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“She films every man she sleeps when they doze off” – Nigerian activist shares shocking revelation made by 15-year-old girl

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?She films every man she sleeps when they doze off?  - Nigerian activist shares shocking revelation made by 15-year-old girl

Nigerian activist and civil rights leader, Comrade Israel Joe, has said that a 15-year-old girl revealed to him that she takes videos of all the men she sleeps with when they doze off in the middle of the night. 

Israel, who disclosed this in a Facebook post on Monday night, February 24, said the teenage girl claimed she planned on using the videos to gain social media fame.

“Exactly 11:15 pm tonight 24th February, a 15 years old girl made a shocking revelation to me that she videos every man she sleeps with in the middle of the night when they were fast asleep,” he wrote. 

“I went further to ask her why she did that and she told me she watched it on a movie. Probing what she would do with those videos, she said she would use it to blow bigger on social media.

“I thought she lied and decided to ask her to send 5 of those videos to me on WhatsApp which she accepted. She said “comrade, I have over 60 videos but I will send you 17 of them. The only one I deleted was the first guy who bought me the phone.

“She sent the videos to me on a “once view”. Sharp boy like me, I got them saved one way or the other but my greatest surprise was seeing a popular church deacon whom I know very well.

“I will have a conversation with her tomorrow.”

Full List: US excludes UK, others from visa-free entry for 2025

The United States, on Monday, released the list of eligible countries for its 2025 Visa Waiver Programme.

The United Kingdom was excluded from the programme but remains eligible under specific conditions.

The list also does not include any African countries, such as Nigeria, Ghana, or South Africa.

While most of the VWP list remains unchanged, the addition of Romania marks a significant update. The US has also focused on enhancing security checks and prioritising countries with strong diplomatic ties and border security standards.

According to the US Bureau of Consular Affairs website, the Visa Waiver Programme allows most citizens or nationals of participating countries to travel to the United States for tourism or business for up to 90 days without obtaining a visa.

The agency stated, “Travellers must have a valid Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) approval prior to travel and meet all requirements explained below. If you prefer to have a visa in your passport, you may still apply for a visitor visa.”

The new Visa Waiver Programme for 2025 introduces policy updates on permit eligibility and revisions to the list of participating countries, as well as new travel policies.

This update simplifies visa-free entry into the United States for millions worldwide, making business, tourism, and transit travel more accessible.

The 2025 Visa Waiver Programme includes 40 countries whose citizens can now travel to the United States without a visa.

See the full list below:

  1. Andorra,
  2. Australia,
  3. Austria,
  4. Belgium,
  5. Chile,
  6. Czech Republic,
  7. Croatia,
  8. Denmark,
  9. Estonia,
  10. Finland,
  11. France,
  12. Germany,
  13. Greece,
  14. Hungary,
  15. Iceland,
  16. Ireland,
  17. Italy,
  18. Israel
  19. Norway,
  20. Poland,
  21. Portugal,
  22. San Marino,
  23. Singapore,
  24. Slovakia,
  25. Japan,
  26. Slovenia,
  27. Latvia,
  28. South Korea,
  29. Liechtenstein,
  30. Spain,
  31. Lithuania,
  32. Sweden,
  33. Luxembourg,
  34. Switzerland,
  35. Malta,
  36. Netherlands,
  37. New Zealand,
  38. Qatar,
  39. Romania
  40. Monaco

PUNCH

Onanuga says IBB was Tinubu’s inspiration, not tormentor

Bayo Onanuga,the Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Information and Strategy, has dismissed former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s claim that former military President, Ibrahim Babangida, was among those who tormented Tinubu during the military era.

Osinbajo had remarked while reviewing Babangida’s autobiography, A Journey in Service, at its public presentation in Abuja last week.

He recalled how Tinubu, then a senator, resisted the military’s dissolution of the Senate following the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election.

In a lighthearted comment, he noted that Tinubu, who was then “tormented” by the military, including Babangida, was now present to celebrate one of his former adversaries.

However, speaking on Sunrise Daily, a Channels Television programme on Tuesday, Onanuga countered the claim, insisting that Babangida was, in fact, a major influence on Tinubu’s political journey.

“I think the former Vice President got it wrong. Babangida was not really a tormentor of President Tinubu. Don’t forget that in his own speech at the event, Tinubu acknowledged that Babangida inspired him to go into politics,” Onanuga said.

He explained that Babangida’s call for new-breed politicians in the late 1980s and early 1990s attracted several technocrats and private sector professionals, including Tinubu, into politics.

“The military president had talked about bringing in fresh faces, and many professionals, including Tinubu, heeded that call. So, he went there (the book launch) to pay homage,” Onanuga added.

The presidential aide clarified that Tinubu’s real challenges with the military began under General Sani Abacha when he and some lawmakers attempted to reconvene the Senate in Lagos.

The Presidential aide also commended Babangida’s recent admission that Chief MKO Abiola won the 1993 presidential election but noted that such acknowledgement came too late.

Shehu Sani berates Senate For summoning ‘Brekete Programme’ host Ahmed Isah over Senator Natasha’s interview

An activist and former Senator, Shehu Sani, has criticised the Nigerian Senate for summoning Brekete Family radio host, Ahmad Isah, to appear before the red chamber on February 27, 2025. 

It was gathered that the summon is linked to a live phone interview Isah conducted with Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan following a heated session in the Senate.

The Senate had erupted into chaos last week Thursday after Akpoti-Uduaghan, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Diaspora and Non-Governmental Organisations, protested the relocation of her seat without prior notice. 

However, the altercation led to a confrontation with Senate President Godswill Akpabio at the upper chamber.

Following the incident, Ahmad Isah interviewed Akpoti-Uduaghan on Brekete Family radio, which reportedly prompted the Senate’s decision to summon him for questioning.

Meanwhile, on Monday, Shehu Sani on his X handle, denounced the invitation, calling it “unnecessary and demeaning.”

“Inviting Ahmed Isah, the CEO of Berekete Radio to the Senate is unnecessary and demeaning,” Senator Sani said.

SaharaReporters previously reported that the Senate descended into a rowdy session during Thursday plenary after a heated exchange between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan (PDP, Kogi Central) over the unauthorised relocation of her seat.

The commotion nearly disrupted proceedings, with Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan refusing to comply with the seat change, citing Order 10 of the Senate Standing Rules, which protects members’ privileges.

Trouble started when Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan entered the chamber and discovered her nameplate missing from her usual seat.

Outraged, she raised her voice in protest, demanding an explanation.

As the plenary commenced, Senate Chief Whip, Senator Tahir Monguno (APC, Borno North), raised a point of order, alerting Akpabio to what he described as Natasha’s “improper seating position.”

Before Monguno could conclude his statement, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan forcefully interrupted, demanding to know why her seat was changed without her consent, leading to a heated back-and-forth.

As voices rose and tempers flared, Akpabio ordered the Sergeant-at-Arms to escort her out of the chamber, warning that she could face suspension if she refused to remain silent.

“Can the Sergeant-at-Arms please take her out of the Senate?” Akpabio ordered.
Her microphone was switched off as security personnel attempted to remove her, but she resisted, raising her voice even louder.
Sensing the situation escalating, some senators intervened, urging calm. Senators from Kogi State, led by Senator Isah Jibrin (APC, Kogi East), pleaded for understanding, while Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele (APC, Ekiti Central) and others attempted to de-escalate tensions. 

France braces up for its biggest child abuse trial, weeks after scandalous Pelicot case

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The numbers involved in France’s largest child abuse trial are staggering: 299 alleged victims, sexually abused in 10 hospitals and clinics over 25 years – all by one doctor, prosecutors say.

As the court case began Monday in Morbihan, Brittany, with retired gastrointestinal surgeon Joel Le Scouarnec accused of decades of abuse, many hoped that the trial would mark a turning point in France’s reckoning with child abuse.

From 1986 to 2014, the former surgeon, now 74 and serving a 15-year prison sentence for a prior conviction for the rape and abuse of children, subjected hospital patients as young as two to early adulthood to sexual abuse including rape across the Brittany region of France, court documents allege. Le Scouarnec was employed in private and public institutions despite being convicted of possession of child abuse imagery in 2005.

The documents alleged that Le Scouarnec told investigators that “he did not remember (the alleged assaults) individually,” but “he had been able to commit sexual touching as well as penetrations on some of his patients, and in particular children.”

Beyond the trial, he was convicted in 2020 of abusing his nieces and a neighbor outside a hospital. More than a dozen of his patients sought to join the current case against him, but were barred by French law as their claims exceeded the 30-year statute of limitations.

The trial, expected to last four months, has already captured national attention, just weeks after a horrifying, monthslong mass rape and drugging trial rocked France. Victim Gisele Pelicot became a potent symbol in the struggle to shift the shame around sexual abuse back onto the perpetrators.

Many hope that this child abuse trial will serve a similar purpose, helping to bring about a painful reckoning with the issue in France and the institutions and culture that may have helped such crimes go unchecked for so long.

“Why are some of my victims speaking out in the press?” lawyer Francesca Satta, who is representing several of the alleged victims, told CNN, “It’s because they’re part of this movement that silence is no longer an option.”

The oldest alleged victims are now nearly 50 while the youngest is 17.

Child-sized dolls

Such is the scale of the trial, a university lecture hall near the courthouse has been requisitioned to accommodate 400 people, including alleged victims, their families, lawyers and media.

It’s not the first time Le Scouarnec has been before a court on child abuse-related charges.

In 2005, he was convicted of possession of child abuse imagery, following a tip off from the FBI when he signed up to a pedophilia-sharing website. His four-month prison sentence was suspended.

Le Scouarnec was convicted in 2020 in west France of rape of a minor and possession of child abuse imagery, receiving a 15-year sentence, after sexually abusing his neighbors’ daughter through their backyard fence. He has been imprisoned since that trial.

Searches of his property and hospital office turned up his diaries and some 70 child-sized dolls, with which investigators believe he “shared his daily life” before his arrest, naming, dressing and using them for his sexual pleasure.

In contrast, Le Scouarnec “had no empathy, no emotion, no feeling towards a little human being, that he considered literally as a sexual object,” Francesca Satta, lawyer for several of the accusers at his latest abuse trial, told CNN.

Delphine Driguez, a lawyer who represented survivors of his abuse at his 2020 trial, agreed with this assessment of Le Scouarnec. “He’s an extremely cold man, without any empathy, very deliberate,” she said.

Satta said that Le Scouarnec’s status as a middle-class surgeon had likely helped him to evade suspicion for so long, adding that in court, the true nature of the accused would be on show for all.

During the 2020 trial, she watched him as the courtroom was shown images taken from his computer.

“That’s when you discover the real Joël Le Scouarnec. Because the gaze changes,” she said.

At least three doctors alerted authorities to concerns about Le Scouarnec, according to court documents and one of the doctors interviewed by CNN.

Following Le Scouarnec’s 2005 conviction, Thierry Bonvalot, a psychiatrist also working at Quimperlé hospital in Brittany with Le Scouarnec, said he confronted him.

“I told him that he was dangerous and that his place wasn’t at the hospital. I asked him to resign,” he told CNN.

After a long silence, his head in his hands, Le Scouarnec responded, “You can’t make me.”

A diary of horrors

The evidence at the center of the latest case will be Le Scouarnec’s own diaries, prosecutors say depict actual events in which children were abused. His attorney says they detail fantasies that he did not act on.

So comprehensive are they, that a journal discovered during the 2020 trial – often noting the time and place of the rapes, the victim’s identity and even their address – helped investigators to identify the dizzying number of his alleged rapes.

Court documents submitted by the prosecution note that he admitted he started the journal in 1990, writing regularly right up until 2016, a year before his retirement, with 40 to more than 100 pages of entries per year.

The entries describe abuse, typically during a supposed medical exam, playing on false medical pretexts to not alarm his patients, the documents show.

The intimate tone of his writings is especially chilling, addressing entries to the children by name, “Little Marie, you were once again alone in your room” begins one account, speaking directly to them and ending many entries – descriptions of sexual acts on a child – with, “I love you.”

Le Scouarnec’s lawyers told CNN that he was not commenting to the press before the trial. However, his lawyers have in the past described the journals as fantasies. According to the court documents, the defendant maintained that he didn’t recall individual events noted in his diaries, although he did not deny writing them.

In multiple diary entries included in the court documents, Le Scouarnec admits to being a pedophile.

Hidden crimes, real trauma

For the survivors of Le Scouarnec’s alleged abuse, the years since have been traumatic.

Although many of the children were under sedation during the alleged abuse, the effect on their lives has been all too tangible, per court documents. The documents describe psychological analyses of the alleged victims often showing persistent troubles, notably in their later sexual relations and on their self-confidence, following their hospitalizations under Le Scouarnec.

“We have victims in real, genuine suffering. We have people who are anorexic, who are depressed, who can’t have children, who can’t have sex with their partner. It’s all these anomalies in quotation marks, unexplained by their doctors, who say to themselves, “How is this possible?” lawyer Satta said. Among those she represents are two families of men who had allegedly been abused by Le Scouarnec and died by suicide years later.

Given the lifetime of abusing that Le Scouarnec stands accused of, some of the survivors’ testimony is no longer admissible in court. France’s statute of limitations restricts rape prosecutions to 30 years after the victim reaches adulthood, meaning about 80 people were not included in the case, Satta said.

As justice runs its course, one question swirls around the case: How was this man allegedly able to prey on so many young people for so long?

CNN has reached out to the hospitals where the crimes were allegedly committed and the French health authorities for comment.

Credit: CNN

Roberta Flack, Grammy winning ‘Killing Me Softly’ crooner, dies at 88

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Roberta Flack, the Grammy-winning soul singer best known for her celebrated interpretations of romantic ballads like “Killing Me Softly With His Song,” as well as her professional collaborations and social activism, has died, according to a statement from her publicist.

She was 88.

Flack died Monday at her home, surrounded by her family, Elaine Schock, her publicist, told CNN. Her death followed several years of health challenges, including a diagnosis, revealed publicly in late 2022, of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, or ALS. The progressive condition, often referred to as Lou Gehrig’s disease, made it impossible for Flack to sing, her representatives said at the time.

Flack, however, had already long-cemented her legacy as one of the defining voices of her generation – both as an interpreter of others’ songs and a writer of her own – notching a slew of chart-topping hits and racking up accolades: Over her career, the classically trained daughter of a church organist secured 14 Grammy nominations and won five, including a lifetime achievement award in 2020 and back-to-back Record of the Year wins.

Questlove, drummer for The Roots, musical director for “The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon” and a filmmaker, paid tribute to Flack.

“Thank You Roberta Flack,” he captioned a throwback photo of the late artist. “Rest In Melody.”

Born in Black Mountain, North Carolina, and raised in Arlington, Virginia, Flack received classical music training throughout her childhood, starting piano lessons at age 9. By 15, she’d earned a scholarship to Howard University, where she graduated in 1958 with a bachelor’s degree in music education.

Flack taught music for a time and wanted to pursue classical music – but found the genre in the 1960s disinclined to welcome her.

“One of the hassles of being a Black female musician is that people are always backing you into a corner and telling you to sing soul,” she once told TIME. “I’m a serious artist. I feel a kinship with people like Arthur Rubinstein and Glenn Gould. If I can’t play (20th-century orchestral composer Bela) Bartok when I want to play Bartok, then nothing else matters.”

A voice teacher encouraged Flack to pursue pop music instead, and she spent nights and weekends performing in clubs in Washington, DC, before her big break one night at Mr. Henry’s, where she was discovered by jazz musician Les McCann. He helped land her an audition with Atlantic Records for which, the story goes, she played more than 40 songs over three hours.“I was so anxious and so happy, and I still am,” she told Philadelphia Weekly decades later, “but it was all a brand-new experience, and I probably sang too many songs.”

Her debut record, “First Take,” followed soon after, in 1969. It included her version of “The First Time Ever I Saw Your Face,” which was written by folk singer Ewan MacColl and helped catapult Flack to superstardom after Clint Eastwood used the recording for his 1971 film, “Play Misty for Me.” The following year, it shot to the top of the Billboard Hot 100, where it spent six weeks at No. 1, and won Record of the Year at the 1973 Grammy Awards.

By that time, Flack was already well-established, having released her sophomore follow-up, “Chapter Two,” as well as the album “Quiet Fire” and a record with Donny Hathaway, who became a close collaborator before his death in 1979. Together they won another 1973 Grammy for their duet, “Where Is the Love.”

1973 also saw Flack release her record, “Killing Me Softly,” with the titular track, “Killing Me Softly with His Song” – another smash hit that spent five weeks at the top of the Billboard chart. It would net her another two Grammy awards in 1974, for Record of the Year and Best Pop Vocal Performance by a female artist.

Across her career, Flack also interpreted a wide variety of artists, including Leonard Cohen and The Beatles, and by her fifth solo album, “Feel Like Makin’ Love,” she’d taken over as producer – a role typically filled by men in a male-dominated industry – crediting herself as Rubina Flake, her self-styled alter ego.

While her most recognizable songs might have been love songs, Flack never avoided complex issues: She tackled racial injustice on tracks like “Tryin’ Times,” social and economic inequality on “Compared to What” and nodded to the challenges faced by the LGBTQ community in her version of “Ballad of the Sad Young Men.” The Rev. Jesse Jackson once referred to Flack as “socially relevant and politically unafraid,” according to her website, though as an older adult, she lamented that many of the problems she’d confronted as a musician still festered.

“I’m deeply saddened that many of the songs I recorded 50 years ago about civil rights, equal rights, poverty, hunger and suffering in our society are still relevant in 2020,” she told AARP in 2020, acknowledging connections in her music to “the growing economic disparities, to Black Lives Matter, to police brutality, to activism versus apathy, and the need for each of us to see it and address it.”

hat legacy has persisted through the decades, as Flack influenced younger artists like Lauryn Hill and the Fugees – who released their own celebrated version of “Killing Me Softly” in 1996 – along with Lizzo, Lady Gaga and Ariana Grande.

Whether in protest, romance or the classics, whatever theme Flack approached, “every single song I’ve recorded expressed something deep and personal to me,” she told NPR music journalist Ann Powers in 2020. “Each was my singular focus whether in the studio or on the stage.”

CNN

Okutepa replies Monday Ubani, says Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan is not a senatorial effigy to be moved anyhow

By J.S. Okutepa, SAN

There have been ranging controversies over what appeared to be altercations between the Senate President Distinguished Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio and Distinguished Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan over the change of her seat. A learned senior advocate of Nigeria, Dr. Monday Onyekachi Ubani SAN seems to suggest that Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan should have taken the decision of the Senate President over the change of her seat and shouldn’t have protested the way she did.

He argued that the president of the Senate has the right to change the seat of any Senator and that the Distinguished Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan was bound by the decision and the rules of the Senate that empowered the Senate President to change the seat.

These arguments with profound respect did not take into account the rights of Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan to be informed of the reasons for the change of her seat. Why was the seat of Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan changed? Even if the Senate has the right to change seats of Senators, are the Senators not entitled to be told and reasons for the change given? Was Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan not entitled to be told why her seat was changed? Sometimes, we dignify an otherwise illegitimate and arrogant interference with rights under the pretences of enforcing rules.

The Rules of the Senate and the constitutional rights to fair hearing of Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan, which is superior? There is no doubt that Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan had acquired a right to the seat originally allocated to her. To alter that right, she was entitled to be informed, and she has the right to protest if she was not informed or was shabbily treated as it appears from her protestations under the same Senate Rules.

With profound respect to Dr. Monday Onyekachi Ubani SAN, his arguments that the senate president has the right to change the seat overlooked a very serious and more important fundamental right of Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan to be told of the reasons for the change of her seat and her equal right to protests the unjust change if she felt so. To shout her down and threaten her with suspension did not only infringe on her constitutional rights to be heard, it was unfair and it can not be part of the rules of the Senate to treat her as a senatorial effigy to be moved anyhow.

In any case, and in most cases, Nigerian rulers tend to enforce self-serving rules instead of enforcing the mandatory constitutional provisions. To direct the sergeant at arm to take distinguished Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan out of the senate because of her protestations on the seat change arrangements is with profound respect despotic and authoritarian display of self-help in breach of the constitutional rights to fair hearing of Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan.

Why change the seat of Senator Natasha? That is a question to be asked. Why did the senate fail to accord Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan the dignity of prior information of the change? In any case, what is so sacrosanct about the rules of the Senate that can override the constitutional rights of fair hearing? Can the Senate President be a judge in his own cause? What are the duties of the Ethics and Privileges Committee of the Senate?

Is the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria even obeying the Nigerian constitution? There are senators who came to the National Assembly on the platforms of political parties that sponsored their selections or elections. Today, those senators have cross-carpeted to other political parties even though there are no divisions in the political parties upon which they rode to the Senate in breach of the Nigerian constitution.

Has the Senate President declared their seats vacant as he is under constitutional duty to do? How many Senate confirmations of executive appointments has the Senate under the president of the Senate undertaken to show the seriousness of the constitutional mandate of confirmations? All one sees are cosmetic rituals of political jests of take a bow and go.

As one of my learned friends put it: “Which useless standing rules are you talking about, how can there be standing rules for people who violated all known sensible standing rules and the law by rigging elections to get themselves into the Senate? People who violate the Constitution every day by defecting from one party to the other without any consequences? So, it is an ordinary sitting arrangement that has now turned to standing rules that must be followed. Mtcheeew!!!”

Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan must be left to sit in her seat to represent the Kogi people. She is under a constitutional mandate to sit for a number of days. Any attempt to harass her or intimidate her in the performance of her constitutional duties will be resisted by Nigerians who see her performances in the senate as superlative.

There are many serious businesses of governance that should engage the legislative attention of the Senate under the Senate President. The duties to make law for peace order and good governance do not include the duty to quarrel with and harass any senators or threaten suspension of a Senator for any flimsy reasons of sitting arrangements

Nigerians are not dull as some in power think of us. Nigerians know those who violated the Nigerian constitution to be in positions of responsibility in this country. The silence or patience of Nigerians should not be taken for granted. Enough of all these nonsensical demonstrations of political pettiness

IBB At 80: The unforgivable SAP, June 12 sins

By Tony Eluemunor

First of all, I hereby wish Gen. Ibrahim B Babangida (rtd) a most happy 80th birthday anniversary. I say this from the bottom of my heart. I sincerely wish I could reminisce about the lau­datory and gay experiences of this Reporter, who in April 1986 became State House (Dodan Barracks) Cor­respondent for the leading newsmag­azine of that era, the Newswatch. As experiences go, I could focus on, say my first trip to Abuja, for the 1986 Independence Anniversary. There was no Aso Rock Presidential Villa State House then. A few flats in Wuse Zone Three, very close to the Halli Brothers junction was what could then be called the State House.

It was in one of the rooms there that I overheard a telephone con­versation that later became conse­quential in Nigeria. Babangida’s Number Two man, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe (rtd) asked his media aide how things were in Abuja. The aide related to him that a new pro­gramme for the anniversary activi­ties had just been released, and that instead of Ukiwe going into the pa­rade grounds (in Area Ten) directly before the military President, that in the new one Ukiwe would enter the parade grounds before the Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Domkat Bali, and then Gen Ibrahim B Babangida (rtd) would come in.

I heard Ukiwe say clearly: “In that case then, I will not come to Abuja. It had been agreed that I will not be attending purely military activities, where Gen Bali would be the Num­ber Two after the President. But he too will not attend non-military ac­tivities, where I will be the Number Two to the President”. And because Ukiwe failed to attend the 1986 Abuja ceremonies, he was cashiered.

Yet, to write about such would be a disservice to Nigeria. This is especially so as some persons have started a calculated attempt to, by sheer force, browbeat all of us into forgetting the disaster Babangida brought on the nation when he an­nulled the June 12, 1993 election. Be­neath that in order of consequence lies his smuggling of Nigeria into the Organisation of Islamic Coun­tries (OIC) and his introduction of Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) into the country.

Recently, there has been a burst of activities in the Nigerian firmament as Gen. Ibrahim B Babangida’s asso­ciates try to paint the legacy of his eight- year long administration in a favourable light for his 80th birthday. But all their efforts may be as fruit­ful as deodorized bullshit; it will still smell and appear nasty.

Those same associates of IBB, may not remember it now, but they and their champion had a chance to work out a wholesome legacy but that did not matter to them as they pursued their narrow-minded and personal interests, as against the in­terest of the nation. They were sure and autocratic footed in their des­potic ways, disdaining all attempts to call them to order or to walk in another direction.

The result is that for almost 30 years Babangida has remained alive to see his name being used as a bye word for nothing wholesome. Before I go into the intricate details, I must take journalistic notice that soon, President Muhammadu Buhari’s as­sociates will also ask the citizenry to be magnanimous enough as to grant Buhari stratospheric pass marks concerning the way and manner he ran his administration. In fact, Bu­hari said recently that he hoped his­tory would be fair to him. On reading him, I wondered if he does not know that the moment he assumed office as President, he started writing his personal and his administration’s history. Attempting to change that history after he would have left office would be akin to someone blowing against the wind. Even Babangida himself has shown us how to judge Buhari; he said that compared to is successors’, (and that includes Buhari’s), his own anti-corruption record appears angelic. Ah ha!

So, what I have for the likes of the newspaper columnist and Econo­mist, Mr. Dele Sobowale, is serious pity, as he attempts to present Baban­gida in more favourable light. It is a mission impossible.

I know that the likes of Sobowale have argued that it is satanic to judge a man whose presidency spanned all of eight years on just one act; his an­nulment of the June 12, 1993 election. Some have even argued that 28 long years have passed since 1993 and so Nigeria must have had several op­portunities since then to correct that mistake, no matter how costly. To such people I have only a reminder: “ä fool does not know the gravity of an offence”. IBB and Dele Sobowale are no fools but verybright minds, and so they should know the grav­ity of that terrible offence. There is another reminder; societal wounds are difficult to heal. I sincerely wish that the present leaders should take this lesson to heart and begin to correct their mistakes, because the since 2015, Nigeria’s unity has been steadily shredded.

Unlike coup speeches, Indepen­dence Anniversary addresses are often well-prepared documents and are signpost for the future. On Oc­tober 1, 1995, IBB pointed out four main problems with the Nigerian economy which he had to tackle. One; “Decrease in our domestic pro­duction while our population con­tinues to rise”. But did the domestic production increase under IBB? No, is the answer. Many manufacturing plants began to close under Buhari’s military administration owing to a lack of raw materials. But this indus­trial sickness turned an epidemic under IBB. And that trend has yet to be reversed.

Two; “Dependence on imports for both consumer goods and industrial raw materials”. Yes, IBB vowed to change that trend, but he failed woe­fully. That failure has been replicated by every succeeding administration.

Three; “A grossly widening gap between the rich and the poor.” That gap became really accentuated for the first time during IBB’s regime and has only worsened afterwards.

Four; “The big role played by the public sector in economic activities with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.

In that speech IBB announced a ban on the importation of maize, rice and vegetable oil to “shift attention from buying and selling syndrome ad parasitic services …to increased total real production, rising labour productivity and greater efficiency in investment”. Please, could anyone point out in which way IBB’s regime succeeded in any of the above points.

In his 1986 Independence Anni­versary speech, IBB promised to: 1; Restructure and diversify the productive base of the economy to reduce dependence on the oil sector and imports. 2; To achieve a fiscal balance of payments viability over the medium term and 3; to lay the basis for a suitable non-inflationary growth over the medium and long-term. Did he succeed?

New Year day 1986, IBB increased petrol pump price from 20kobo per li­tre to 39.5 kobo; a near 100% increase. That introduced Nigeria’s to IBB’s legacy – Structural Adjustment Programme. I am not an Economist but I am ready to debate any pro-IBB Economist on the effects of SAP.

Yet, SAP had actually started on January 27, 1986, when IBB in­troduced the Second-tier Foreign Exchange Market (SFEM). In two weeks flat the value of the Naira fell by 66%. In January 1985, the N1 fetched $1.2. Within five months of SFEM, five Naira bought a dollar, at the official rate and it was N7 to $1 at the parallel market. The 5.4 pre- SFEM inflation rate surged to 10.2 within a year.

Since then, the economy has been crashing and crashing. Let nobody tell me about the Third Mainland Bridge or the Rural Life for Women but instead tell me how IBB grew the economy and jobs. My challenge is mainly directed at Mr. Dele Sobow­ale for he is an Economist. Sobowale and the other Babangidaists would be ready after that to join me in re­visiting the June 12, 1993 election annulment and the result of IBB’s smuggling Nigeria into the Organi­sation of Islamic Countries.

Babangida has not apologised to Nigerians for foisting SAP on the na­tion. He has not appologised to the nation for smuggling Nigeria into the OIC and thus added, by that sin­gular act, the religious divide that is tearing Nigeria apart today, into the age-old ethnicity issues. Now ethnic­ity and religious divide have turned Nigeria into a killing field.

Then there is the Babangidanom­ics which was hinged solely on SAP. He has not yet appologised for it. Not even when ani-SAP riots broke out in May 1989 did he plead with Nige­rians or try to seek a better route to economic paradise for Nigeria. He berated Nigerians then, saying that the rioters were merely using SAP “as an excuse to wage war against the government in order to destroy the credibility of the military insti­tution”.

A month after that, at the inaugu­ration of the Armed Forces Consul­tative Assembly on June 5, Babangi­da told critics of SAP that he would not change the direction he was tak­ing Nigeria to economically because: “This administration is committed to the programme because there is no viable alternative. We cannot and should not abandon this programme midway because the pains of trying to re-introduce it at a later stage will be worse than the current pains”.

And he actually said this then, to justify the SAP decisions: “The re­ports we have received and which we would like the opponents of SAP to know is that the prevailing situation in Nigeria is by far better than in any other African country. It is even bet­ter than the condition in most Third World states”.

Did Babangida bother to listen to the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN)? Actually, Baban­gida listened to nobody. Had he a listening ear, he would have heard MAN’s complain in August 1988, that capacity utilization was a lowly 35 percent “because of inadequate and inefficient infrastructural facilities, high interest rates, especially for the small and medium-scale manufac­turing enterprises, sharp increas­es in the cost of imported inputs arising from the devaluation of the Naira”.

And on top of all the social and economic and religious problems Babangida unleashed on Nigeri­ans, he annulled the freest and fair­est election in the land to date. And what is his excuse: that he was forced to do so or there would have been a violent overthrow of the civilian re­gime that would have resulted. Haba, IBB, haba, have you forgotten the person who said, proudly, satiated with power, that his critics should remember that “we are not only in government; we are in power?” Why didn’t he use that power to retire the coupists if he knew what they were up to? Instead, he used the power to annul an election. IBB is 80 years old. I will respect his age and even pay due homage. That is why I am seeking soft ways of telling him that even his Number Two man, the late Augustus Aikhomu was not aware of his decision to annul that elec­tion. The Military High Command did not know. His spokesman, Duro Onabule, did not know. His political advisers such as the late Prof Omo Omoruyi did not know.

IBB annulled that election be­cause he wanted to remain in pow­er. And for that, he owes Nigeria an apology.

PS:

First published on Aug 15, 2021, this piece is being republished in response to the recent launch of IBB’s autobiography, “A Journey in Service”.

Major Bashorun’s fight for justice

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By Richard Akinnola

Major Debo Bashorun was a Media Assistant to General Ibrahim Babangida. For years, he had a runniing battle with the military authorities, particularly Brigadier Haliru Akilu.

At the early stages of the Babangida’s government, he was quite visible in the government. He was so close to the former President that he even wrote a book on him. As a matter fact, on the day Babangida went to the NTA for his first broadcast after the ouster of Buhari, he was in the same car with IBB, editing the speech. After the parcel bomb murder of Dele Giwa, he was the one Babangida sent with a condolence letter to Giwa’s widow, Funmi, who rejected the letter.

But after a few years, things got awry between Major Debo Bashorun and General Ibrahim Babangida.

As military press secretary to the former President, his closeness to the General made the Chief spook of the government, Brigadier Haliru Akilu uncomfortable. He therefore put a wedge between the duo, as Bashorun was labeled a security risk. And who was Babangida to question his chief spook? An average dictator is a prisoner of his Security Chief. And Babangida was not an exception. What led to this?

The murder of Dele Giwa. Major Bashorun was given an assignment which Bashorun felt was to cover up the government’s complicity in the murder. He refused to play ball and he was then labeled a security risk and transferred out of Dodan Barracks after series of interrogation by the DMI.

Akilu didn’t want to see Bashorun at the Dodan Barracks, the then seat of Government and inexplicably in November, 1988, he influenced his transfer to the 31 Airborne Brigade, Markurdi.

Major Bashorun resisted the move as, according to him, the transfer was to pave way for his elimination. When his protests did not yield any fruit, he scurried to the chambers of Alao Aka-Bashorun, Late Aka-Bashorun, then president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), advised that he resigned, which he did on December 23, 1988.

But the resignation letter was rejected by the army authroties which insisted that he must report at Makurdi. He was declared AWOL. He then instituted an action against Brigadier Akilu, Brigadier Fred Chijuka and the Army Council, alleging harassment and threat to life.
Justice Olusola Thomas, then of the Lagos High Court restrained the Army from harassing the officer and from also ejecting him from his official quarters.

At the initial period of the case, the Ministry of Defence was being defended by a retired Army Major in private practice. At the next adjourned date, Mr. Moshood Adio, then of the Ministry of Justice, appeared for the Army. Mr. Aka-Bashorun objected to his appearance on the premise that one lawyer had already filed memorandum of appearance and had not withdrawn from the case.

Justice Thomas overruled this objection and Aka-Bashorun headed for the Appeal Court which ruled in his favour.

Meanwhile, before the case went to the court of Appeal, Major Bashorun had alleged that his life was being threatened by soldiers who laid siege to his house. He therefore abandoned his house and went into hiding.

Before the next adjourned date, Major Bashorun got a hint that he might be abducted by armed soldiers at the court premises. He therefore came to court well prepared for a battle.
Dressed in a brown flowing Agbada, his eyes darted across the courtroom in quick succession. Beneath his billowing Agbada were three deadly instruments of death-two Isreali Uzzis strapped to his body and another pistol holed somewhere in his pocket.
This particular day, his usually bright and lively countenance was now contorted in an angry scowl, exhibiting a desperate mien.

With three guns in his possession, Major Bashorun was ready for battle of his life. Predictably, there were about twelve armed soldiers in the courtroom on this day.

Before the court started sitting, Major Bashorun confided in his lawyer, Aka-Bashorun what was in the offing. He told Aka-Bashorun: “They want to seize me. They want to take me to Makurdi by force and kill and I am not going. I’m ready to die here in the courtroom. Before they kill me. I will kill some of them. Some of them will go along with me. That’s why am with these guns.”

He, therefore cautioned Aka-Bashorun to leave the courtroom immediately after the court session or to stay put in the court so that he won’t be caught in the cross-fire outside the courtroom.

As soon as the case was adjourned, Aka-Bashorun told his junior lawyers to quickly pack their books and disappear from the vicinity.

On his way out, he met Brigadier Chijuka and challenged him why there were so many soldiers around. Chijuka assured him that there was no cause for alarm. But Aka-Bashorun was not satisfied with such an assurance. We all doubled our steps and stood at the Igbosere Street adjourning the High Court, to watch the battle at a safe distance. But that was not to be as nothing happened.

Major Bashorun eventually escaped to the United States of America.
-Richard Akinnola

60-year-old woman abducted from Kano hospital

A 60-year-old woman, Talatu Ali was kidnapped last Wednesday from the Neuro-Psychiatric Hospital Dawanau in Dawakin Tofa Local Government Area of Kano State.

Hajiya Ali was reportedly abducted while she was awaiting medical consultation.

Intelligence sources told security analyst, Zagazola Makama that the victim had been brought to the hospital by her son, Nasiru Aliyu, and her cousin, Aliyu Garba, both from Yar Gaya Village in Dawakin Kudu LGA, on February 19, 2025, at about 8: a.m.

It was gathered that while in the queue for consultation, they suddenly discovered that she had disappeared.

All efforts to locate her within the hospital premises proved abortive, prompting the family to report the case at the Dawanau Divisional Police Headquarters.

On February 21, at about 7: 00 a.m., Aliyu received a phone call from an unknown number confirming that the victim was in the caller’s custody.

Authorities believe the abductors may have deliberately targeted the hospital, exploiting its vulnerability to infiltrate and take hostages.

The Kano State Police Command confirmed the abduction.