the deceased’s body or post-mortem examination to conduct the inquest.

Similarly, alternative means to be employed by the coroner in the absence of the body of the deceased include, as earlier highlighted, calling of witnesses to give evidence during the inquest, medical reports/records relating to the deceased prior to his death, as well as cogent and compelling circumstantial evidence.

On the powers of a Coroner to conduct an inquest by means of oral and written testimonies of witnesses, especially as in the instant case where the body of the deceased has been cremated, Section 17 of the Coroner’s Act which provides that (1) a coroner holding an inquest shall have and may exercise all the powers of a magistrate with regard to summoning and compelling the attendance of witnesses and requiring them to give evidence, and with regard to the production of a document or thing at the inquest.”

Also Sections 32 and 33 of the Coroner’s System Law of Lagos State, 2007 states that key witnesses in this regard may include the medical team that attended to the deceased while he was receiving medical treatment before his death, the deceased’s family members or such persons who are abreast of his medical history, who brought/accompanied him to the hospital where he died or who last saw him before his death under circumstances requiring the holding of an inquest.

Euracare slams probe as doctors face suspension in Adichie’s son’s death, accuses regulators of procedural lapses

March 4, 2026

Euracare Multi-Specialist Hospital has mounted a forceful defence of two of its senior physicians, placed on interim suspension by the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria (MDCN) following the death of 21-month-old Nkanu Adichie-Esege, the son of celebrated author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie.

The hospital also raised concerns about the integrity of the investigative process, alleging procedural lapses and breaches of confidentiality in what is fast becoming one of Nigeria’s most high-profile medical negligence cases.

Doctors Suspended Pending Tribunal

On Tuesday, the Medical and Dental Practitioners Investigation Panel announced the interim suspension of Euracare’s Medical Director, Dr. Tunde Majekodunmi, and its anaesthesiologists, Dr. Titus Ogundare. Also suspended was Dr. Atinuke Uwajeh, Chief Medical Officer of Atlantis Pediatric Hospital.

The trio has been barred from practicing medicine in Nigeria pending the outcome of proceedings before the Medical and Dental Practitioners’ Disciplinary Tribunal.

According to a statement signed by the panel’s Secretary, Dr. Enejo Abdu, investigators established a prima facie case of medical negligence in the treatment of the toddler, who died on January 7, 2026, following complications arising from preparatory medical procedures.

The panel further disclosed that it found sufficient evidence of professional misconduct against 10 additional doctors at Atlantis Hospital. Eight other physicians named in the initial complaint were cleared after the panel reviewed affidavits, counter-affidavits, and sworn oral testimony.

The investigation concluded during the panel’s 25th session held in Abuja on February 17 and 18. A coroner’s inquest is scheduled to begin April 14.

A Planned Medical Evacuation That Ended in Tragedy

According to accounts contained in a legal notice dated January 10, 2026—issued by counsel to the child’s parents—the toddler had first been admitted to Atlantis Hospital in Lagos for what doctors reportedly described as a worsening but initially mild illness.

As arrangements were being made to transfer him to Johns Hopkins Hospital in the United States for specialist care, Atlantis Hospital referred him to Euracare for pre-flight evaluations and procedures.

Those procedures allegedly included an echocardiogram, brain MRI, lumbar puncture, intravenous sedation with propofol, and insertion of a peripherally inserted central catheter.

The parents claim their son developed sudden and severe complications while being moved to the cardiac catheterization laboratory after undergoing the MRI.

He later died.

In their notice, the parents accused Euracare, its anaesthesiologists, and other medical personnel of failing in their duty of care and engaging in professional misconduct.

Euracare Pushes Back

In a statement issued Wednesday, Euracare said it remains committed to cooperating fully with regulatory and judicial authorities. However, it expressed strong confidence in the competence and integrity of its suspended physicians, describing them as seasoned professionals who have made significant contributions to healthcare delivery in Nigeria.

The hospital said it had conducted an internal clinical review consistent with its governance standards and best practices, maintaining that it has upheld transparency throughout.

But it also alleged that “certain established processes and protocols have not been followed in the manner required” during the investigation.

Euracare further raised concerns about what it described as the disclosure of confidential patient and institutional information outside appropriate channels—calling it a serious breach.

“All parties are entitled to a fair and impartial process conducted strictly in accordance with established rules,” the hospital said, adding that it would pursue its concerns through appropriate legal and regulatory avenues.

While defending its staff, Euracare expressed sympathy to the bereaved family, acknowledging that the loss of a child is “a grief without measure.”

High-Profile Case, National Scrutiny

The case has drawn widespread public attention not only because of the gravity of the allegations, but also because of the prominence of the child’s mother, one of Nigeria’s most internationally recognized literary figures.

As disciplinary proceedings and a coroner’s inquest move forward, the case is likely to test both Nigeria’s medical accountability systems and public trust in private healthcare institutions.

For now, three doctors remain suspended, more than a dozen practitioners have faced regulatory scrutiny, and a grieving family awaits answers.

Protest or Policy? Edo’s power crisis sparks leadership debate as governor joins protest

March 4, 2026

By Lillian Okenwa

As residents of Edo State grapple with blackouts, overbilling and rising generator costs, Governor Monday Okpebholo has taken an unusual step: joining a street protest against Benin Electricity Distribution Plc (BEDC).

The governor vowed to “break the monopoly” in electricity distribution, arguing that opening the sector to more players, similar to Nigeria’s telecom model, would improve efficiency and service delivery.

But as Edo debates distribution reform, critics say the deeper crisis lies elsewhere: weak generation capacity, fragile transmission infrastructure and sluggish policy execution.

And they point to a growing contrast, one unfolding hundreds of kilometres away.

A Tale of Two States

In Abia State, Governor Alex Otti has pursued an aggressive push toward embedded generation and alternative energy partnerships, leveraging new electricity reforms that allow states greater autonomy in power generation and distribution.

Abia has moved to strengthen independent power initiatives and attract private sector investment into localised generation, reducing dependence on the national grid and prioritising industrial clusters and urban centres.

Energy analysts say the strategy reflects a shift from complaint to capacity-building.

“Distribution is the last mile,” one power sector consultant noted. “If generation is weak and transmission is unstable, breaking a monopoly alone won’t solve the darkness.”

Nigeria’s Structural Power Problem

Nigeria’s national grid has long struggled with inadequate generation. producing far below national demand, alongside ageing transmission lines and recurring system collapses.

States now have constitutional and legislative pathways to:

Develop embedded power plants
Partner with independent power producers
Expand solar mini-grids in rural communities
Create state-level electricity markets

Yet execution varies widely.

For many Edo residents, the central question is whether joining a protest signals empathy — or a vacuum of structured policy alternatives.

Lessons From Smaller Nations

Globally, smaller economies facing similar infrastructure challenges have adopted diversified power strategies:

Rwanda has aggressively deployed solar mini-grids to electrify rural communities.
Costa Rica has invested heavily in renewable hydro, wind and geothermal power, dramatically reducing fossil fuel reliance.
Namibia has expanded independent power producer (IPP) participation to stabilise supply.

These countries demonstrate a core principle: sustainable electricity reform requires generation expansion, infrastructure investment and regulatory clarity — not only market restructuring.

Generation vs Demonstration

Governor Okpebholo’s argument centres on breaking BEDC’s dominance in distribution. But experts caution that without parallel investment in:

State-backed embedded generation
Public-private renewable projects
Infrastructure upgrades
Transparent regulatory frameworks

… additional distributors may simply share scarcity rather than create abundance.

Critics argue that the optics of a sitting governor joining a protest blur the lines of executive responsibility.

“When a governor protests, who exactly is he protesting against?” asked a Benin-based policy analyst. “Leadership means designing the solution, not marching against the symptom.”

The Governance Test

Edo’s electricity crisis is not just about bills and blackouts, it is about governance capacity in an era where states now have greater power-sector autonomy.

With inflation rising and small businesses strained by diesel costs, the demand is shifting from rhetoric to results.

Residents are not merely asking for solidarity. They are asking for sustained light.

As Abia experiments with generation-focused reform and smaller nations diversify energy portfolios, Edo faces a defining choice: move from protest politics to power-sector transformation.

In the end, the electorate may judge not who joined the rally, but who switched on the lights.

Moral Decay in Society: Abuse of vulnerable populations

March 4, 2026

By Richard Odusanya

The worse moral failure that undermines humanity is to be bribed with material intents in order to stand against the truth.

The above statement is morally forceful, and its central claim — that bribery in exchange for silence or distortion of truth is a deep ethical failure — resonates strongly within the Nigerian context. Corruption here is not abstract; it has concrete developmental, institutional, and even security consequences.

When corruption diverts public resources, the damage manifests in poorly equipped hospitals, abandoned infrastructure, unpaid teachers, fragile institutions, and weakened public trust. In that sense, the quotation attributed to Navi Pillay captures a real developmental truth: corruption is not merely about money lost; it is about opportunities denied and lives indirectly shortened.

However, to frame corruption solely as “spiritual decay” may be rhetorically powerful but analytically incomplete.

In Nigeria, corruption is not only a moral weakness of individuals; it is also embedded in structural incentives. Weak enforcement mechanisms, opaque procurement systems, politicized institutions, and patronage-driven political financing create an environment where corruption is often rationalized as survival or obligation. When systems reward loyalty over competence and shield impunity, moral exhortation alone cannot solve the problem.

The biblical reference to 1 Timothy 6:10 — “the love of money is the root of all evil” — is frequently quoted, but it is worth emphasizing that the text does not condemn money itself, but disordered attachment to it. In a country like Nigeria, where economic insecurity is widespread, the pursuit of money is often intertwined with fear — fear of instability, unemployment, healthcare costs, or political marginalization. The moral problem arises when that pursuit overrides justice, equity, and truth.

In the Nigerian state, corruption has evolved beyond petty bribery into systemic capture in some sectors — contract inflation, regulatory compromise, procurement manipulation, and electoral financing distortions. The cost is cumulative: weakened institutions discourage investment, capital flight increases, public cynicism deepens, and young citizens lose faith in meritocracy. Over time, this corrodes national cohesion.

Yet, a purely moralistic narrative risks overlooking reform pathways. Countries have reduced corruption not only through preaching integrity but through structural redesign: digitalization of government payments, transparent procurement portals, whistleblower protections, judicial independence, competitive civil service recruitment, and civic accountability. When institutions reduce discretion and increase transparency, temptation declines.

The deeper Nigerian challenge, therefore, is dual: ethical renewal and institutional reform. Moral language is important because it shapes culture. But sustainable change requires aligning incentives with integrity — making corruption costly and honesty viable.

If truth can be “bribed,” it is often because systems permit it. The task ahead is to build institutions where truth is protected not only by conscience but by law, transparency, and consequences.

In the Nigerian context, that is not merely a spiritual aspiration; it is a developmental necessity.

In conclusion, the recent surge in high-profile corruption cases in Nigeria, particularly in the recent past years has indeed raised concerns regarding public sector integrity and the efficacy of anti-corruption campaigns. Reports indicate that despite efforts by anti-graft agencies, Nigeria has continued to face challenges, ranking 142nd out of 182 countries in the 2025 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), with a consistent score of 26 out of 100.

Some Examples Below

Godwin Emefiele: The former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor is facing multiple trials regarding alleged $4.5 billion fraud, procurement violations, and abuse of office.

Yahaya Bello: The former Kogi State Governor faces multiple charges, with trials in 2026 regarding alleged N80.2 billion and N110 billion money laundering.

Abubakar Malami (SAN): The former Attorney-General is facing prosecution over alleged money laundering totalling N8.7 billion.

Olu Agunloye: The former Minister of Power and Steel Development is on trial regarding a N6 billion fraud.

Suspends Humanitarian Affairs Minister Betta Edu Over N585m Paid into Private Account.

Former National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) Boss: Professor Usman Yusuf is under trial for alleged N90.4 million fraud.

Former Acting Accountant General: Chukwunyere Anamekwe Nwabuoku is facing charges related to N868 million money laundering. These and many others are issues of deep concerns.

@Richard ODUSANYA

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Beginning of the end for Tehran’s theocracy

March 4, 2026

By Ifeanyichukwu Afuba

It was only a matter of time. Things had come to a head. Something had to give between the iron – necked Islamic regime of Tehran and Trump’s history – obsessed presidency. The flurry of diplomatic activities in January and much of February 2026 was in futility. The attempted dialogue facilitated by Oman was doomed from the outset. What was there to negotiate when the red lines of the two sides mutually cancelled themselves out? Washington was emphatic that discontinuation of Iran’s nuclear weapons programme and curbs on her ballistic missiles was the raison d’etre of the talks. Tehran, for it’s part, declared the two items, practically off the table. Updates about achieving guidelines on the round of talks were mere diplomatese. The discussion was going in circles, which meant that time was running out. Not surprisingly, the bombs rained down on the Islamic regime targets on Saturday, February 28.

The United States correctly predicted the scenario. Not a complex assessment anyway. By the expression iron – necked regime, we refer to the inflexibility of the theocratic rulership in Tehran. The regime hardly sees beyond it’s messianic delusion. A more sober, calculating actor would have come to terms with the shifting sands; decoded the meaning of America’s military buildup in the region. Assembling of military armada to the point of two aircraft carriers was telling. The positioning of a variety of high skill combat vessels within striking distance of Iran as the talks faltered was a loud statement. You do not deploy such fleet of military weapons for fun. Movement of the high grade arsenal used in attacking Iran to the middle east is estimated to have cost millions of dollars. There had to be a justification for the huge financial cost. If there was an element of surprise in the offensive, it was Israel’s participation. The latter had not featured as a player while the Iran – US confrontation unfolded.

It was not quite the case that the mullahs in Iran could not track America’s intention. Afterall, Donald Trump severally warned on the course of military action in the event of an aborted nuclear deal. The Iranian regime was rather suicidal. It chose to continue to be ruled by emotion. Trump’s repeated caution on military action was reciprocated with boasts of fire and brimstone by multi levels of Tehran’s dictatorship. From the religious ruler Ayatollah Ali Khameini, to Parliament Speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf to the President, Masoud Pezeshkian, it was thunder of war taunts and threats. The warriors of Tehran were still vowing “crushing response to the enemy” when Israel’s precision missiles buried them. Against intelligence impression of a pattern of night cover sorties, Israel’s combat jets struck in daylight of Saturday, February 28, taking the jihadists by surprise. High profile casualties included Ayatollah Khameini, Ali Shamkani, Secretary of the Security Council, Mohammad Pakpor, IRGC Commander, Aziz Nasirzadeh, Defence Minister and Mohammad Shirazi, head of Military Bureau. On Monday, March 2nd, Israel added Sayed Yahya Hamidi, deputy minister of Intelligence and Jalal Pour Hossein, head of espionage division to the dispatched list.

Iran’s response further betrayed a suicidal instinct. For sure, she took the battle to Israel where nine civilian deaths were recorded from an unintercepted missile. Although two American jets were hit over Kuwait, the impact was thought to be from friendly fire. Notably, the United States lost six troops from an attack at an airbase in Bahrain. In all, the Islamic regime launched it’s firepower towards Oman, Bahrain, Kuwait, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirate, Iraq and Cyprus. A greater part of the projectiles were either shot down or landed harmlessly in open areas. On the face of it, the expanded offensive seems like the push of a courageous, fighting force. But it’s a fleeting impression that quickly gives way to reality. Tehran’s radical regime is only trying to create confusion. It seeks to provoke a wider conflict under which it will obtain respite, if not totally deflect the US – Israel assault. But where the survivalist game flops, the mullahs running Tehran want to try the Samson formula; not to go down alone; bring the roof crashing on all heads. Either way, they lose. Saddam Hussein tried the tactics in the 1991 Gulf war and it failed.

It will take the eight wonder of the world for the cantankerous regime in Iran to survive the thunder tearing through Tehran. Militarily, the regime forces stand no chance in a full scale war. In just three days of the conflict, the US destroyed nine Iranian navy ships. On Tuesday, fourth day of the undeclared war, Israel was hitting military targets all over Iran with little air resistance. The regime does not fare better on the socio – political side. News of elimination of Ayatollah Khamenei had sparked both mourning and celebration in the streets. The rejoicing obviously signposts rejection of the status quo and assumes significance against the recent anti – regime riots in the country. With a battered economy and dispossessed population, the regime’s loyalists consists only of hardline Islamists and students of radical nationalism. For most part, Iran’s theocracy is merely tolerated by middle east countries. Every country in the Gulf region holds their breath suspiciously at the terror – sponsoring regime. A firm resolve not to play into the hands of the desperate regime is what has stopped the countries attacked in the present conflict from hitting back.

The beleaguered regime can count on only three allies in the region. These are the triple H of Houthi militia, Hezbollah and Hamas, all of them beneficiaries of Tehran’s power policies.Their common bond is the delusion of an international Caliphate, a world dominated by a mighty Republic of Islamic states beyond borders and tribes. As it were, Iran’s theocracy and her proxies meet a brick wall in their ideological fantasy with the reality of geopolitics and reigning world order. The West represents the anathema of their ideological flights. Israel sits on the historical territory at the heart of this ideological heritage. Conquering these formidable barriers demanded possession of a nuclear bomb. Since seizing the throne in 1979, the mullahs and their hysterical crowds have not stopped yelling: We will march down to Jerusalem! Death to Israel! Death to America! Since the showdown started last Saturday, however, only Hezbollah, managed a feeble kick at Israel. The fire – eating Houthis still had a mouthful from the barrage of red coal America dumped on them during the Gaza war. Hamas is busy searching for the gains of it’s bravado of October 27, 2023, in the ruins left of Gaza. Following Israel’s stinging response to Hezbollah’s misadventure, the Lebanese government has itself to blame for not insisting on disarming of Hezbollah.

Expectedly, devotees of liberalism idolatry, along with zealots of religiosity and captives of fundamentalism wasted no time in filing out to the streets in America. In a few more odd places in the West, the activists ever faithful to the placard parade, derided the action to rein in Iran’s loose rulership. Predictably too, pockets of protests popped up in some towns in northern Nigeria. Sure, the right of expression and dissent remains a cardinal feature of free society. But in upholding this personal freedom, we cannot but observe it’s one – sided momentum. How come that the puritans of political morality in the West are dogged by inconsistency? Why is the aversion to war selective? Is Vladimir Putin’s naked aggression on Ukraine acceptable to the crusaders of freedom and equal rights? Why are they not protesting Putin’s annexation ambitions? Will the suffering of the people of Ukraine ever receive one percent of the outrage poured out over Gaza? Are the restless marchers for human dignity not aware of the wrecking of democracy in Myanmar; and of the unjust imprisonment of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi? Why are the coalitions of conscience in the West yet to protest South Sudan’s senseless war? And attendant humanitarian tragedy? How come that their activism only comes alive when Israel is involved? Righteous indignation indeed! Their howling will not change anything. The beginning of the end has come for Tehran’s totalitarians. And the world will be safer for it.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

The double-edged sword of social media age restrictions

March 4, 2026

By Kachi Okezie, Esq.

Australia’s move to restrict social media access for children under 16 has ignited a debate that stretches far beyond child safety. On the surface, the policy is framed as a protective measure, an effort to shield young people from cyberbullying, predatory behaviour, addictive design features, and harmful content. Yet beneath that official rationale, a more sceptical interpretation has gained traction: that safeguarding minors may be the vehicle for something broader, systemic digital identification and expanded data control.

The child-protection argument is powerful and emotionally resonant. Few would dispute that social media platforms expose minors to unprecedented psychological and social pressures. Regulators argue that age limits, coupled with age-verification systems, are necessary to counter algorithmic amplification, excessive screen time, and exposure to inappropriate material. From this perspective, restrictions are not about control, but about recalibrating a digital environment that has outpaced meaningful oversight.

However, critics contend that the implications reach much further. Governments in several democracies have struggled to implement comprehensive digital identification frameworks due to legal, political, and public resistance. In this context, mandatory age verification is viewed by sceptics as a “back door” solution: if access to major online platforms requires verified identification, then, in practice, much of the population must submit personal data to participate in modern civic life. Date of birth today, biometric or digital ID tomorrow.

This concern centres on gatekeeping. If every user must verify their identity to access social platforms, or potentially broader online resources, the infrastructure for population-wide digital tracking is effectively established. What begins as a child-safety measure could normalise routine identity checks across the internet. Privacy advocates warn that once such systems are embedded, their scope can expand incrementally, often with limited public scrutiny.

There are also civil liberties considerations. Overly broad restrictions may limit young people’s access to educational content, political discourse, and support networks, particularly for marginalised groups who rely on online communities for connection and affirmation. Meanwhile, flawed verification systems could create new risks: data breaches, identity theft, or disproportionate exclusion of vulnerable populations who lack formal documentation.

Effectiveness remains uncertain. Determined teenagers may circumvent restrictions using VPNs or offshore platforms, potentially pushing activity into less regulated and more dangerous digital spaces. If enforcement becomes the priority, the result could be increased surveillance without a proportional reduction in harm.

At the heart of the debate lies a deeper democratic question: how should societies balance child protection, privacy, and state power in the digital age? A healthy democracy depends on informed citizens who can weigh both the visible intent and the structural consequences of policy. Transparency, independent oversight, strict data minimisation, and sunset clauses are essential if such measures are to avoid mission creep.

Protecting children online is a legitimate and urgent goal. But so is safeguarding civil liberties. Public trust cannot be sustained if citizens suspect that noble aims are masking broader ambitions. The path forward requires open debate, rigorous evidence, and safeguards that ensure today’s protective measure does not become tomorrow’s permanent infrastructure of state control of citizens.

Knowledge empowers citizens to participate meaningfully in that debate. And meaningful participation is the foundation of democracy itself.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Double Betrayal: Nollywood Actress Omo Local says she took poison after husband impregnated her best friend

March 4, 2026

Nollywood actress Victoria Akanke Ajibola, popularly known as Omo Local, has publicly opened up for the first time about the devastating events that led to the collapse of her marriage, revealing a betrayal she says nearly cost her life.

Speaking in an emotional interview on Oyinmomo TV, the actress recounted how she discovered that her husband had impregnated her best friend while she herself was carrying his child.

“We Were Both Pregnant”

According to Omo Local, she was five months pregnant when she learned that her closest friend was three months pregnant with the same man’s child.

The revelation, she said, shattered not only her marriage but also a trusted friendship she had considered sacred.

“I was five months pregnant, my best friend was also three months pregnant, and my husband was also three months pregnant,” she recalled. “The trauma was so much to the extent that I took poison because of shame.”

Her words laid bare what she described as a double betrayal, from a life partner and from someone she trusted deeply. The actress said the emotional devastation pushed her into a dark and desperate state.

The Weight of Shame and Silence

In many communities, marital breakdown and infidelity often carry stigma, particularly for women. Omo Local suggested that the humiliation and public shame intensified her pain.

The psychological toll, she said, became unbearable.

Though she survived the suicide attempt, the incident marked a turning point. She ultimately left the marriage.

What Happened After

When asked about her former friend’s current whereabouts, Omo Local said she has had no contact with her since the incident.

“I don’t know about her anymore,” she said. “Maybe she’s still together with my ex-husband, I don’t know. But they had about three children together after I left.”

The actress’s revelation has since triggered intense reactions online, with many expressing sympathy and outrage over what they describe as a profound betrayal.

Beyond the Headlines

While social media has focused on the sensational nature of the confession, the story also highlights the emotional trauma that can follow broken trust, particularly when betrayal comes from both a spouse and a close friend.

For Omo Local, the experience was not simply a failed marriage. It was, in her words, a moment of emotional collapse fuelled by betrayal and shame.

Now speaking openly, she appears to be reclaiming her narrative, transforming a deeply painful episode into a testimony of survival.

If you or someone you know is struggling with thoughts of self-harm, please seek professional help immediately through a local medical provider or mental health support service. You are not alone.

So much for electoral fidelity

March 4, 2026

Nigeria’s Electoral Act 2026 should be made to work for the people despite its shortcomings, writes MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE

“What is crucial is the fact that you manage the process to the extent there will be no confusion, no disenfranchisement of Nigerians, and that we are all going to see democracy flourish. No matter how good the system is, it’s managed by the people, promoted by the people, and the result is finalised by the people. In fact, for final results, you are not going to be talking to the computer; you are going to be talking to human beings who will announce the final results….

And when you look at the crux of various arguments, maybe Nigerians should question our broadband capability. How technically are we today? How technically will we be tomorrow to answer the call of either real-time or not?
“It’s just the arithmetic accuracy that is to enter into Form EC8A. It’s the manual, essentially. The transmission of that manual result is what we’re looking at. And we need to avoid glitches — I’m glad you did — interference, unnecessary hacking in this age of computer inquisitiveness. Nigeria will be there. We will flourish. We will continue to nurture this democracy for the fulfilment of our dream for the prosperity and stability of our country.”

Last week, when President Bola Tinubu signed the 2026 Electoral bill into law, he was at his relaxed, confident, and hopeful best. Maybe I shouldn’t add carefree. Or less-sensitive. Or triumphant. The weeks leading to that presidential endorsement were animated by the anxiety of a chunk of the electorate about what the final piece of the legislation the National Assembly would take to Aso Villa could look like. For months, the federal legislators were said to have travelled across the country, engaged with relevant stakeholders, carried along the civil society and done adequate researches on the subject of how to make subsequent elections freer and fairer than the previous ones.

Those processes did gulp resources of all sorts. That stark reality wouldn’t have even mattered if the end results could lead to the integrity of polls; if the citizens could truly see themselves as useful, respected factors in the overall democratic project. Better still, if voting – that indispensable ingredient of democracy – is worth the time and stress in Nigeria. This last premise in particular shouldn’t be taken for granted or trivialised. Unfortunately, our politicians have carried on as if the Nigerian voter is an inconsequential quantity.

The Nigerian people didn’t need any vote or referendum to know that the citizens in support of the now proverbial “real time” electronic transmission of election results far outnumbered those who did not. But in democracy, popular opinions don’t always carry the day. Actually, our present dilemma is accentuated by the fact that what majority of the people think hardly affects the considerations and decisions of their political representatives. To worsen the matters, as exemplified by this case, the actions of the law makers can change drastically from hope to disillusionment.

Sometimes perceived as the more people-sensitive of the two-chamber assembly in this 10th National Assembly, the House of Representatives had appeared to go with the louder calls to fully embrace technology for the collation of election outcomes. Not surprisingly, the Senate thought and acted otherwise. Harmonising the opposing stands of the red and green chambers is normal and actually adds to the grace of the legislative enterprise. Exactly how the positions of the senators and representatives managed to become fused within hours has left the citizenry heartbroken and confused. But certainly not unexpected.
It’s doubtful if the concerns about the collation procedures that enabled disputable results in the past were on President Tinubu’s mind when he accented to the over-dramatised bill.

What was clear was the happiness he felt at the sight of the Chairman of the assembly, Senator Godswill Akpabio, and his crew that day. He declared that he had keenly followed the deliberations and was exultant over their resolutions. The meat of this electoral law, don’t forget, is that the digital transfer of the scores written in the almighty Form EC8A is upheld alongside its age-long manual alternative, the same combination that produced the glitch-induced results of the last presidential poll. At the stroke of Tinubu’s pen, someone said that Nigeria had just legislated glitches.

Call that cynicism if you will. Or waive it aside as an opposition or enemy whining. I’m not about to believe that simply putting our faith in technology would deliver credible voting. Even the big tech companies which literally own the technology and craft upon which contemporary information and communication are built are not free from occasional dysfunctionalities. So, those opposed to the speedy digital-technology based, on-the-spot transfer of election results are not without meaningful arguments. It’s painful, though, that yet another opportunity to reduce the increasing voter indifference, which is threatening whatever gains we’ve mustered in our difficult democratic journey, is being squandered.

The anger over Tinubu’s uncommon swiftness in signing that day hasn’t abated but the nation now has a new enabling electoral law in place. The president’s ink has dried on one of Nigeria’s most controversial democratic statutes. And Nigerians are expected to take it with spartan fortitude and be of good behaviour. Critics of government and the ruling party point to the disturbing fortunes of last week’s council elections in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as direct consequences of the poorly-received law. Most of the people rejoicing are painted as the potential exploiters and beneficiaries of the loopholes contained therein.

The country is not a stranger to the pursuit of electoral probity, we shouldn’t forget. Different devices and strategies have been adopted at various times to make votes count but since we haven’t had any widely accepted election results in the mould of the famous June 12 presidential poll, it may be hard to fully justify these perennial experiments. Whatever happens, the battle to safeguard our attempts to move on from perpetual mediocrity and self-sabotage into the league of democratically progressive countries mustn’t stop.

As vulnerable as the Nigerian voter is at the moment, he shouldn’t be further sentenced to periodic abuses and irrelevance. The boldness with which the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan, has denounced his organisation’s shortcomings in the recent electoral exercises indicates the possibility of happier times ahead. Some optimism in the midst of overwhelming Shenanigans won’t hurt.

Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board
X: @monday_ekpe2

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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