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#Hunted, Executed: Sanwo-Olu’s former Senior Special Assistant’s comments stir probe call

Although the Lagos State government has suspended him, controversy has continued to spin around a statement credited to Wale Ajetunmobi, the now ex-Senior Special Assistant on Print Media, to Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

Ajetunmobi had claimed in a now-deleted post on Sunday that some arsonists who burnt down Television Continental (TVC) during the #EndSARS protests in the state had been “hunted and executed.”

Following the comment, many Nigerians on social media interpreted the comment as an admission of state involvement in suspected extrajudicial killings during the 2020 protests against police brutality and the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad.

The protests were followed by intense debates over the true number of casualties, with the Lagos State Government consistently maintaining that no extrajudicial killings took place.

In the tweet, Ajetunmobi claimed that one of the allegedly “executed” individuals was a young boy, whose name was not disclosed, and who worked as a cooking gas trader in the Ketu area of Lagos.

The deleted tweet read, “The full story of people who burnt down TVC in 2020 will be told one day, with gory clips and images. One thing to note: the majority of them have been hunted down and executed.

“One of them, a young boy trading in cooking gas around Ketu, was found with an AK-47 at the site. Even his neighbours were shocked. But the full gist is better saved for later.”

Ajetunmobi later refuted claims of extrajudicial killings, stating that the use of the term “execution” in his comment was an unintended “error.”

The tweet read, “This excerpt was quoted out of context, and there were a series of comments made under the same post that better explained what was intended. As I further explained in the said tweet, no extra-judicial killing was insinuated. The word ‘executed’ was erroneously used and not intended in the context of that casual conversation.

“What was written in the entire conversation reflected personal opinion and not the position of any authority or the entity in which I work. The post and other comments had been taken down, even before this publication.”

However, Ajetunmobi’s clarification appeared insufficient to appease his principal, the state governor.

A statement issued by Gboyega Akosile, the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to Sanwo-Olu, on Tuesday, announced Ajetunmobi’s suspension.

According to the statement, Ajetunmobi’s suspension “comes on the heels of the misrepresentation of facts on his personal X account on a past incident.”

Akosile noted that the Sanwo-Olu administration “frowns at any form of extrajudicial punishment and will not be a part of any such action. That is not who we are. That is not our way.”

However, while many Nigerians on X.com praised the governor for suspending the aide, others called for a deeper investigation into the revelations made in the comment.

Leading the call for a probe was a human rights activist and lawyer, Mr Inibehe Effiong, who urged security agencies to summon Ajetunmobi for questioning.

He partly wrote, “Suspending Wale Ajetunmobi as your aide does not address the alarming confession of extrajudicial killings made by him.”

This matter has to be investigated thoroughly by law enforcement agencies.

“He should be taken into custody immediately.”

Echoing similar sentiments, @UnckleAyo wrote, “That isn’t misrepresentation. He admitted to being in the know of extrajudicial killings. In a sane system, his head and his principal’s should roll, but given the antecedent of his principal, who is surprised?”

@Waxodigitals said, “The claim made by Mr. Wale Ajetunmobi, suggesting that arsonists were “hunted and executed,” is deeply troubling and underscores the need for accountability and transparency in governance.

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s decision to suspend Ajetunmobi over a “misrepresentation of facts” is a step in the right direction, but it raises critical questions.

“Was the statement made by Ajetunmobi factual or completely fabricated? If true, it points to potential extrajudicial killings that warrant immediate investigation.

“What steps will the Lagos State Government take to restore public trust and address lingering concerns about its handling of the #EndSARS fallout? I call on relevant authorities, including @PoliceNG, @NhrcNigeria, and civil society organisations to thoroughly investigate these claims.”

@DailyJusticeAct stated, “Who knows, what else does that guy know? His confession is a huge disclosure. There is a need for a thorough investigation. A lot of innocent souls must have been lost via these internal government bandits.”

“For an aide to have said what he said, it is either that he knows what he is saying (privy to what has happened behind the scenes as a close person or aide to a senior government official) or he is spreading falsehood. Either way, he should be invited for questioning,” @Jidekuye added.

S-East road users cry out over extortion at checkpoints, lament agony, frustration they pass through

Extortion at security checkpoints on the roads in the South-East region has continued unabated; and it will ‘flourish’ more in the coming days and weeks when the people of South-East residing in other parts of the country and Diaspora will start coming home for the Christmas and New Year celebrations.

As has become their unfortunate fate, they will be confronted with the ugly experiences in the hands of security personnel, especially police and soldiers at the numerous checkpoints on the major roads that lead to the South-East region as well as the ones that connect the five states of the region.

The worrisome thing is that they treat the road users as if they are illegal immigrants in their own country by harassing, intimidating, and humiliating them before extorting the money. And nothing serious has been done by military and police high command to rein in their men despite the outrage it has been generating.

Number of Police, Army checkpoints embarrassing—Onitsha residents

Checks show that from Onitsha to Enugu Express, a distance of about 105 kilometers, travellers are confronted with over 25 security checkpoints, comprising the Army, Police, Road Safety, and NDLEA personnel, an average of a checkpoint after about every three kilometers, in war zones, it is not like that.

Therefore, one of the major worries of road users in the region is their encounters with the police and soldiers at these checkpoints. Recently, a police officer, Inspector Sani Suleiman, attached to Otuocha Area Command in Anambra East Council Area, killed a young man at a checkpoint over his alleged refusal to pay a N100 bribe. According to a fellow driver who witnessed the incident: “We were in the queue at the checkpoint waiting for the police officers to pass us before we suddenly heard the sound of a gunshot. The incident caused chaos and panic as some youths in the area mobilised against the action of the police before they eventually drove off from the scene.”

The affected police officer had, however, been disarmed and detained for further investigations and internal disciplinary procedures.

In Ihiala axis, it is still common to see commuters being ordered out of their vehicles with hands above their shoulders to pass the checkpoints, while the driver drives empty across the checkpoint for them to rejoin him. This also happens along Onitsha-Atani road at Odekpe Road where commercial vehicle operators would park, come down, and approach a stationary vehicle occupied by naval men and drop their money before continuing their journey.

This humiliation is scaring Igbo people residing outside the region from returning home for this year’s Christmas celebrations.

Ethelbert Okeke, who resides in Lagos, said: “I live in Lagos and I cannot afford to go through the several roadblocks between Lagos and Asaba and then face the worst ones between Onitsha and Mgbidi, my hometown. I have decided that I will just send money to my people at home for Christmas to take care of everything, including family meetings. Maybe we will begin to visit home when the situation improves.”

A commercial driver who plies the Enugu-Onitsha route, Okwudili Otuka said: “We know the number of checkpoints between Onitsha and Enugu, and we also know we have the Army, the Police, Navy and Road Safety. We already have an understanding with the police, and their money is N200. If I don’t have a single note of N200, the policeman is ready to give me change. For Road Safety, it is N500 per stop and for the Army, it is also N200.

“What I consider as the main problem is the delay they cause us when they begin to waste time with private car owners who are usually reluctant to settle them.

“What is happening at these checkpoints is not proper, but what can we do? Most of the security operatives at the checkpoints do not usually ask for vehicle particulars, which means they are only after our money,” the driver said.

They extort and humiliate with brazen impunity – Intersociety

Speaking to this, a leading rights group, International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law, Intersociety, laments the shameless impunity with which soldiers and police extort money, brutalize and harass road users in the South-East.

According to the chairman of Intersociety, Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi, the soldiers and police at checkpoints are emboldened to carry on with the illegal acts due to alleged tactical support from their leadership who never wielded the big stick against them.

“The reason why they have continued to do this is because of the existence of ‘return culture’, they make returns to their superiors who turn blind eyes to the illegality and inhuman treatment being unleashed on road users. They can no longer dismiss it as actions from bad eggs, it has their support; it has been unofficially institutionalised.

“This is why they tactically encourage the ugly things they do at the checkpoints. Some of them have become millionaires if not billionaires, owning properties and choice houses in strategic places across the country. The military and police high command should stop pretending, Nigerians know what they do in the South-East.

“And the question remains; why the siege only in the South-East, why the inhuman treatment, the harassment, intimidation, humiliation, and criminal extortion of the people of the South-East zone? What did they do wrong; these extortion checkpoints must be dismantled. They are not there to check insecurity but for shameless massive extortion,” Umeagablasi said.

COAS, IGP must do more than give orders — Nwagbara

Reacting, another rights activist, Obinna Nwagbara tasked the Chief of Army Staff, the Inspector-General of Police, and the heads of other security agencies to take drastic measures if they truly want to stop the extortion and humiliation instead of merely giving orders and threats which are not obeyed.

He said: “The leadership of the security agencies must do more than give orders to their personnel on extortion. Unfortunately, the issue of extortion on our roads continues with reckless abandon, with perpetrators unashamedly going about their ugly activities in the full glare of the public, including innocent children.

“Across all the major roads in the region, huge man hours are lost daily on account of multiple checkpoints where motorists are delayed, intimidated, and extorted.

“As we approach the yuletide, more checkpoints with gun-wielding officers are daily taking over the highways in the South-East. It is now an open bazaar on South-East roads. Sadly, almost all checkpoints, mounted by the Police Army, FRSC, NDLEA, and various task forces across the states are active in this show of shame on our roads. They are openly collecting bribes from motorists and even giving change to those who so demand or who give them more than the agreed bribe fee.

“Seeing all of these, we are forced to ask: at what point did Nigerian roads become commercial banks and security and law enforcement agents, the cashiers? The IGP, CPs, and the military should do more than just bark out threats and orders against their men on the highways.”

They should stop molesting us—Ebonyi indigenes

In Ebonyi State, commuters and commercial vehicle drivers groan over the level of harassment, extortion, and humiliation they are subjected to at the checkpoints on the roads across the state, particularly those mounted on the Ebonyi borders with other states.

At these boundary checkpoints, no commercial vehicle, haulage vans, chipping trucks, and other vehicles cross the place without paying N100, N200, N500, and N1000, depending on the type of vehicle. The police at these checkpoints park any vehicle that refuses to comply and delay it for hours. Particularly, the Ishieke Police checkpoint seems to be a permanent toll collection point.

James Nwedu who plies the Enugu-Ebonyi route frowned at the level of harassment and extortion they encounter, saying that they extort from drivers with impunity.

“We are used to their harassment and forceful collection of money from us. We pay each time we pass any checkpoint. They don’t have a conscience, they can park your vehicle for hours if you refuse to comply, they can also discharge your passengers and force them to trek across the checkpoint just to humiliate them,” Nwedu lamented.

A truck driver, Oliver Onyeukwu said he spends more money settling security agents on the Ebonyi-Enugu road than the Ebonyi – Cross River route, lamenting: “We are helpless because the government is not doing anything to stop the ugly situation.”

A trader who deals in plantain and banana, Mrs. Ngozi Udeobi lamented the negative impact on their business.

“We buy the plantain and banana bunches in Cross River State; we hire vehicles to our various markets in Anambra and Enugu states. The drivers charge us more because of expenses on the road and we pass some of the expenses to the consumers.

“The cost of food is high because of the extortion on the roads. We normally pay produce fees which are recognised by the government, but apart from that, we settle police and military at checkpoints. We pay between N1000 and N3,000 depending on the size of the goods. What we are passing through is the same as other foodstuff dealers. We spend between N100,000 and N200,000 on both produce fee and security agents’ settlement. We add these expenses on the goods to see if we can break even.”

A young entrepreneur, Okechukwu Edozie lamented how he missed his younger sister’s convocation ceremony at EBSU due to delay and extortion of the police at the boundary between Enugu and Ebonyi states.

“I was driving my car, Lexus 330 series with my friends from Anambra to Ebonyi State to attend my younger sister’s convocation ceremony when policemen at a checkpoint accosted us and stopped us. We were four in the car, my little sister and my friends, two boys. When we went to the checkpoint, they rushed at us as if we were armed robbers, shouting ‘park, park, clear from the road.’ I cleared, and they started searching our bags. They first asked me about my papers and driver’s licence which I provided to them and they held them. They searched all of us one by one and could not find any incriminating items. One of them said that we are Yahoo Boys and that we should be searched thoroughly.

“We got to the checkpoint at about 11 am but stayed there till 2.30 pm. After all the searching, they could not find anything. They ordered us to surrender all our phones and I told them that my phone was my personal/private property; they shouted at me and forcefully collected the phone. They searched our phones but could not find anything. One of them said that there were some Apps on the phones that needed to be checked by their computer expert in the office. We started arguing about that and one of them approached me and said: “Don’t you know what you should do to get out of this place? You people have stayed long here and I want to help you. How much do you have so that I will appeal to the officer to return your phones?” I told him, I didn’t have money; he said I can make a transfer from my phone or use my credit card to make a payment. So, in the end, I had no choice but to spare N10,000 before they returned our phones and allowed us to go”, Edozie lamented.

However, the Ebonyi State Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) DSP Joshua Ukandu frowned at the activities of some policemen at the checkpoints. He said the command has been organising training and lectures for the officers on the best way to discharge their duties on the roads.

Security agents treat commuters as prisoners of war — Igbo youths warn

In their reaction, Igbo youths frowned at the ill-treatment of road users in the region. They accused the police and soldiers at the checkpoints of treating commuters and motorists in the zone as prisoners of war.

Speaking under the aegis of Coalition of South-East Youth Leaders, COSEYL, Igbo youths decried the level of humiliation motorists and commuters are subjected to at the various checkpoints across the zone, and called for an immediate stop to the dehumanising treatment. They demanded the immediate dismantling of all military and police checkpoints in the zone ahead of the yuletide. They argue that the presence of roadblocks escalates insecurity in the region.

President-General of COSEYL, Comrade Goodluck Ibem said: “The Federal Government should dismantle all military and police checkpoints in the South-East with immediate effect. Our people suffer so much at these checkpoints. People spend hours at these checkpoints in the region; it does not happen in other parts of the country. Sometimes, passengers are forced to alight from their vehicles and trek across the checkpoint. This is unacceptable.

“Even during wartime, people are not subjected to such humiliation and inhuman treatment. Security agents are treating South-Easterners like prisoners of war.

“They even contribute to the high cost of food items in the markets because trucks conveying foodstuff from the North to South-East pay at least N3000 at every checkpoint. Some insist on N5000; a truck coming from the Northern part to the South-East spends up to N25,000 just on security agents at checkpoints alone. This is open robbery.

“Their presence even escalates insecurity because they are only collecting money and not there for the people. It doesn’t stop insecurity. Security is all about intelligence-gathering and not standing sentry on the roads to extort money from hapless motorists.”

Narrating his experience, a truck driver who pleaded for anonymity mentioned the Army checkpoint at Ariam Ikwuano on the Umuahia-Ikot Ekpene road, as one of the worst checkpoints in Abia State.

“They now collect N5000 per big vehicle at that checkpoint. Before, they were collecting N2000 but now, they insist on N5000, that is why I have stopped plying that route. There is also another checkpoint between Ikot-Ekpene and Aba. They collect N2000 per vehicle there.”

It’s so intimidating — Imo residents

Road users in Imo State said they daily pass through hell on the roads in the course of going about their legitimate businesses. They corroborate the same story of humiliation, intimidation, and extortion from the soldiers and policemen at checkpoints.

The President of the Igbo National Council, INC, Chilos Godsent, who said he travels often, condemns what road users go through especially at such places as Okigwe-Uturu junction, along ABSU road; Ihube junction along the Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway, Akachi Junction on the Aba-Owerri road, PDS on Anara-Amaraku road in Isiala Mbano Council Area, Umuowa by Imo Airport junction, among the numerous spots he enumerated. He said that a petition had been written to the Defence Headquarters on the illegal things going on at Army checkpoints in the state but no positive action has been taken by the military high command.

A motorist, Timo Oke said: “The worst of the extortion, humiliation and intimidation happen at night. I am a driver. I was able to understand the insecurity level in Imo because I normally do my taxi business mostly at night. You will see security agents without uniforms; they look so scary and most times passengers wonder if they are security men or unknown gunmen . If you want to see and know more, just move around in the night. When they see these young boys with flashy vehicles, they stop them and ask them to transfer money to their account. So, you people should help us to tell our leaders to intervene because I see this as the height of criminality in this state.”

A resident of Atta in Ikeduru Council Area of Imo State, who identified himself as Ibeh Uzo, described the situation as “something that has gone out of hand,” lamenting: “Even our security operatives now behave like market men and women, extorting money and giving change to motorists where necessary.”

Reduce army, police, FRSC checkpoints in Nsukka – Cleric

Jude Uchechukwu of Liberty Assembly of God laments that “all the roads in South East states are littered with the army, police checkpoints, FRSC, Civil Defense and local neighborhood, all engaged in extorting road users”.

Also, Dr. Chikamadu Eze of Highway to Grace Assembly laments the plights of road users at checkpoints on the roads in the zone and condemns the level of extortion, intimidation, and humiliation at the hands of security personnel.

Read also: Is the South East still a part of Nigeria? – Veteran Actor Kanayo O. Kanayo queries, complains about high number of police and military checkpoints on South East roads

Credits: Vanguard

FRN V Akaeze: Criminal investigation simplified (1)

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN

One fateful night in 2012, there was a loud bang on the door of this middle-aged man who had just moved to his house in the Lekki area. He was jolted from his deep sleep and before he could say Jack, four hefty men jumped into his bedroom, all hooded and wielding what looked like guns at the time. They asked him to lie on the floor and close his eyes. One of them asked him for his money, his ATM Card and pin, his watches and his gold or his life. Another one threatened to defile his wife if he failed to cooperate with them. He had no choice in this matter, as he never prepared for this invasion. In shock and panic, he led them to all items of value in his house, begging them to be merciful and to harm no one.

The invaders ransacked all the rooms in his house and carted away most of his valuable assets. The trauma lasted well over two hours. He could not access anyone for help because they also took away his telephones. When it was daytime, he managed to gather himself together and made his way to the nearest police station, where he narrated his painful ordeal to the police and pleaded for help to apprehend the criminals. Through the way he described his night visitors, their style of operation and the general conduct of the dastardly raid, the police were well familiar with the robbery. They immediately set out to track the criminals through the iPhone of the victim, which was taken as part of the loot.

The police eventually traced the iPhone to a market around town and they arrested the person who had custody of the telephone and through him, they were able to trace many of the invaders. Initially, they denied involvement in the crime but after days of thorough beating and ceaseless torture, they confessed and gave the police the whole story of how it happened. But this did not come easy, as their ring leader had been to the German Cell, a special torture chamber within the police station. There, he was hung upside down and a tire put round his head, with the threat to set him ablaze at night. He was already very frail, having been shot in the leg when he tried to escape during the period of his arrest. He had fainted many times during his grueling sessions in the German Cell before he finally decided to open up to the police.

The police then conducted several sessions of interviews with all the suspects and most of them wrote confessional statements of how they planned the robbery attack and executed it. After about three months of detention, the families of the suspects were able to trace them to the police station. Their application for bail was declined by the police given the gravity of the offence committed. The family eventually secured the services of a lawyer who filed an application for bail in court. Upon serving the application for bail on the Ministry of Justice and the police legal department, they demanded for the case file for review. The application for bail was opposed and given the copious counter-affidavit filed by the prosecution, the mind of the court weighed against it and the defendants were denied bail.

The case thereafter proceeded to trial. The investigating police officer who was the first witness for the prosecution, attempted to tender the confessional statements of the defendants. Counsel to one of the defendants raised an objection to the admissibility of the confessional statement, arguing that it was obtained under duress. The court conducted a trial within trial, at the end of which it became clear that the defendants truly made their statements but some of them were tortured and battered by the police in the course of investigation. The court admitted the confessional statements of the defendants and eventually convicted them at the end of the trial. Appeals were prosecuted to the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court, wherein the decision of the trial court was upturned. In all, the case lasted about fourteen years. The above narration is only a fiction, depicting some of the happenings within the law enforcement agencies in Nigeria.

In promulgating the Administration of Criminal Justice Act in 2015, the National Assembly addressed the issue of confessional statements by including provisions which require investigators to give the defendant the opportunity of having his counsel witness the process of obtaining his statement with video evidence of the session. This was not complied with by many investigators and there have been different interpretations by different courts of the true intention of the parliament. This has now been resolved by the Supreme Court in the case of Charles Akaeze and other cases.

The facts of the case and the decision of the Supreme Court are well captured in a report of the Nigerian Law Publications as FRN v Akaeze (2024) 12 NWLR (Pt.1951) 1. In that case, the respondent and two other persons were arraigned before the trial Federal High Court on a two-count charge of conspiracy and failure to declare the sum of $102,885 (One Hundred and Two Thousand and Eighty-Five United States of America Dollars) to the Nigeria Customs Service at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, contrary to sections 2(3), 8(5) and 18 of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 (as amended) by Act No. 1 of 2012. In the course of the trial, the prosecution sought to tender the extra-judicial statements of the respondent through the prosecution witness. But the appellant objected to the admissibility of the statements on the ground that the extra-judicial statements were confessional statements made involuntarily and without complying with sections 15(4) and 17(2) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015.

The trial court therefore ordered a trial-within-trial. After the trial-within-trial proceedings, the trial court delivered its ruling. It found that the respondent wrote his extrajudicial statements on the first day he was taken into custody, and that there was no evidence the respondent was tortured, forced, or coerced to make the statements as he alleged. The trial court also held that the extra-judicial statements were relevant, voluntarily made in line with the law. Therefore, the trial court admitted the extra-judicial statements in evidence. The respondent appealed to the Court of Appeal against the ruling of the trial court. The Court of Appeal held that the extra-judicial statements of the respondent should be rejected in evidence because the provisions of sections 15(4) and 17(2) of Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 were not complied with in taking the statements. The Court of Appeal allowed the appeal, set aside the ruling of the trial court, and remitted the case to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court for re-assignment to another Judge for hearing and determination.

The appellant appealed to the Supreme Court. In determining the appeal, the Supreme Court considered the provisions of sections 15(4) and 17(2) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act of 2015 which state as follows:

“15(4) Where a suspect who is arrested with or without a warrant, volunteers to make a confessional statement, the police officer shall ensure that making and taking of the statement shall be in writing and may be recorded electronically on a compact disc or some other audio-visual means.

17(2) Such statement may be taken in the presence of a Legal Practitioner of his choice, or where he has no Legal Practitioner of his choice, in the presence of an officer of the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria or an officer of a Civil Society Organization or a Justice of the Peace or any other person of his choice, provided that the Legal Practitioner or any other person mentioned in this subsection shall not interfere while the suspect is making his statement except for the purpose of discharging his role as a Legal Practitioner.”

On purpose of Administration of Criminal Justice Act, at page 21, paras. E-G:

“As I aptly postulated in the sister appeal (SC/353/C/2019), the fundamental purpose necessitating the enactment of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) supra, has been unequivocally provided in section 1 of the Act itself:

‘1(1) The purpose of this Act is to ensure that the system of Administration of Criminal Justice in Nigeria promotes efficient management of criminal Institutions, speedy disposing of justice, protection of the society from crime and protection of rights and interests of the suspect; the defendant; and the victim.’

The courts, law enforcement agencies and other authorities or persons involved in this Criminal Justice Administration shall ensure compliance with the provisions of this Act for the realization of its (2) purposes.’

We lose nothing in ensuring strict compliance with ACJA in this regard. It guarantees the transparency of the process because the video evidence itself cannot possibly be contested by the defendant, being a true reflection of what transpired at the statement recording session. It also saves the prosecution the burden of proof of voluntariness of confessional statements. The purpose of enacting ACJA should not be defeated by investigators.

On Mischief rule of interpretation of statutes at page 21, paras. B-D:

“One of the fundamental guidelines to interpretation of statutes is the mischief rule, which considers the state of the law prior to the enactment, the defect which the statute sets out to eradicate or prevent, the remedy adopted by the legislature to cure the mischief, and the actual reason behind the remedy.”

The war of governors and deputies

By Suyi Ayodele

On Friday, July 29, 1910, the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland was told by his messenger: “Aiyé ti bàjé (the world is spoiled). The oba responded curtly: “Mo j’Owá lónìí (‘I become Owa today’).”

That is how British anthropologist, Professor J. D.Y. Peel, documented how the palace responded to the death of Ijesha war commander, Chief Ògèdèngbé Agbógungbórò. He was the king’s deputy, the Obaala of Ilesa.

The Owá reportedly rebuked the messenger for announcing the death of his second in command as if it was a loss to the palace.

Why would a king rejoice at the death of his subject? Or, more appropriately, why would the Owá intone that he truly became the king only at the death of his deputy?

Ògèdèngbé Agbógungbórò was the Obaálá of Ijeshaland in the present Osun State. He was the king’s second-in-command. The reigning Owá of Ijeshaland then was Owá Atáyéro. Ògèdèngbé was a great warrior. He was also a temperamental being. By virtue of his dexterity at the war fronts, everybody feared him. Owá himself feared Ògèdèngbé. The Yoruba war ended officially in 1893 but Ogedengbe continued to command the town and the palace. The Oba lived under the shadows of the warrior. Ògèdèngbé was the de facto Owá, the king was king only in name.

D. Y Peel’s “Ijeshas and Nigerians: The Incorporation of a Yoruba Kingdom, 1890s-1970s” is an interesting account of the politics of persons and personalities in Ijesaland in the early to mid-20th century.

An account was given of two men who had a quarrel over farmland. The rightful owner was said to have approached Owá Atáyéro for justice. The Owá-in-Council, who knew the history of the disputed farmland, assured the right party of justice. Meanwhile, his contender had approached Ògèdèngbé for support. The warrior also assured him that he would deliver the farmland to him.

On the day the Palace was to adjudicate on the matter, Ògèdèngbé was said to have come late for the meeting. Many historians of that singular act believed that the warrior came late because he wanted to show how powerful he was. The Owá-in-Council listened to the two parties. The Council rebuked the impostor who wanted to inherit a farmland that did not belong to him.

And for destroying the crops on the land unlawfully, the Palace asked the aggressor to kneel in one corner while his punishment was being decided. It was at that moment that Ògèdèngbé’ walked in. Agbógungbórò was said to have been livid on seeing the one he promised ‘protection’ being punished. He roared! He ordered the man to get up and asked his opponent to take his position. One bold chief reminded Ògèdèngbé that it was the Owá who ordered the man to kneel.

Ògèdèngbé retorted that vultures would pluck the eyes of the courageous chief and the man who ordered the wrong party to kneel! Silence! The Owá was reported to have shaken his head, got up and entered the inner recess of the palace. No other chief dared to follow him. Ògèdèngbé then proceeded to preside over the ‘court’. He awarded the disputed farmland to the wrong party, who approached him for support and protection. Case closed! The rightful owner could only thank his stars that his head was not demanded of him.

History teaches lessons. One of the lessons modern-day politicians learn is never to have strong’ men as their deputies. Politicians, especially governors of this dispensation have one name they don’t want to answer: Obádípè (The king appeals). No! The king makes no appeal. Kings command (Obápase), and their words become law. The current democracy has witnessed a lot of clashes between deputy governors and their principals, the governors. One begins to wonder if there is any need for a deputy governor!

Chief Bisi Akande, former governor of Osun State, has a good description of who or what a deputy governor is. The old man quipped that a deputy governor is like a spare tyre of a vehicle. In his native wisdom, Chief Akande said that unless any of the “real” tyres is bad, nobody uses or remembers the spare tyre.

Akande made the remarks at the peak of the conflict of confidence between him and his deputy, Iyiola Omisore. The Ila-Orangun-born politician ensured that Omisore remained a spare tyre almost all through his deputy governorship. He made the office of the deputy governor redundant, ineffective and almost paralysed.

Chief Akande has a younger brother in Ayodele Fayose, who, as the governor of Ekiti State, dispensed with his deputy governor at will. Fayose started the journey with Abiodun Aluko on May 29, 2003. Two and half years later, Fayose was tired of his co-captain in their sinking boat. Without batting an eyelid, the one who answers the street lingo, ‘Oshokomole’ (whatever that means), threw Aluko off the boat.

He simply cherry-picked an old ally, a female, Abiodun Olujimi, as replacement. The relationship did not last. But before the duo could enter the ring, General Olusegun Obasanjo (Rtd), who was the President and Commander-in-Chief then, offloaded them to the Nigerian political wilderness through a state of emergency!

In the South-East, Orji Uzor Kalu, now a senator, could not withstand the cerebral postures of his deputy, Enyinnaya Abaribe. Pronto, he threw him off the ship. When Abaribe saw the handwriting of impeachment on the wall, he turned in his resignation letter which the governor and the Abia State House of Assembly ‘rejected’. Kalu would rather have his deputy ‘impeached’ less than three months to the completion of their first term in March 2003, than accord him the dignity of resignation. In replacement, Chima Nwafor was brought in, and he remained Kalu’s deputy till the latter died in March 2006.

The trio of Akande, Fayose and Kalu are ‘learners’ in the act and art of changing deputies when compared to the feats achieved in that turf by their ‘grandmaster’, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the current President. While he held sway as the governor of Lagos State, Tinubu had three different deputy governors. One of them was shipped out a few days to the end of his tenure!

Tinubu sealed the political ‘conjugation’ (what a choice of diction!) with Chief Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele on May 29, 1999. Watchers of the event knew that the two were diametrically opposed in all ramifications. But their political family, Afenifere, joined them together in the political unholy matrimony.

They managed each other in what my Yoruba people call: Ajá ńsábà Ekùn, ekùn, ńsábà Ajá (the dog and the Tiger play hide-and-seek game). Then the rope snapped! Five months into the end of their first term, Tinubu would no longer have Bucknor-Akerele as his deputy. On December 16, 2002, the female deputy governor was forced to leave the government. By then, Afenifere was not in any position to save the ship.

Then came in the young banker, Femi Pedro, as replacement. Pedro joined Tinubu in the race for the former’s second term. However, the relationship became that of master and servant. ‘Core’ Lagosians were said to have encouraged Pedro to continue to endure the humiliation he suffered under his principal.

But 19 days to the end of Tinubu’s second term as governor of Lagos State, the state House of Assembly ‘impeached’ Pedro on May 10, 2007! Because nature abhors a vacuum, an elderly Abiodun Ogunleye was appointed Tinubu’s deputy on May 12, 2007. Ogunleye spent just 17 days as the deputy governor of Lagos State with full entitlements!

A senior colleague, in one of our discussions over the Lagos deputy governorship debacles under Tinubu, submitted that it was a mistake to have allowed Bucknor-Akerele to run as deputy governor with Tinubu, Akerele having sought, and fought vigorously, to be governor herself! He maintained that asking an ambitious man to be deputy to someone he believes he is superior to “is a recipe for crisis.” That submission triggered an alarm in me. Nigerians should pay attention to Edo State, pay attention!

The war of principals and deputies is not limited to our clime. Last Saturday, something similar, or even deadlier than what we have ever seen here, happened in the far away Philippines. The tiny Asian country is on the edge as a war of confidence rages between the President, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. And his Vice President, Sara Duterte.

Duterte at a press conference on Saturday announced that she would have the president assassinated should she (Vice President) be killed by the president! And the lady Vice President meant every word she uttered! She said that not only would President Marcos Jr. be assassinated, but Marcos’ wife, Liza Araneta, and the Speaker of the country’s legislative body, Martin Romualdez, would also die!

She speaks: “I have talked to a person. I said, if I get killed, go kill BBM (Marcos), (first lady) Liza Araneta, and (Speaker) Martin Romualdez. No joke. No joke. I said, do not stop until you kill them and then he said yes.” She was not through. Duterte assessed the mental capability of her principal and concluded: “This country is going to hell because we are led by a person who doesn’t know how to be a president and who is a liar.”

William Shakespeare, in the play, “Othello”, says: “Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned.” How apt could the Elizabethan literature giant be! Duterte and Marcos Jr. were best of friends barely two years ago when they sought the top two positions in the Philippines together. Something happened and their confidence in each other went agley.

Just as it happens when Desdemona, Othello’s wife was unfairly treated by Othello on a flimsy and equally unverified accusation of infidelity, and the wife unleashes her patent destructive tendencies on her husband. Duterte is up in arms against her once-bosom friend. Emily Bronte illustrates this trait in her novel, Wuthering Heights, with the character of Catering Earnshaw, a scorned lover, who visits unmitigated vengeance on Heathcliff, the man she ‘loves’.

Could Duterte’s fury in the Philippines be because of the ‘redundancy’ of her office as a Vice President? Or, by the act of ‘betrayal’ by President Marcos Jr., who now finds new political friends such that he can do away with the winning partner, Duterte? The Philippine constitution, like its Nigeria’s counterpart, does not help matters in this case. By the provisions of the constitution, the Vice President of the Philippines is elected separately from the President but has no official duty in government!

And to worsen the situation for Duterte, the legislature is an errand boy of Marcos Jr. It is said that the speaker, Martin Romualdez, who is also slated for “assassination”, had “slashed the vice-presidential office’s budget by nearly two-thirds.”

This act is akin to how deputy governors are treated here in Nigeria. A governor in one of the South-West states was said to have allocated about 12 Peugeot 504 cars inherited from the defunct Western Region to the office of his deputy governor in 2000!

Someone asked if I would like to go into politics. I responded that it would depend on two conditions. He asked for the conditions. I responded that I would never be a deputy to anybody, not even a vice-presidential position!

Again, anyone who wants me to go into politics must provide all the logistics; I would only make myself available at the campaign rallies to tell the people what I will do for them! “You are a bloody dreamer, Suyi; big dreamer”, he retorted! Let my dream of being a politician be in the realm of dreams!

As long as deputy governors are “spare tyres”, and no definite constitutional roles assigned to them except being appendages of their principals, the governors, the raging war of confidence shall continue. This, I think, should be the focus of those in the business of amending the Constitution. I don’t know how many Nigerians today can mention the names of five out of the 36 deputy governors we have, because the position is so inconsequential! God help any deputy governor who has a megalomaniac as governor, or a governor who has an over-ambitious deputy governor! Where is the next war, by the way?

See & Be Seen: FIDA Nigeria @60 cultural night

Hajiya Laraba Shuaibu, Mrs Azuka Azinge, Chief Mrs. Victoria Awomola, SAN
Exco members at FIDA @60 cultural night
FIDAns at the Cultural Night 2024
FIDA Benue members
FIDA Ikeja members
Some LOC members of FIDA Nigeria @ 60
FIDA Abuja Chair, Chibuzo Nwosu and Treasurer, Wendy Kuku, SAN
LOC members
FIDA Abuja members
Afam Okeke and Madam Ruth
Franca Akaniro-Opara, Vice Chair FIDA Abua and other members
Ozioma Izuora and Hauwa Geroge-Obas

#FIDA Nigeria @60: The economics of justice is sadly regressive in Nigeria —Oby Ezekwesili

  • Prof. Hussaini Abdu says FIDA has remained resilient and strategic in pursuing its mission

Notable rights advocate and onetime Minister of Solid Minerals in Nigeria, Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili has expressed concern that “the economics of justice is sadly regressive in Nigeria.”

Speaking yesterday in Abuja, Ezekwesili who was FIDA Nigeria’s 60th anniversary colloquium lecturer said Nigerians no longer have confidence in the justice system.

Asserting that a small percentage of badly behaved politicians have enough resources to buy their way to favourable judgments, Dr. Ezekwesili, an advocate for transparency and an economic policy expert, pointed out that the poor in Nigeria have no access to justice while the “rich have enough resources to purchase justice.”

She also called for a deliberate approach to ensuring women are adequately represented in politics and governance while urging women lawyers who are the majority in the legal profession (70%) to make a difference by working towards restoring trust and confidence in Nigeria’s system.

Earlier, the event’s Keynote speaker, Prof. Hussaini Abdu, Ph.D. an academic, development and humanitarian specialist, highlighted the power, passion, dexterity, and excellence women have exhibited in the private sector. He then suggested that incorporating these qualities into the public space would benefit society.

Prof. Abdu expressed the importance of understanding what it means for an organization to be 60 years old in Nigeria, especially for those who have been part of this journey over the past six decades, as well as for new members and students who are just joining FIDA.

He pointed out that the 60-year journey of FIDA is closely linked to Nigeria’s broader political context since independence, as it has navigated through democratic transitions, military rule, and socio-economic challenges.

Professor Abdu highlighted FIDA’s resilience and strategic acumen in remaining steadfast in its mission, even during turbulent times.

He highlighted FIDA’s efforts in partnership building and collaboration, mentioning how FIDA worked with international organizations to leverage global presence and advocate for human rights and women’s issues under military regimes. “By collaborating with multiple organizations”, he said, “FIDA amplified its voice without drawing undue attention.”

Africa’s 1st Class Action Workshop for Legal Professionals and Stakeholders begins tomorrow

The much anticipated international one-day workshop on class action law hosted by the Commonwealth Institute for Advanced and Professional Studies (CIAPS) will commence tomorrow (Wednesday). It is the first of its kind in Africa.

The programme is designed for individuals and entities that may sue, be sued, or adjudicate class action cases.

The workshop, tagged “Class Action: Past, Present, and Future,” is scheduled for Wednesday, November 27th, 2024, in Lagos.

This workshop aims to equip participants with a thorough understanding of class action procedures, legal frameworks, and best practices. It addresses the needs of plaintiffs, defendants, and judges involved in such cases.

Participants will engage in expert-led sessions covering strategic topics such as Class Action and Locus Standi, Initiating Class Action, Class Action and the Media, Managing Wavering Clients, and an Overview of Class Action in Nigeria, the UK, the USA, and Canada.
Legal professionals will gain practical insights into effective case management, ensuring they are well-prepared for the complexities of class action cases.

The workshop was conceived to provide valuable tools and knowledge to those in various capacities of class action law, empowering them to navigate the unique challenges these cases present with confidence and proficiency.”

Confirming the CIAPS Class Action Programme, CIAPS Director, Prof. Anthony Kila, said that this training in class action was chosen because “class action is one of those important areas of law to which legal experts and leaders in developing countries dangerously do not pay attention.”
Interested participants can register for the event by visiting the CIAPS Website
https://ciaps.org/programmes/class-action-past-present-and-future/

UN report says a woman killed every 10 minutes by loved ones

A new report produced by UN Women and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNOD) has revealed that nearly 85,000 women and girls were calculatedly killed in 2023, with 60 per cent—over 51,000—falling victim to intimate partners or family members. 

This compares to one woman or girl being killed every 10 minutes. 

The report was released on Monday, November 25, to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. It coincides with the launch of the 16 Days of Activism campaign, which calls on global leaders to dismantle systemic violence against women and girls. 

The report highlights the scale of femicide worldwide, identifying Africa as the region with the highest rates. 

One woman killed every 10 minutes by loved ones ? UN Report



According to the report, “Africa recorded the highest rates of intimate partner and family-related femicides, followed by the Americas and Oceania. In Europe and the Americas, most victims were killed by their intimate partners, while in other regions, family members were the primary perpetrators.” 

UN Women Executive Director, Sima Bahous, stressed that femicide and violence against women are preventable. 

Bahous stated, “Violence against women and girls is not inevitable—it is preventable. We need robust legislation, improved data collection, greater government accountability, a zero-tolerance culture, and increased funding for women’s rights organisations and institutional bodies. 

“As we approach the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2025, it is time for world leaders to unite, act with urgency, recommit, and channel the resources needed to end this crisis once and for all.” 

Executive Director of UNODC, Ghada Waly, stressed the importance of strong systems to combat the issue. 

Waly said, “The new femicide report highlights the urgent need for robust criminal justice systems that hold perpetrators accountable while ensuring adequate support for survivors, including access to safe and transparent reporting mechanisms. At the same time, we must confront and dismantle the gender biases, power imbalances, and harmful norms that perpetuate violence against women.”

Read the full report here.

2024 16 Days’ of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence: GBV devastates individual victims and society — Ezeilo, SAN

By Prof. Joy N. Ezeilo, SAN

Every year, women’s rights activists around the world participate in the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence. This campaign begins on November 25, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women and Girls, and concludes on Human Rights Day, December 10.

As I was preparing my message to commemorate this important event, I received an urgent call from a 21-year-old mother of two who desperately needed to escape severe domestic violence from her husband.

For over 30 years, I have dedicated my life to assisting individuals in such situations, listening to the painful stories of vulnerable women and children. The cases are overwhelming for me and my organisation- Women’s Aid Collective (WACOL) and Tamar Sexual Assault Referral Centre (Tamar SARC). 

Enough is enough! Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG) and Gender-Based Violence (GBV) are unacceptable, and their effects are devastating for both the individual victims and society as a whole.

Take action to prevent violence against women and children. It is time to put an end to GBV and VAWG. We must adopt a zero-tolerance policy toward these issues now.

@WACOLTamarSARC

Barbara Taylor Bradford, ‘A Woman Of Substance’ Author, dies at 91

Barbara Taylor Bradford, a celebrated literary figure whose debut work, A Woman of Substance, captivated millions and inspired a critically acclaimed television adaptation, passed away at 91.

HarperCollins, her publishing house, announced her death on Sunday, November 24, following a brief illness.

Charlie Redmayne, the CEO of HarperCollins, lauded her enduring influence, describing her as a “truly exceptional writer whose first book, the international bestseller A Woman of Substance, changed the lives of so many who read it – and still does to this day.”

Born on May 10, 1933, in Leeds, England, Bradford left formal education at just 15 to begin her career at the Yorkshire Evening Post, initially working as a typist before progressing to a reporter’s role.

By the age of 20, she had relocated to London, where she became the fashion editor at Woman’s Own magazine and contributed as a columnist for the London Evening News.

In her late 30s, Bradford shifted her focus to fiction writing. After initially experimenting with suspense narratives, she abandoned the genre to craft sweeping family sagas.

Her debut novel, A Woman of Substance, released in 1979, became a literary milestone, chronicling the indomitable Emma Harte’s journey to establish a formidable retail empire.

The novel sold over 30 million copies worldwide and is now regarded as one of the most successful books of all time.

A Woman of Substance marked the beginning of a seven-part series revolving around Emma Harte and her lineage, exploring themes of power, ambition, and familial ties across generations.

The story was adapted into a British television series in 1984, starring Jenny Seagrove, and earned two Primetime Emmy nominations, cementing Bradford’s place in popular culture.

Bradford’s literary output extended far beyond her iconic debut. Over her illustrious career, she penned 39 more novels, each achieving bestseller status in both the United Kingdom and the United States.

Many of these works, including sequels in the Emma Harte saga, such as Hold the Dream (featuring Liam Neeson) and To Be the Best (with Anthony Hopkins), were adapted into television productions.

Additional adaptations, including Voice of the Heart, Act of Will, and A Secret Affair, further showcased her storytelling prowess.

These projects were often brought to the screen by her late husband, Robert E. Bradford, who passed away in 2019.

Despite her monumental success, Bradford remained committed to her craft well into her later years.

Her 40th and final novel, The Wonder Of It All, was published in 2023 as part of the House of Falconer trilogy, demonstrating her unwavering dedication to storytelling.

Lynne Drew, her editor and publisher, paid tribute to her groundbreaking achievements, noting, “Dominating the bestseller lists, she broke new ground with her sweeping epic novels spanning generations, novels which were resolutely not romances.

She epitomized the woman of substance she created, particularly with her ruthless work ethic.”

Barbara Taylor Bradford leaves behind an enduring legacy, her works continuing to inspire readers and set a benchmark for generational storytelling.

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