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Terrorists don’t repent

By Punch Editorial Board

The fresh disclosure by the Defence Headquarters that 800 former Boko Haram fighters who voluntarily surrendered to the military are undergoing deradicalisation as part of being re-integrated into society highlights a staggering policy error in the counterinsurgency operation.

During the Morning Brief programme aired on Channels TV, the Chief of Defence Training and Operations, Emeka Onumajuru, stated that while 129,000 Boko Haram fighters and their families had so far surrendered to the Army, only a select group had been chosen for rehabilitation.

“To get the numbers right, right now (we have) about 129,000 surrendered Boko Haram members and their families,” Onumajuru said. “Some of them are in detention facilities, some of them are in Kainji, and there is a special court that goes through all of them. Those that were found culpable face the books, and those that are going to be deradicalised go through the process, which takes about a year.”

The feasibility of reintegrating self-described former terrorists into society is a deeply flawed policy and sets back the military’s approach to combating terrorism.

It is difficult to find any country where hardened murderers who have shed blood, and destroyed lives and communities, are unleashed on the population under the guise of “deradicalisation” without facing the judicial consequences of their crimes.

According to the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, the Boko Haram insurgency has claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people and resulted in the displacement of over two million persons, especially in the North-East.

These terrorists have perpetrated crimes which include suicide bombings, mass abductions, torture, rape, forced marriages, recruitment of child soldiers, destruction of private and public assets, and scores of attacks against the military and civilians as well as traditional and religious leaders.

Although the ultimate purpose of the modern judicial system is to reform deviants, the universal idea of crime and punishment supersedes it. Punishment for severe crimes is necessary for deterrence and should not be abjured by a “deradicalisation” programme that assumes the collective repentance of hardened criminals.

Many terrorists are reared on a nihilist ideology that is intertwined with Salafism. They do not repent in the real sense of the word. While many soldiers fight insurgency to live, Salafist terrorists fight to die with the hope of being rewarded with afterlife debauchery. Such nefarious beliefs are often too deeply ingrained in the recruits’ psyche to allow for sincere “repentance”.

The process of terrorists surrendering to security operatives should be rigorously followed by prosecution before rehabilitation is set in motion.

To flout this is not only a travesty of justice but is also unfair to the individuals and families who have been victims of these bloodthirsty insurgents.

Nigeria should follow the United States Department of Justice’s approach to terrorists, which involves “the prosecution of those accused of committing crimes by terrorist means”.

In the United Kingdom, the Terrorism Act 2000 ensures arrests and pre-charge detention for terrorism cases, including “membership of and support for a proscribed organisation”.

In France, even minors “suspected of having participated in terrorist activities” may face legal action, depending on their ages. In the country, the government is empowered by law to impose additional “administrative” measures for up to five years on adults convicted of certain terrorist activities after their prison release.

Instead of channelling Nigeria’s resources towards “repentant” terrorists, the government needs to ensure that victims of terrorists in Nigeria receive holistic care and social welfare to get their lives back. No criminal should hide under the religious profession of “repentance” to evade the arm of justice.

The government’s counter-terrorism measures should incorporate the use of technological systems for search and seizure of radical materials, and the utilisation of algorithms to analyse internet browsing data to track people recruiting terrorists or radicalising young people and prosecute them accordingly. Suspicious religious places that promote extremism and radical ideologies should be closed.

Alleged Breach of Contract: Saudi firm moves to drag Nigeria to international arbitration court

A Saudi Arabian company, Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi, has threatened to take Nigeria to an international arbitration court over an alleged breach of contract by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON).

The firm, contracted to provide services to Nigerian pilgrims during the 2025 Hajj exercise, accused NAHCON of failing to adhere to the terms of their agreement.

In a letter dated February 17, 2025, addressed to the Nigerian Pilgrims Affairs Office in Makkah, the company stated that NAHCON violated its contractual obligation to use Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi as the sole service provider for Nigerian pilgrims in Muna and Arafah. The company gave NAHCON 20 days to rectify the situation or face legal action in an international arbitration panel.

Documents reviewed indicate that NAHCON and Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi signed an agreement on January 17, 2025. However, the Forum of States’ Pilgrims Welfare Boards later alleged that NAHCON Chairman, Prof. Abdullahi Usman Saleh, unilaterally cancelled the contract just days before Saudi Arabia’s payment deadline for Hajj service providers. Prof. Saleh denied the accusation, stating that the decision was made by Saudi authorities.

It was reported that NAHCON divided the contract between Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi and another company, Ikram Diyafa, before the February 14 deadline set by Saudi authorities. Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi claimed it was allocated 26,287 Nigerian pilgrims, despite NAHCON’s earlier announcement that it had secured tent spaces for 52,544 pilgrims, effectively giving half of the contract to the second company.

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In its letter to NAHCON, Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi emphasized that contracting with other service providers without its consent was a “clear violation” of the agreement. The company insisted that it had made all necessary arrangements to serve Nigerian pilgrims and accused NAHCON of lacking seriousness in fulfilling its obligations.

Citing Clause (1) of Article IV of the contract, the company argued that NAHCON’s failure to allocate all 95,000 Nigerian pilgrims to it, as per the agreement, constituted a contractual breach. It warned that if the matter was not resolved within the stipulated 20 days, it would invoke Article (21) of the contract, which mandates arbitration for dispute resolution.

Daily Trust attempted to get NAHCON’s response but received no comment. However, NAHCON spokesperson Muhammad Ahmad Musa later stated that the commission’s leadership would deliberate on the matter.

A Hajj industry stakeholder, speaking anonymously, described the situation as an embarrassment to Nigeria and likened it to previous international legal battles involving the country. The source suggested that NAHCON’s decision to split the contract may have been influenced by undisclosed reasons and warned that Saudi authorities would frown upon the dispute if not amicably resolved.

The source further alleged that the NAHCON chairman favoured the previous service provider, despite complaints about subpar services in recent years. In contrast, Mashariq Al Dhahabiah Al Mutawazi had a strong record of providing excellent services to Nigerian pilgrims in the past.

The situation remains unresolved as both parties prepare for further discussions.

‘Missing’ Osun monarch is in FBI custody over ‘$4.2m COVID-19 fraud’

Joseph Oloyede, the Apetu of Ipetumodu in Osun State, has been taken into custody by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) after being indicted for conspiracy, wire fraud, and money laundering.

Oloyede, who was crowned in 2019, frequently travelled between Nigeria and the U.S. for what he described as royal and personal engagements. His prolonged absence left the throne of Ipetumodu vacant for nearly a year, raising concerns among indigenes as he missed three major traditional festivals, including the annual Egungun Festival and Edi Celebration.

A statement issued by the U.S. Department of Transportation confirmed that a federal grand jury indicted Oloyede alongside Edward Oluwasanmi for conspiracy, wire fraud, and money laundering.

“The indictment alleges that Oloyede and Oluwasanmi fraudulently obtained over $4.2 million in COVID-19 relief funds guaranteed by the U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, including Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans and Economic Injury Disaster Loans (EIDLs),” the statement reads.

The indictment states that from April 2020 through February 2022, Oloyede and Oluwasanmi submitted PPP and EIDL applications containing false information for entities under their control. They also allegedly submitted falsified tax and wage documents to support these applications.

“Oloyede received $1.7 million, and Oluwasanmi received $1.2 million in SBA funds for their businesses,” the statement added.

“Additionally, Oloyede submitted falsified PPP and EIDL applications in the names of other co-conspirators and confederate borrowers and their businesses. Oloyede obtained approximately $1.3 million through those applications, totalling at least $4.2 million obtained through the fraud.”

Further investigations suggest that the monarch, an accountant by profession, assisted co-conspirators in executing similar fraud schemes, charging them a percentage of the loan amount upon disbursement.

“Oloyede assisted co-conspirators and confederate borrowers who submitted and caused to be submitted PPP and EIDL loan applications containing false information,” the indictment stated.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Ohio disclosed that Oloyede and Oluwasanmi have been charged with conspiracy to commit wire fraud, wire fraud, and money laundering offences.

“The investigation is being conducted by the FBI, Internal Revenue Service Criminal Investigation, and the U.S. Department of Transportation’s Office of Inspector General (DOT-OIG), under the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee (PRAC) Fraud Task Force,” the statement added.

Oloyede was arrested on May 4, 2024, after a warrant was issued for his apprehension.

A Tribute to Chief Edwin K. Clark: One rose just left the garden of Nigeria

By Tonye Clinton Jaja

Nigeria is like a garden, there are different kinds of plants that populate a garden, there are roses and there are weeds.

Chief Edwin K. Clark was one of the roses in this garden named Nigeria!!!

It was in the year 2021 or thereabouts, that I was first introduced to Chief Edwin K. Clark by the Hon. Attorney-General of Ondo State, Dr. Kayode Ajulo, SAN.

We drove from the law firm office of Dr. Kayode Ajulo, SAN at Asokoro, Abuja, Federal Capital Territory to the home of Chief Edwin K. Clark.

We were ushered into the bedroom and the chief was lying on his bed, and he gave us a lecture on the history of Nigeria and commentaries on current affairs!!!

It is true that a person cannot remember the exact words but what I still remember is that from that moment onwards Chief Edwin K. Clark treated me as an adopted son.

He introduced me to the Vice-Chancellor of the Edwin Clark University which opened up academic collaborations and signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners-ALDRAP for the introduction of Legislative Drafting as an area of law at the Faculty of Law, at the Edwin Clark University, Kiagbodo, Delta State.

The general idea was to teach law students the skills of legislative drafting and advocacy before they graduate.

The larger plan was to introduce legislative drafting into the curriculum of contemporary legal education in Nigeria.

We had previously introduced the same initiative at the Faculty of Law, Nasarawa State University through the benevolence of Mazi Afam Josiah Osigwe, SAN the current President of the Nigerian Bar Association-NBA.

Nigeria currently has over 200,000 lawyers, imagine the impact when we have more philanthropic-minded lawyers making donations to support causes for the improvement of the curriculum of contemporary legal education in Nigeria.

The garden of Nigeria has just lost one rose!!!

Adieu papa!!!

The Inside Story of Oba Sikiru Adetona’s Deposition as Awujale: His Imperial Majesty versus His Excellency

By Onigegewura

“History Is Not Was, It Is”, Onigegewura.

Awujale Adetona was deposed by Chief Bisi Onabanjo. He was only reinstated by the Court on the 4th of May, 1984 and also courtesy of Gen. Oladipo Diya whose government refused to appeal the judgement.

A dashing young king, the paramount ruler of his land. A beautiful young lady, daughter of the premier. A prolific parrot who became a governor. A storyline from a Kunle Afolayan movie? Nah!!!

That’s the cast of a drama that was more dramatic than any Nollywood film. The cast of a historical battle, an epic battle between tradition and constitution, between royalty and power, and between royal court and the court of law.

The news hit Ijebuland like a thunderbolt. In the twinkle of an eye, it had reverberated across the length and breadth of the nation. That was decades before Twitter, Instagram and Facebook. That however did not stop the news from spreading like harmattan fire.

His Excellency, Governor Victor Olabisi Onabanjo, the Governor of Ogun State had removed His Imperial Majesty, Oba Sikiru Adetona as Awujale of Ijebuland! It was unheard of! An Ijebu son, an Awujale subject removing his own king! Could Ayekooto remove the Crown?

Ayekooto (Parrot) was the pen name of Chief Olabisi Onabanjo. He was a London-trained journalist, publisher, parliamentarian, and statesman. As Ayeekoto, he wrote more than 476 published articles.

Could it be true? People wondered. Those who knew the close relationship between His Majesty and His Excellency doubted the veracity of the news. Years before Onabanjo became the Governor of Ogun State, he had fallen ill and needed to travel abroad for medical check-up. It was Awujale that secured the flat of Afolabi Kuku for Ayekooto’s use whilst in the United Kingdom. Oba Adetona also arranged for his brother’s wife who lived in the same building to prepare his meals.

So what went wrong? What you are about to read is the intriguing saga of the deposition of a Monarch. It didn’t start in the Second Republic, however. It however didn’t start in the Second Republic. Let’s travel back in time. Let’s go back to the First Republic.

The young Sikiru Adetona became the Awujale on April 2, 1960. That was in the tempestuous days of the First Republic. It was the period when the Western Region was polarized sharply along political lines. The Awujale was a young man, suave, urbane, cosmopolitan and handsome.

The premier, Sir Ladoke Akintola, the Are-Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland had a beautiful daughter. Modele Akintola was beautiful, graceful, brainy and ebullient – a chip off the old block. Modele was very close to the Awujale. It was not hidden that His Majesty had a personal relationship with Ms. Omodele! According to Oba Adetona: “Many in the Awolowo camp were uncomfortable about this relationship!” Olabisi Onabanjo was in the Awolowo Camp. Count One!

If anything, Awujale was and is still passionate about the issues affecting Ijebuland and Ijebu sons (and of course, Ijebu daughters) When the premier awarded an Ijebu son a contract for the importation of pipes, the entire Ijebuland was excited. Then news filtered out that Awolowo had asked Akintola to cancel the contract. This was not done. The Ijebu son, Chief Okunowo, was incensed.

For the purpose of fair hearing, let me tell you Chief Awolowo’s account of the contract saga. Before Awolowo relinquished office in the Western Region, the government had approved the purchase of a large quantity of asbestos pipes for water supply. The government had to decide whether to import the pipes or to manufacture them locally. Awolowo preferred the local option, as it would contribute to local technology, provide employment and would have fewer cracks. It was on this basis that Awolowo advised the premier to consider the local option.

People took sides. Some supported Awolowo. Others supported Chief Okunowo. Awujale stood in support of his Chief. Count Two!

Following his release from prison by Yakubu Gowon, Awolowo was appointed the Minister of Finance. One of the agencies under his superintendence was the Customs and Excise Department.

It was around this time that another Ijebu son was planning to open a bicycle and inner tubes factory in Ijebu-Ode. Out of the blues, the Government imposed an additional excise duty on tyres and inner tube parts. The Ijebu business was no longer competitive. It could not compete with giants like Dunlop and Michelin. Rightly or wrongly, it was concluded that Awolowo was to blame! Count Three!

Iyan ogun odun, a ma jo ni lowo is a Yoruba proverb. Pounded yam of two decades might not be cold. That was what Awujale discovered in the Second Republic. The yam pounded years earlier was still oven-fresh when Ayekooto emerged as the Governor of Ogun State.

The first salvo was fired when it was time to constitute the National Council of State. Under the 1979 Constitution, a person appointed by a State’s Council of Chiefs “from among themselves” was a member of the Council. Awujale expected the Ogun State Council of Chiefs to nominate one of its members. The Council was therefore surprised when the Governor unilaterally selected a relatively junior Oba to represent Ogun State.

Awujale picked his pen and wrote to the Governor resigning from the activities of the Council. The Governor responded. His Excellency asked His Majesty to withdraw his letter of resignation. His Majesty refused. Clouds began to gather!

One fateful day, the Chief Imam of Ijebu Ode received a special letter. The letter had the Seal of Office of the Governor. His Excellency informed His Eminence, the Imam of his intention to attend Jumat prayers for thanksgiving. The Muslim Community was excited. A response was dispatched to Abeokuta with dispatch assuring His Excellency of a warm welcome.

His Majesty was soon informed of the preparation to receive His Excellency by His Eminence in the mosque. Awujale invited the Chief Imam to the Palace to show him where in the Quran, Christians could come to the mosque for thanksgiving. The Chief Imam must have searched frantically for a relevant verse or an apposite tradition. He found none.

When His Excellency received a second letter from His Eminence. He thought it was to inform him of advanced plans for his reception. It was with shock that Ayekooto read the letter asking him not to come to the mosque. Though the letter was signed by the mosque leadership, Onabanjo clearly saw the invisible signature of Awujale on the document.

The gathering clouds became heavier.

To or not to go! That was the question the wordsmith Governor must have been pondering as he put down the letter. Of course, he decided to go. He informed the Muslim community that he was going to attend the Jumat Service as scheduled.

The Chief Imam was in a quandary. Torn between His Excellency and His Highness, His Eminence looked unto Almighty Allah. On the scheduled Friday, those who had not attended mosques in decades found their way to the Central Mosque. When a siren was heard from a distance, the elders of the mosque looked at the Imam. It was however a police car passing by. His Excellency did not turn up.

The gathering clouds became heavier and darker.

The governor was not Ayekooto for nothing. In addition to being a smart bird, parrot can also be patient. The governor waited. He waited for his chance. After all, he was the Executive Governor.

And his chance came! It came by way of an innocuous letter from the palace. Like a starved hawk, Ayekooto pounced!

Awujale had written to inform the Governor of his plans to go to the UK for medical attention. The letter contained information about the Oba’s itinerary and contact details. The Governor read the letter. Finally! He responded. He responded by asking for further and better particulars about Kabiyesi’s health and the planned trip to enable him decide whether or not to approve the request.

Request? Awujale picked up his pen and explained that his initial letter was not a request for approval, but information about his journey.

Information? The governor fired another letter. “Your Majesty is hereby requested to comply with His Excellency’s earlier letter.” Oba Adetona filed away the letter and instead of picking his pen, it was his passport that he picked. Off to London!

The gathering clouds became ominous!

The governor was waiting patiently to receive Awujale’s response. He waited and waited. When the news came, it was not the letter he was expecting. Instead, the news he got was that the Ogbagba II, Commander of the Federal Republic had left for London.

Onabanjo weighed carefully his options. He was an Ijebu son. He was Awujale’s subject. But he was also the Executive Governor of the State, the first citizen of the State by virtue of office. What was he to do? Should he call the Awujale and order him to return? He picked up the phone. He hesitated. No, he won’t call. Instead, he called some prominent Obas in Ogun State.

Awujale had hardly settled down in London when his phone began to ring. ‘Kabiyesi, Gomina n binu o. E ma pada bo o!” It was a First Class Oba calling from Nigeria. The phone rang again, another Kabiyesi, with the same message. Another call. Another call. Another call. Another call. Alake of Egba called. Akarigbo called. The husband of Olori Iyabo Adetona refused. They pleaded with the husband of Olori Kemi Adetona. The Ogbagba II maintained his stand. When it appeared that the phone would not stop ringing, Kabiyesi changed his telephone number.

The Governor was waiting to hear that Awujale had returned to the country. If he heard anything, it was to be informed that Awujale was still in London.

The ominous gathering cloud became a bit too heavy!

On November 23, 1981, the people of Ogun State woke up to receive the first shock! “Oba Sikiru Adetona is hereby suspended from office as the Awujale of Ijebuland in the Ijebu-Ode Local Government area until further notice!”

Suspended ke? Suspension bawo? From Abeokuta to Ota, from Ifo to Ilaro, from Ijebu Ode to Sagamu, from Mowe to Idiroko, the question was the same. Could Awujale be suspended by his ‘son’, the Governor?

The second shock came almost immediately. The Government set up a Commission of Enquiry to probe the affairs of the suspended Oba Sikiru Adetona as the Awujale of Ijebuland. The commission was headed by Hon. Justice S. O. Sogbetun who became a Judge of the State on June 1, 1977.

Awujale picked up his phone. He called two leading lawyers of the time; Chief FRA Williams and Omooba Sina Odedina. Timi the Law advised his client not to appear personally before the Commission, as it was not constituted properly. A case was promptly filed challenging the constitutionality of the Sogbetun Commission.

Well, Awujale or no Awujale, case in court or no case in court, Sogbetun Commission sat. Things became tense in Ijebuland whilst the Commission met. At the end of the day, the Commission submitted its report. The Awujale was found guilty.

It was in the evening that the report of the Commission was submitted to the government. Overnight, the government read the report, the government reviewed the report, government digested the report. All in the course of one night.

By the following morning, having carefully reviewed and painstakingly considered the report, the Government announced the deposition of Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, CFR, as the Awujale of Ijebuland.

Ha! From suspension to deposition! But Kabiyesi had a case in court! People speculated. What could have happened? It was one speculation after another.

Off to court again! The now-deposed Kabiyei went to court. The case of His Royal Highness Oba S. K. Adetona v. Governor of Ogun State and Others was assigned to Hon. Justice Owolabi Kolawole. You remember him? His Lordship was the trial judge in the case of AYINLA OMOWURA.

On Friday, May 4, 1984, Justice Kolawole delivered his judgment. His Lordship found that there was: “so much indecent haste on the part of Government to depose the plaintiff that it overlooked so many fundamental issues…in its haste to have the plaintiff deposed, it overlooked to give any reason for the plaintiff’s deposition.” His Lordship therefore declared that the decision of His Excellency to depose His Royal Majesty was null and void.

Now something happened while the case was going on. A military coup occurred. His Excellency, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo was removed from office as a result of the coup. It was therefore the lot of the new military governor COL. OLADIPO DIYA to restore Oba Sikiru Adetona to the throne of his fathers. Coincidentally Col Oladipo Diya was another Son of Ijebu Land.

Kano: Who needs mass wedding in 2025?

By Funke Egbemode

It is very easy to find a woman to marry; what is not easy to find is money to cook soup. That is not a proverb acceptable in some places, definitely not in  Kano.

Imagine this: a thousand brides stand. They wait (im)patiently for their grooms to arrive. The men arrive salivating in hot boxers; their roving eyes unwrap their brides; some secretly wish all the babes should be theirs to own and hoe. Let us fast-forward the programme. Brides and grooms are eventually seated. Clerics recite the lines, pronounce the celebrators men and wives and cap everything with best wishes. A thousand mouths shout Amin to the clerics prayers for peaceful matrimony.

The sponsors of the wedding then line up the couples. They present them with beds and pillows; cooking and kitchen utensils and other household appliances. Thereafter the new husbands take their brand new wives and off they go into their futures, beginning with the rigorous rites of the other room.

I have just given you a preview of the mass wedding Kano State is likely to hold soon. There would be singing, dancing and plenty to eat and drink. And no, you are not invited. It is already an expensive wedding and we don’t want to increase the budget from N2.5bn. Yes, N2.5bn, you read that right. Kano state government is thinking, planning to spend two billion, five hundred million naira only at one wedding ceremony of many people. I hope all the other state governors heard Kano state government. Really, they need to pay attention.

Imagine Lagos, Imo, Rivers or Ogun state governments volunteering to pick the wedding bills of 1000 couples. Maybe the wedding dresses and suits would also be provided and all the brides and grooms would need to do is just to get themselves to the venue, one big venue, recite their vows and pronto, they become Mr and Mrs. Imagine the free beddings, the kitchen utensils and home appliances. Imagine the stress and months of scrimping and saving the government would have saved the couples and their families from.

So, you see, mass weddings are not bad when you look at all the angles of the concept without bias. Nigeria, let us be honest, has all kinds of cultures that endorse wasteful spending on weddings. A couple living in a face-me-I-face-you mass housing and struggling to pay N300,000 annual rent will go and borrow N800,000 to pay for a six-hour wedding venue. A man who has no car will go and hire the latest SUV that he obtained a loan to pay for; he would arrive at his wedding venue looking like a prince that he is not. The day after the wedding, the couple would wake up to their real reality; the landlord’s harassment, their second-hand clothes; their okada and keke means of transportation.

What is worse, the parents encourage it. The Yoruba parents want their son-in-law to come and marry their daughters n’isu l’oka, yes, with plenty of tubers of yam and bowls of steaming amala for all the guests, invited and uninvited. That is what the culture says and there is nothing wrong with spending money that you have. However, I draw the line. I am even nauseated by the acts of borrowing to fund a see-me-I’m-here one-day event. Misplaced priority in Nigeria, promoted by and via culture is bad enough without government putting an official seal on it. And calling it misplaced priority is actually putting it mildly. I have a list other not-so-nice descriptions for splurging N2.5 billion on a mass wedding. But I am usually nice on Wednesdays.

There are many things Kano needs but this mass wedding thing, to my 2025 mind, is not one of them. True, marriage is important. It is one institution we must protect at all cost but you cannot protect the marriage institution in this time and age by organizing mass weddings. Certainly not for couples that are likely to just see it as a license for mass procreation without responsibility. Do those couples have requisite education, skill and exposure to produce the next ‘batch’ of the Sardauna, Balewa, Kwakwanso, Ganduje, Shekarau, Shettima and the brilliant doctors, professors and engineers I know in Northern Nigeria? Are those weddings for those who will produce voters or those to be voted for? Are the grooms men who just go into ze ozza room to ride their brides who will eventually produce the next ‘batch’ of unwashed okada riders in Abuja, Jos and in other Nigerian cities? Are we formalizing marriages where the men take off right from the roughened beds after the wedding for Abeokuta and Lagos only to return during the planting season to sow fresh seeds in their wives and on the farms?

Untended farms rile me. A wife left to cry herself to sleep angers me. Are those mass wedding grooms ready to care and cater for wives, children and be heads of families or they just want halal sex, regular sex that the society will not see as sin? Because if these mass weddings are to help those who cannot afford to foot wedding expenses, then we are in trouble, all of us, not just Kano. Why? A man who cannot afford a wedding is a man not ready for marriage and weddings do not a marriage make. Are we raising our girls and boys right? Why help a man marry a wife he cannot afford, build a family he cannot feed and clothe? We cannot continue to deploy old strategies if we want new results.

Why will Kano fund a mass ceremony and go on to buy them wedding beds, and mattresses; pillows and pillows cases? I don’t understand. N2.5billion is a lot of money. Do those brides have jobs, vocations? Will they fend for themselves and the family when their husbands’ finances plunge? What do the men do for a living?

If you join a wheel-barrow pusher and a jobless woman in ‘holy matrimony’ neither the holy nor the matrimony will last the season. Or, you don’t think so? A hungry, angry, frustrated and depressed young wife is likely to turn to drugs or any available vice. There have been stories of despondent ‘amariya’ who stabbed their husbands, poisoned their brand new grooms. There are sadder stories of the swelling ranks of female and young drug addicts. All these and many more should worry us and slow us down a bit in this fixation to just marry people off.

So, ladies and gentlemen, before Kano State government spends that allocated ₦2.5 billion for quarterly mass weddings across the 44 local government areas, let us consider all the angles.

Take the staggering number of out-of-school children. According to a report, approximately 1.9 million children in Kano State are not enrolled in any school, which accounts for about 39% of the total child population in the state. Another source puts the number at 837,479 out-of-school children, ranking it third among states with the highest number of out-of-school children in Nigeria. UNICEF also reported that Kano has nearly one million out-of-school children, with 32% of elementary school-age youngsters not attending school.  And then just on Monday, UNICEF’s Kano Field Office Chief dropped another bombshell. More than a quarter of a million children in Kano have never received routine immunization vaccines, making Kano the state with the highest number of zero-dose children in Nigeria. In plain language, polio cases are on the increase in Kano. Those 250, 000 children who have never been vaccinated are vulnerable to all kinds of preventable diseases. All these are frightening figures. I have a strong feeling that most of those children are of illiterate parents who do not understand the value of immunization. Think of what the polio figures will look like if more out-of-school children become adults and are processed off into marriage with state funds. What kind of people are we if we think mass weddings help to solve moral decadence issues and alleviate poverty.

The first time I saw almajiris in flesh, I wept for hours, was in pains for days. It was at a ‘restaurant’ in Kano where I had gone to have lunch with my colleagues. Then a horde of young boys swooped on the place, eating leftovers, grabbing plates of customers who only got up to adjust the fan or pick a napkin. They were dirty, and as they ate with their grubby unwashed fingers. Tears welled up in my eyes. I imagined the discomforts of pregnancy, the life-and-death pain of labor, the unspeakable joy of holding your baby in your arms for the first time, the baby’s trusting eyes… How do such babies end up on the streets, walking barefoot on the hot sidewalks, sleeping in uncompleted buildings and eating leftovers? Whose children are those? How did all the 19 governors and military administrators since 1967 miss this problem? Maybe we should just admit that this problem is bigger than a whole state,

If mass weddings are conceived to help low-income families, methinks the state government should do things that will actually lift those families. Can that N2.5 billion be spent on vocational trainings and start-up equipment for those low-income people? Can we give them funds to start small-scale businesses? Can we pay more attention to real needs instead of quick fixes that fizzle out with the breeze? It is only in societies like ours that we are not ashamed of things like helping someone who cannot feed himself get married. If we must organize mass weddings and fund it with taxpayers’ money, can it be for the purpose of planning ahead of tomorrow? Like arranging marriages between families of Nuclear Physicists and a lineage of Medical scholars so we can breed (if we must breed) an uncommon generation of children whose intelligence quotient will be world acclaimed.

What low-income earners need is what promotes them to middle class, what improves their standards of living. Let our leaders tell the people who look up to them the truth, God’s honest truth, not what helps them secure more votes at the polls. I am worried about insinuations in certain quarters that mass weddings are to encourage the mass couples to produce mass children who will become mass voters and mass protesters that can be told to go on suicidal missions with just N1,000! I also have a wicked friend who told me with an evil grin that: “Funke, those candidates of mass weddings will become promiscuous if they don’t find men who will fire them regularly and keep them permanently pregnant.”

The state probably means well but in 2025, mass weddings just sound like an initiative of people from the 12th century, or even from the Stone Age. Kano has come too far to descend this low. It cannot be the state we visited a few years ago and found a health facility with medical equipment that a revered Fellow of the Nigerian Guild of Editors and former governor compared to the ones he saw in St Mary’s Hospital in the United Kingdom. What has happened or is happening to Kano?

Mass Weddings

By Toyin Falola

Wetin Musa no go see for gate! ‎

The true hallmark of a successful government is not limited to the grand policies it drafts or the eloquent promises made during election campaigns. Sure, those look great on paper (and even better on billboards), but the objective measure of success lies in its priorities. A government’s focus reveals its true objectives—actions speak louder than manifestos. It would be ironic if a government claims to prioritize poverty alleviation and tackling unemployment yet spends lavishly on refurbishing official residences and upgrading motorcades.

If people struggle to make ends meet, should the most significant concern be the thread count of government office curtains or the latest model of bulletproof SUVs? Priorities matter, and they tell the real story—far more than well-crafted political speeches ever could. This is the current reality for Nigerians, as we have witnessed countless government policies that seem to embody misplaced priorities.

The paradoxical part? The people are not expecting the government to wave a magic wand and instantly transform the nation. We understand that actual progress and development take years of consistent efforts. However, the foundation of that progress lies in how policies are designed and implemented. When priorities are misaligned, even the best intentions fall flat. The question is not whether change can happen overnight—it is whether the steps being taken today are leading us in the right direction.

Yet again, we witness another striking example of misplaced priorities—the proliferation of mass weddings. This initiative is designed to sponsor hundreds of individuals as they tie the knots with their beloved, courtesy of state funds. The concept is not new. Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, who ran for president and was Kano State Governor, introduced this scheme during his eight-year leadership period. A decade removed from state office because of his troubled relationship with former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje ended with Kwankwaso in the spotlight for attending a large mass wedding of 1,800 couples in 2023. The government under Abba Yusuf organized this expensive event, which cost 854 million naira, leading to serious concerns about governance and public service priorities. Much of the public media viewed this as nothing more than electioneering—a strategic move by Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso to win public favour through the platform of Abba Yusuf, support he undoubtedly needed as he set his sights on leading the country.

The current administration has reintroduced mass weddings into its budget and secured legislative backing, with the Kano State House of Assembly officially signing it into law. This year, the program is set to cost a staggering 2.5 billion naira. What is the rationale behind this initiative? To the propaganda machine, it is to curb indecency, reduce the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and lower the rate of extramarital pregnancies in Kano. The state government has declared it would galvanize efforts to improve human capital. If, by this new definition, human capital development now translates to mass weddings and an increased birth rate in the state, then the government is undoubtedly on track and appears to have found the perfect compass to navigate such endeavours. Bravo!

The government’s intention may be well-founded in its logic, but the approach leaves much to be desired. When viewed from a broader perspective, mass weddings inevitably lead to mass childbirths and larger families. The critical question then arises: how will these families be sustained? Many beneficiaries of this initiative are already struggling financially. Adding more mouths to feed without a transparent economic support system further deepens their poverty. While the government has provided stipends to prospective brides to start small-scale businesses, the reality is that these funds are meagre and unsustainable in the long run.

The Kebbi State government has now joined the trend, announcing its plan to sponsor mass weddings for 300 couples, a venture that will cost the state 54 million naira—excluding the additional expenses for free laboratory tests covering pregnancy, genotype, and infectious diseases for the prospective couples. Scheduled for February 27, 2025, this mass wedding is far from a one-time event. Similar ceremonies have been held in Kebbi before, and the incumbent governor, Nasir Idris, has vowed to keep it as a recurring program under his administration. Like the Kano State government, Kebbi’s administration has not left the couples empty-handed, providing foodstuffs and furniture to help them settle into their new lives.

But here is the real puzzle: how does the government expect that a few handouts will ensure these families’ long-term survival and stability? Marriage is a lifelong commitment, not a single-day event. Imagining a few bags of rice and a new couch as a sustainable economic plan is pretty brain-peeling.

This is hardly the right strategy for fostering human capital development. Actual progress lies not in ceremonial gestures but in establishing systems that create real, long-term opportunities that empower individuals to lift themselves out of poverty rather than be trapped in a cycle of dependence. It is evident that while these governments may have well-intended goals to attain short-term political applause, their actions risk becoming a harbinger of deeper poverty in the state. If history has taught us anything, economic hardship often breeds social unrest. We may soon witness a surge in prostitution and other social vices—not as a moral failing but as a desperate response to survival.

The bitter truth is that desperation thrives where hunger persists. A hungry man is, undeniably, a desperate man. When these newly formed families cannot meet their basic needs, many will be forced into disdainful acts just to get by. Ironically, the initiatives to curb these societal issues offer only temporary relief. The existing economic framework fails to support these temporary solutions, which will bring about severe social deterioration due to the country’s critical economic situation.

Struggling citizens need economic support from government-led structural development instead of marriage prioritization. Nothing stops the government from redirecting these resources toward skill acquisition programs or agricultural investments, which would offer long-term benefits. Agriculture remains one of the most lucrative industries in Northern Nigeria . Rather than funding mass weddings, the government could have established an agricultural relief fund to boost farming activities, providing a sustainable source of income for countless individuals and families. With economic stability in place, those who genuinely desire marriage could take that step on their terms, knowing they can provide for their families. After all, marriage is not just about the wedding day but the lifelong commitment to sustenance, security, and stability.

As long as the government continues prioritising trivial matters and temporary fixes instead of addressing the root causes of our challenges, the country will remain trapped in this deplorable state as a nation. We need authentic leadership that makes better decisions and follows through on its promises. Manifestos should not be mere campaign anthems; they should serve as actionable blueprints for governance.

At sixty-four years of independence, a nation should have a clear sense of direction, with well-established structures to preserve and actualize its priorities. Yet, Nigeria still operates as though it is in the nascent stages of self-governance, a reality that speaks volumes of stagnation rather than progress. The government owes the people more—and it can do more. We need structured, strategic agendas that tackle the real issues, drive sustainable development, and create meaningful progress. The future of the nation depends on it.

​What is needed is the mass recapitalization of poor citizens and not mass weddings to produce mass children without great futures.

How a Moroccan NGO provides services based on an ancient religious connection

Noah Schrott-Schubert
Marrakech

The following article reflects on the essay by Dr. Yossef Ben-Meir–Participatory Interfaith Dialogue and Development: The Keys to Addressing People’s Needs in Morocco (published on 7 January 2025 in The SAIS Review of International Affairs)–where he outlines the challenges faced by farming communities on their way towards a sustainable rural Morocco.

On the 7th of January, Dr. Yossef Ben-Meir, president of the Moroccan NGO, High Atlas Foundation, published an essay in Johns Hopkins University’s The SAIS Review, which sheds light on how people’s needs in Morocco can be addressed through participatory interfaith dialogue.

The story described in this article is a truly Moroccan story. There are few places in the world where the past nurtures the present as much as in Morocco. Isn’t it a fascinating symbol of interfaith, when places of culture and spirit are turned into places of nature and modernity? Isn’t this what sustainability is in a way about, one group nurturing the other, a mutualistic relationship between a group in the present and a group in the past?

Nowadays, Moroccan farmers may not know who the people buried in the ancient Jewish cemeteries all around their country actually were. And neither necessarily would the new generation of Jewish people who left the country know that their grandparents used to live alongside Moroccan Muslims and now are buried in this country. But using the land of the Jewish communities nearby these places for endemic fruit tree nurseries will in one way or the other guide everybody to understanding what your past looked like.

The Moroccan people take care of cemeteries fully knowing their heritage. And realisation strengthens the ties between two groups, who do not live side by side in Morocco anymore. The Ministry of Culture in Morocco goes even further and claims that this is what empowerment looks like. And somehow it does.

First, knowing what your past looks like, will let the roots you have in the earth of your place of origin grow deeper and will finally tie you to the place you live. This makes the incentive of improving this place inevitable. Thereby comes development. Also, it is empowering in a sense of economic well being that you are lent land without cost and thus trusted to care for it.

Having a tree nursery closeby a Jewish cemetery implies trust from the community. With this trust comes new fruit yield. What is beautiful is the High Atlas Foundation’s role in the process of interfaith. They are not the creators, but the catalysts. HAF does not preserve a connection, but rather it builds the renewed basis.

In no case is HAF the party that decides what is done, but rather the party that carries out what is wished to be done. As Yossef Ben-Meir writes in his article: “The development process begins with local communities determining their development goals from an empowered disposition to help ensure that their decisions reflect their priority interests.” This clearly shows HAF’s role. HAF facilitates what is locally determined.

There is a Jewish-Muslim connection in Morocco, which can be found nowhere else in the world in the same way. This connection is there and the question over the past has been whether and how to apply it to meet people’s needs. HAF as a convenor between two groups has applied this connection for sustainable development.

HAF did not tie the bonds between Jewish and Muslim people; HAF only provided the resources. On behalf of the farming families, HAF approached the Moroccan Jewish community to request in-kind leases for building tree nurseries on this land. HAF facilitated the process wished by the communities.

What must be mentioned too is HAF’s partnership with the Moroccan government. The title “House of Life” was given in 2015 by the Governor of Al Haouz, Younes El Bathaoui, beautifully sums up what the High Atlas Foundation and the Jewish and Muslim communities have created together: places of life where every aspect of living comes together. Dialogue, work, and faith, just to name a few, are all present hand-in-hand here.

Noah Schrott-Schubert Interns in Morocco with the High Atlas Foundation, as part of its partnership with Austria Service Abroad.

The state does not necessarily need to like someone but it cannot in the same breath deny him justice, that would be double jeopardy

By Gloria Mabeiam Ballason

1. Our judiciary has come to sadly accept that there is such a thing as a ‘political judicial trial’; these are two streams whose waters do not mix. It is either they choose brackish political trial and allow politicians to do their thing or retain the purity of judicial trial where the rule of law prevails.

2. Kanu’s video shows us that subjecting trials to political whims can diminish the court’s legitimacy and its ability to make enforceable orders. Institutional legitimacy is a prerequisite for the enforcement of rightful and justified authority.

3. The Judiciary endangers itself each time they enable the justice system to be pawned. Politicians come and go but justice just has to be a constant in order that it may command the respect of all. The Court loses moral authority if the executive can sway them wherever and whenever they will. To put it more starkly: No Judiciary should allow the executive to ever think or imagine that the Judiciary is ‘their boy’.

4. I return to my (1) above: The state and lawyers must not like someone to defend them from injustice. Judges and Lawyers swear to uphold the Constitution when we act otherwise -regardless of the situation,  we perpetuate everything else other than justice. When this happens the courts become a shrine for all sorts of despicable libations rather than retain its hallowedness as a Temple of Justice.

Gloria Mabeiam Ballason, lawyer and C.E.O. House of Justice

The Lagos State House of Assembly saga: Choosing between a rapist and a paedophile-Between the alleged rape of democracy vs. the alleged defilement of democracy

By Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja

“This is a rape of democracy”, those were the words reportedly used by 36 lawmakers of the Lagos State House of Assembly to describe the invasion of the premises by officials of both the Department of State Security Services (DSS) and the Nigerian Police.

“The purported impeachment of Mr. Mudishiru Obasa, as Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly is a defilement of democracy because it did not comply with the procedures prescribed by both the Nigerian Constitution and the Standing Orders of the Lagos State House of Assembly”.

So it appears that there are two major allegations to deal with, they are as follows:

  1. Rape of Democracy; and
  2. Defilement of Democracy.

In this article, the analogy of the crimes of “rape” and “defilement” would be used to assess the ongoing saga at the Lagos State House of Assembly.

While the alleged action of Mr. Mudishiru Obasa (inviting officials of the DSS and police) can be classified as a “rape” of democracy.

On the other hand, the actions of the 32 (now 36) legislators who purportedly impeached Obasa on the 13th January 2025, can be regarded as a “defilement” of democracy.

So while Mr. Obasa and his supporters can be regarded as “rapists”, the 32 legislators can be regarded as “paedophiles”.

Generally speaking, although, “rape” is regarded as a serious offence, a felony under Nigerian law, the offence of “defilement” which is the rape of a child or minor is regarded as a more serious offence or felony.

“In Nigerian law, rape is defined as unlawful sexual intercourse without a woman’s consent, or with consent obtained through force, threat, or fraud, punishable by life imprisonment under both the Criminal Code and Penal Code, with potential for lesser terms and fines.”

“Defilement is one of the sexual offences under Nigerian Criminal Law. As a general rule, the offence of defilement is statutorily provided for under Section 218 of the Criminal Code Act. The section states that Any person who has unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl under the age of 13 years is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for life.”

So it can be argued that what Mr.Obasa committed on 17th February 2025 was a “rape of democracy” by his invitation of officials of the DSS to seal the offices of Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly.

However, on the other hand, the actions of the 32 law-makers who purportedly impeached Obasa on 13th January 2025 can be regarded as “defilement” of democracy, especially considering that they allegedly defiled some provisions of the supreme law of Nigeria which is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

So when considered comparatively, Mr. Obasa’s alleged violation may be regarded as a violation of the Public Order Act, a legislation, which is classified as a misdemeanour, whereas what the 32 legislators committed can be regarded as the highest form of felony considering that it involves an alleged violation of the highest law of Nigeria which is the Nigerian Constitution.

Mr. Obasa’s alleged action of invitation of officials of the DSS and the police can even be excused as a resort to law enforcement officials to maintain the status quo while the court of law is handling the issue of his alleged impeachment.

Whereas the action of the 32 law-makers who allegedly impeached Obasa on 13th January 2025 can be regarded as a defilement of the following provisions of the Nigerian Constitution as listed in the lawsuit of Mr. Obasa as follows:

“…February 12, 2025, filing “concerns the interpretation of Section 36; 90(2)(c); 101 and 311 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (As Amended) vis-à-vis Order V Rule 18(2) and Order II Rule 9(i)(ii)(iii)(iv)(v)(vi)(vii)(viii) of the Rules and Standing Orders of the Lagos State House of Assembly (which enjoys constitutional flavour and status).”

Mr Obasa challenged the constitutionality of the January 13, 2025, plenary session where lawmakers orchestrated his impeachment, claiming the sitting was not authorised.

“The action challenged the sitting and proceedings of the Lagos State House of Assembly to sit during recess without reconvening the House or giving any other person powers to reconvene the House,” the court documents added.”-Peoples Gazette.

Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja,
Executive Director,
Nigerian Law Society (NLS).

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