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Agba Jalingo recounts harrowing police arrests with Azuka Ogujiuba, says drugs, sex, everything available in Nigerian prisons

  • What’s going on now with press freedom didn’t even happen under military governments — Jalingo

By Dickson Omobola

The publisher of Media Room Hub, Azuka Ogujiuba, was recently arrested and detained in Abuja for three days by the police over publishing what she called a “court order”. Activist and publisher of CrossRiverWatch, Agba Jalingo, is also not new to unlawful arrests and detentions.

During the administration of ex-Governor Ben Ayade of Cross River State, he was illegally imprisoned for six months in Calabar for publishing a story that offended the governor.

After that, he was detained in Kuje prison, Abuja, for nine days for another story about the governor’s younger brother’s wife. In this joint interview on Perspectives, an Arise TV programme, both journalists shared harrowing stories about their unlawful arrests and detentions.

They also spoke about the Cyber Crime Act and defamation, among other interesting issues. Excerpts:

Azuka Ogujiuba

How did they (police) find out where you were in the first place?

They tracked me all over Abuja to know where they could arrest me.

Were you manhandled or anything like that?

They struggled to take my phone because I said I wanted to talk to my publisher, Nduka Obaigbena, and editor, Shaka Momodu. They refused. They took my phone.

How long were you there for (in a cell at Abuja)?

I was there for three days. When I found out that they were going to detain me, I started talking to the Ifeoma girl (a police officer). I told her: ‘you are a woman like me, and even if the men want to put me in a cell, you should be the one talking to them on my behalf, that I did nothing’. But she looked away.

What was the cell like?

Horrible. I do not even wish my enemy to be in any Nigerian police cell, if that is how they are. It was very smelly and dirty. Immediately I entered that cell, I said: ‘God, what have I done?’ I was almost losing my mind. The next cell was the male cell. In the male cell, they were more than 20 men there. Whenever the men used the toilet in their cell, the smell came directly to my cell. I could not breathe. I could not eat. I could not tell whether it was morning or night. The only time I knew that it was late was when mosquitos started feasting on my body. The mosquitos were not scared. They were not normal mosquitos. Due to those mosquitos, you could be hitting yourself like someone running mad. In those three days, I could not sleep.

Agba Jalingo

What is your take on this story (Ogujiuba’s) so far?

I would say vehemently that this is a pattern with the police these days. And it is getting worse under this IGP. The level of impunity. Last year alone, 751 people were arrested in connection with cyber crime allegations. 751 in Nigeria, and that is the highest number we have seen. I do not think we even saw (arrest of people rampantly in this manner) that under the military. This IGP has elevated this impunity to a level that is very shocking. The police are now used for renters. If you have money and anybody harasses you, just pay them (police) and they are off. They get themselves into some vans or hop into a plane.

They are off to go and drag these people to wherever they want to take them. Because defamation is not supported by any law in Lagos State, they usually want to drag the person out of Lagos. Defamation is a civil matter in Lagos State. Deliberately, Lagos State government has refused to criminalise defamation. Therefore, most of these people always send letters from outside Lagos.

Why is the law in Lagos different from other states?

It depends on the goal of the lawmakers in each of the states. All over the world, defamation is supposed to be a civil matter. But in Nigeria, we have criminal defamation. At all times, I have insisted that we cannot criminalise the right to speak or write and it should be stopped.

People do not have to always pass through a police station to get to court. We are not saying that people should go out there and speak rubbish or write nonsense about other people. But when people do, the courts are open. Call your lawyer and let people be sued. But in Nigeria, people always want to flex their power. They want to show you that they can deal with you. The only thing that satisfies them is to see you in handcuffs, a black Maria, being harassed left, right and centre. That is what gives them satisfaction. They are not looking for justice, actually.

If their goal is to seek justice, what will it cost to call a lawyer, file an action in court against that person? But that is not what they want. They want to see you in a police cell. They want to intimidate you, and show you that they have power. This has happened to me several times. I was arrested by police sent former Governor Benedict Ayade because I wrote a story on misappropriation in the Cross River State Microfinance Bank. They sent the police to bundle me from Lagos. The police kept me in the boot of a Toyota Highlander for 26 hours. In handcuffs, I defecated on my body twice. When we got to Uyo, they brought me out of there.

Why were you kept in the vehicle for 26 hours?

I didn’t know. I was in the boot, so I did not even know what was happening. When we got to Uyo, I was brought out. They allowed me to clean up myself, and then we drove into Calabar. I knew when they took me off, and I knew when we got down. I suspected that they actually wanted to kill me on the road, if not for the fact that the matter was already in the news. Very strongly, I suspect that because the journey ordinarily should not be up to 26 hours. I guess they wanted to do something with me on the road. But even when we got to Calabar, they kept me at the anti-cultism unit of the police for 43 days, then I was dumped in a lockdown prison.

Were you allowed to see a lawyer?

They were not ready to take me to court. They said I should write an apology. I refused because I did not do anything wrong. So, they charged me for terrorism, treasonable felony and attempts to overthrow the late former President Muhammadu Buhari and ex-Governor Ayade. I was dumped in prison for six months.

What made them release you in the end?

I was kept in prison and charged. It was the court that released me. I was on trial for three years until the court discharged and acquitted me. But that was not enough. One year down the line, they came again for me because I also wrote a story about the fact that the wife of the governor’s younger brother hired somebody to write her law school exams. They sent people again, who came and arrested me. Of course, we went to court which discharged and acquitted me. If I did not have evidence, the court would not have acquitted me. Again, they took me to Abuja. I was arraigned in Abuja for violating Section 24 of the Cyber Crime Act, and I was on trial for two years. Later, I was discharged and acquitted.

How long were you kept in Abuja?

After six months in Calabar, I was detained in Kuje prison for nine days. It is a recurring thing. Look at what they are doing to Sowore, for instance. Persistently, they do not want us to talk. The Cyber Crime Act was enacted mainly to deal with journalists and dissenters on social media. That law is of no other use than that. Section 24 is what they are using to run after us everywhere. And that is why civil society organisations and journalists are fighting tooth and nail to see that that law is repealed because it is now a tool in the hands of politicians to run after us.

Talking of rogue police officers. How much is it about politicians or vested interests using them as their private tool?

I think it is part of the reason they don’t pay the police well. They don’t allow them to have their independence. I think they pauperize them so they can continue to make them a militia for the elite. There are some very fine police officers and even the other ranks. In all my experiences with the police, if not for these few ones, there are occasions when you could almost have cases of mental illness. You could break down inside those detention centres. But everywhere they locked me up, there would always be a few of them who are very decent, concerned about my condition, knowing that I was innocent. In Calabar, where I was detained at the anti-cultism unit for 43 days, I also met some very nice policemen with whom I have kept a relationship.

Did you meet any prisoners who had harrowing stories to tell about their situation?

I also had very harrowing stories to tell, but it is just that within that harrowing story, you could meet a policeman that will take the risk of giving you a phone to make phone calls when it was very risky for him. There are some that could even give money, there are some that will give you some of those things that you need that the authority will not allow you to have. Some of them are humane, and I don’t want to wrap all of them in the same cloth. Even in the prison, there were decent warders, and there were others that were very horrible. There is no detention centre in Nigeria that you don’t pay. Whether it is in prison or the police station, I have not been to the NDLEA before, but wherever they lock you up, there is no way you don’t pay for it. It is not official.

What you are saying is that with the right amount of money, you won’t need to suffer in prison?

You will still suffer, but you will not suffer as much as those who do not have money. Most of the people in police detention, and even in prison, are innocent. There is only a minute percentage of people who are detained, whether in prisons or police stations, that have actually committed crimes. For instance, any IPO that has 10 detainees is counting the amount of money he would collect from those 10 people. One of the biggest lies in Nigeria is that bail is free. Or that visit to prison is free. It is a lie. None of them is free. If you don’t pay money, you will not see your relative in prison. I have slept in five prisons, and that’s why I am speaking from experience.

What kind of prices do you have to pay?

You must pay the warders before they allow you to see anyone. In Calabar, they collect as little as N50. If you bring them N10,000, N20,000, any amount of money you give them, they collect. That is the truth of the matter. Even in Kuje, that is supposedly the best prison in West Africa, as it were, because that one looks like a hostel, they still collect money from you. For now, we do not have a people’s police. If you have money, you can always have your way around this country. People stay in jail and do all kinds of things. There are those in jail with phones, they live large in prison. They have everything that they want. The only thing I did not see in jail is human parts and guns. Every other thing you want, including cocaine, it is in jail. If you want to have sex, you will have it. With the right amount of money, everything can be arranged. These things happen. The apartments are graded. Almost every Nigerian prison has a special cell.

Whenever these arrests happen, the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, and other media bodies release statements. Is it that they are barking louder than their bite?

We will continue to call on the NUJ to do more, but it is unfortunate that even salaries for members, the NUJ has not done anything about it. There are so many media organisations that will not pay their staff for many months and the NUJ cannot even raise a voice, not to talk about fighting the police. And then most of the people that emerge into the leadership of these organisations, these unions, not just the NUJ, could be state agents. It is common knowledge and I have also come to the conclusion that most of the people who leave the job, and go into the politics of the job, like unionism, are no longer impressed by what is happening in the newsroom. They are detached from the issue that concerns the everyday reporter that goes out there to do his job.

Another Cookout! Hilda Baci makes largest pot of jollof rice in second shot at Guinness World Record

The atmosphere was electrifying at Eko Hotel and Suites, Lagos, as celebrity chef Hilda Baci thrilled thousands of fans with another groundbreaking culinary feat. This time, she set a brand-new Guinness World Record for cooking the world’s largest pot of Nigerian jollof rice — a first-of-its-kind attempt that pulled a massive crowd of over 20,000 food lovers, celebrities, and influencers.

Before firing up the stove, Hilda rolled up her sleeves to personally wash the massive red pot. Updating her fans, she said, “Yes, I can officially confirm this pot is squeaky clean! I washed it myself.”

She also stressed that the process was carefully calculated to preserve the authenticity of the jollof by using accurate spices. Speaking to journalists, she explained, “To keep the authenticity of the jollof rice, I applied some mathematics, and we will still watch it while it is cooking to make sure that everything is right.”

Moments before the cooking began, Hilda had a short but emotional prayer session with the lead pastor of the Havesters Church, Bolaji Idowu.

As the jollof simmered, the crowd swelled, with guests beaming with excitement to get a taste of the steaming dish.

Notable personalities such as Veekee James, Tomike Adeoye, and Enioluwa joined the celebration, cheering her on. Even Guinness World Records showed support, writing on her Instagram post, “Best of luck, Hilda and team! ”

One of the highlights of the ceremony was when the multiple award-winning filmmaker, Funke Akindele, showed up to support Hilda and energise the crowd which she achieved with the few exciting dance steps she showcased to her fans.

Adding to the flavour of the event was a performance by Oludipe David, aka Spryo, who treated the audience to some of his hit songs.

This latest feat cements Hilda’s reputation as a record-breaking innovator. In 2023, she set a Guinness World Record for the longest cooking marathon by an individual, lasting 93 hours and 11 minutes — an event she famously dubbed “Cookathon.” Since then, her daring spirit has inspired a wave of similar attempts.

With the world’s biggest jollof rice now added to her list of achievements, Hilda has once again proven that her creativity knows no bounds.

PUNCH

Abia Airport: Unpacking the deceit, lies of the Nsulu project

By Bike Ogbuokri

Abia State’s ambitious Nsulu Airport project is increasingly mired in controversy.  Allegations of government insincerity, opaque land acquisition practices, and inadequate compensation are fueling discontent among affected communities, casting a long shadow over the project’s purported benefits and raising serious questions about its future viability. ‘BIKE OGBUOKRI dissects the discrepancies between official narratives and the realities experienced by Nsulu landowners, exposing a troubling lack of transparency and a potential for protracted conflict

The Nsulu Airport project, heralded as a catalyst for economic growth in Abia State, is instead enveloped in a miasma of distrust, ignited by accusations of government insincerity and a conspicuous lack of transparency in land acquisition and compensation. While the state government, led by Governor Alex Otti, propagates a rosy picture of amicable agreements and prompt payments, a closer examination, informed by the voices of disgruntled and cheated landowners, reveals a far more complex and disturbing reality.

The recent site inspection on September 12, 2025, led by Hon. Chaka Chukwumerije, Hon. Matt Ekwuribe, SA (Lands & Housing) Pastor Okorougo Aji, and a representative from Craneburg, the construction company, ostensibly aimed at addressing landowner grievances, instead underscored the deep chasm between official pronouncements and the lived experiences of affected communities. The issues raised by the Umuezenta and Umulenwa landowners – unauthorised land clearing, unpaid compensation for land outside the runway area, and delayed payments despite signed indemnity certificates – depict a disturbing portrait of mismanagement and potential malfeasance.

While Chief of Staff  to the governor, Dr. Caleb Ajagba acknowledged the need for “clarity to the somewhat opaque situation,” his subsequent observations served to further obscure rather than clarify the true state of affairs. He rightly questioned the absence of a surveyor on the Craneburg team, raising legitimate concerns about future “erroneous damage” to farm produce and the subsequent need for compensation. However, his assertion that landowners resorting to the press reflects “a demonstration of impatience” and “a sign of lack of trust and confidence” smacks of condescension and a failure to acknowledge the root causes of their discontent.

The very act of landowners seeking external recourse highlights a fundamental breakdown in communication and a perceived lack of responsiveness from government officials. As Dr. Ajagba himself stated, “The officials need to review and re-evaluate their engagement strategy to improve and sustain the confidence of the Landowners.” However, this acknowledgement rings hollow when juxtaposed with the government’s persistent downplaying of legitimate concerns and its attempts to portray dissenting voices as unreasonable agitators.

The Chief of Staff’s claim that the complaining landowners are those who “took the government to court” and “refused” to sign indemnity certificates is a blatant attempt to deflect responsibility and demonise those who dare to challenge the official narrative. While acknowledging that over “3500 claimants have been paid,” he conveniently ignores the critical questions surrounding the fairness, adequacy, and transparency of those payments.

This is where the voices of the affected landowners provide a crucial counterpoint. Sir Chinanu Uzoma’s impassioned plea exposes the fundamental flaws in the government’s approach: “Everybody cannot be hungry and too poor to accept your peanut in the name of compensation and sign off our lands to your government.” He directly challenges the integrity of the indemnity forms, branding them “a trap to commit people” and alleging that payments are often disproportionate to the actual land area being acquired. “Our people are literate enough to know that the indemnity form you want them to sign is a trap to commit people and thereby make claims that you have paid, while in essence you are paying some people who have about 20 portions of land for only 1 or 2 portions,” he argues. This raises serious questions about the accuracy of land surveys, the clarity of payment schedules, and the overall fairness of the compensation process.

Uzoma’s demand for transparency – “What is wrong with showing us the surveys of each person and captured and tell us what is paid per plot or per portion so you know what is being expected?” – is a reasonable request that the government has seemingly failed to address adequately. His further accusation that “the committee led by COS has refused to follow the due process of land acquisition and negotiate with the real land owners” paints a picture of a process driven by expediency and a disregard for established legal and ethical standards. This sentiment is echoed in his frustration with “people who have no stake or land in the airport runway are busy positioning themselves as actors in this airport land issue,” suggesting that personal agendas and political manoeuvring are impeding a fair and equitable resolution.

Joshua Onyenkwere further highlights the atmosphere of apprehension fueled by Governor Otti’s earlier statement that “all land owners have been duly compensated.” This premature declaration, seemingly aimed at projecting an image of success, has only served to exacerbate landowner mistrust and deepen the perception that their concerns are being dismissed. “Until that issue is properly addressed,” Onyenkwere warns, “land owners at the proposed airport site will continue to doubt every move by the government.”

The insistence on indemnity certificates also raises concerns. While seemingly a standard legal practice, the timing and context of their implementation in this case suggest an attempt to preempt future legal challenges and silence dissenting voices. By requiring landowners to sign away their rights in exchange for compensation, the government effectively shields itself from potential accountability and limits the avenues for redress available to aggrieved parties. This tactic is particularly troubling given the documented discrepancies and alleged injustices in the compensation process.

Furthermore, the seemingly dismissive attitude towards landowners who have sought legal recourse is deeply troubling. Dr. Emmanuel Dawari rightly asserts that “It is the right of any aggrieved person to go to court and seek redress.” The government’s attempt to portray these legal challenges as the root cause of the delays and discontent is a disingenuous attempt to shift blame and delegitimise legitimate grievances. “True leadership,” Dawari argues, “should wait for the outcome of the court process before proceeding.” By forging ahead with the project while simultaneously vilifying those who have sought legal redress, the government undermines the rule of law and reinforces the perception of insincerity and disregard for due process.

The observations of I.C. Nwankwere, while acknowledging that some payments have been made, further expose the uneven distribution of compensation and the existence of unresolved issues. He highlights the plight of communities like “Ubaha, Umuezeukwu and Umuosu Nsulu” who “have NOT been paid,” and points to “human errors” that have resulted in further delays and injustices. His call for the government to “expedite action and pay those who have not been genuinely paid and correct those anomalies” underscores the urgent need for transparency, accountability, and a genuine commitment to addressing the legitimate grievances of affected landowners.

The Nsulu Airport project, despite its potential economic benefits, is being jeopardised by a pervasive lack of transparency, allegations of unfair compensation practices, and a seemingly deliberate attempt to silence dissenting voices. The government’s narrative of amicable agreements and prompt payments clashes sharply with the lived experiences of the affected landowners, who feel marginalised, ignored, and pressured into accepting inadequate compensation for their ancestral lands.

For the project to truly succeed and benefit the people of Abia State, the government must prioritise transparency, engage in genuine dialogue with affected communities, and ensure that all compensation is fair, equitable, and in accordance with established legal and ethical standards. The current approach, characterised by defensiveness, obfuscation, and a dismissive attitude towards legitimate grievances, only serves to deepen mistrust and sow the seeds of future conflict. Until the government embraces genuine transparency and demonstrates a sincere commitment to addressing the concerns of the affected landowners, the skies over Nsulu will remain murky, and the promise of economic progress will remain grounded in a quagmire of distrust and resentment. The State Government must come clean on how much it has spent on compensation, the criteria used for assessment of land value and who the beneficiaries are. This is the only way to restore confidence and ensure the project does not create long-term conflict and litigation.

Governor Fubara, you are prohibited by both Ecowas treaty, Nigerian Constitution and the SOE Legislation from accepting any hand-over notes from the Sole Administrator

By Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja

Your Excellency, Governor Siminialayi Fubara, Sir,

You are a very fortunate person, unknowingly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) and the National Assembly has unwittingly granted you an extension of your tenure by their imposition of a six month suspension upon your good self.

You are entitled to a six month extension because the said state of emergency that was imposed upon your good self did not satisfy the requirements of Section 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

This is because the pre-requisite essential requirement of two-thirds majority of the 469 legislators of the National Assembly was not satisfied on 20th March 2025.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria has held that voice-votes are not acceptable as replacement whenever the constitution specifically provides for two-thirds majority. See the argument of the former Attorney-General of the Federation of Nigeria (AGF) in the case of National Assembly vs. President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the AGF (SC/214/2015).

Also, the precedent that was decided in the year 2008 which extended the tenure of former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi is a binding precedent. See PETER OBI V INEC
Legalpedia Citation: (2008) Legalpedia (SC) 91267. In the Supreme Court of Nigeria
Tue Jan 29, 2008
Suit Number: SC. 123 / 2007 CORAM available online at https://www.google.com/amp/s/legalpediaonline.com/peter-obi-v-inec/amp/

Therefore, let us await the pronouncement of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in the case filed by the Governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) regarding your suspension. Also, expected is the judgment of the judgment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Community Court of Justice regarding your suspension.

By a combined operation of the State of Emergency in Rivers State Act, 2025 (until it is repealed by either the Supreme Court of Nigeria or by its own sunset clause), Section 12 of the Nigerian Constitution and the ECOWAS Treaty, 1993 collectively do not name your good self.

Therefore, you are prohibited from receiving HAND-OVER NOTES from the Sole Administrator of Rivers State.

Only the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is authorised by the SoE legislation to perform the said function.

Also, pursuant to the ECOWAS Treaty, 1993 and Section 12 of the Nigerian Constitution, there is a 2001 ECOWAS Protocol that deems it illegal for any official who is not elected to administer any ECOWAS member state or its sub-national units.

So my legal advisory is that you ought to take medical report to avoid like a plague the attendance of the planned HAND-OVER on 18th September 2025.

Also, you are to avoid like a plague any interface with the purported Chairpersons of the Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Rivers State who were purportedly elected on 30th August 2025.

Until there is a definite pronouncement by both the Supreme Court of Nigeria and the ECOWAS Court of Justice respectively.

If you are in doubt about this position of the law, please kindly consult Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN) who are experts in constitutional law and litigation at the level of the Supreme Court of Nigeria and the ECOWAS Court of Justice respectively.

Prof. Amos O. Enabulele, a professor of international and ECOWAS law.

I thank you for your anticipated prompt and positive response.

Yours faithfully,
Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja,
13th September 2025.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Ex- Chief Justice Karki named Nepal’s first female PM after violent unrest

Nepal’s former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was sworn in as the country’s interim Prime Minister on Friday, becoming the first woman to lead the country after deadly anti-graft protests forced Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli to resign.

President Ramchandra Paudel administered the oath of office to Karki at the presidential palace in a ceremony broadcast live.

Karki’s appointment by the president followed negotiations between Paudel, army chief Ashok Raj Sigdel and the protesters who led Nepal’s worst upheaval in years.

Karki is tasked with holding fresh elections to the lower house of parliament by March 11, 2026, the president’s office said. She is expected to appoint other ministers in a few days, authorities said.

Fifty-one people were killed and more than 1,300 were injured this week in anti-graft protests by the ‘Gen Z’ movement, named for the age of its mainly young supporters.

Gen Z protester Manjita Manandhar said she had “mixed emotions” over Karki’s appointment, which came after the death of so many young people during the unrest.

“But we did it!!!! For them! For New Nepal! The journey has just begun. We all Nepalis have to stay strong and put our best foot forward to make Nepal the best in the world. This is just the beginning,” she said.

The protest was sparked by a social media ban that has since been rolled back. The violence subsided only after Oli resigned on Tuesday.

The only woman to have served as Chief Justice, Karki was the preferred choice of the protesters who cite her reputation for honesty and integrity and her stance against corruption.

She held the top judicial post for about a year until mid-2017.

Bipin Adhikari, a constitutional expert and analyst, said Karki’s first challenge was to investigate the violence and destruction of public property during the protest and bring those responsible to justice.

“She must provide good governance, control corruption, maintain law and order, assure the people about the security conditions and make policing strong,” he said, adding that all these were major challenges.

RESTORATION OF NORMALCY

Nepal has grappled with political and economic instability since the abolition of its monarchy in 2008, while a lack of jobs drives millions to seek work in other countries and send money home.

As the country of 30 million people inched back towards normality on Friday – with shops reopened, cars back on roads, and police replacing the guns they wielded earlier this week with batons – families reclaimed the bodies of those killed in the protests.

Some roads were still blocked, although streets were patrolled by fewer soldiers than before.

“While his friends backed off (from the protests), he decided to go ahead,” Karuna Budhathoki said of her 23-year-old nephew, as she waited to collect his body at Kathmandu’s Teaching Hospital.

“We were told he was brought dead to the hospital.”

Another protester who died, Ashab Alam Thakurai, 24, had been married only a month earlier, his relatives said.

“The last we spoke to him … he said he was stuck with the protest. After that we could not contact him … eventually we found him in the morgue,” said his uncle, Zulfikar Alam.

Reuters

Open Letter to Senator Natasha and Dr. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi: Senator Natasha and Her Lawyers are Not Taking the Hint of the Nigerian Courts’…

… And Their JUDICIAL ATTITUDE of Minimal Interference and Preference for Out-Of-Court Settlement in Matters Involving The National Assembly and Constitutional Provisions Relating to The Legislatures (Lessons from Oliver Wendell Holmes and Distinguishing the Cases of Ali Ndume and Omo-Agege)

By Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja

Dear Distinguished Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, Ma,

And

Dr. Abiola Afolabi-Akiyode, Ma,

Recall that in the year 2021, the United Nations Women Agency (UN WOMEN) in Nigeria engaged us as legal consultants to produce a draft of the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill (GEOB). Which was subsequently sponsored by Senator Biodun Olujimi at the National Assembly.

It is important to begin with a statement of our shared commitment to advancing the cause of increased women participation in the National Assembly.

Dr. Abiola, ma, further recall that both of us were schoolmates at the PhD in law degree programme at the University of London.

One of the Compulsory Courses for all PhD law students at the University of London was Legal Research Methodology.

During the said Legal Methodology course, we were introduced to different theories of law (schools of thought) in the study and practice of law.

One of the said school of thought is legal realism as espoused by Oliver Wendell Holmes.

It appears that both Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and her lawyers are not paying attention or adopting a PRAGMATIC APPROACH TO THE LAW.

In other words, they are not approaching this case of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan from a legal realism point of view.

They appear to be fixated on the legal outcomes (to be obtained from courts of law) that they themselves have conjured up inside their heads and in their brief of arguments.

The problem with this fixation is that it does not allow them to explore any other pragmatic approach such as out-of-court settlement and resolution of the issue of her resumption as a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by attending plenary sessions.

The legal outcomes that both Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and her lawyers are fixated upon does not align with the judicial attitude of the Nigerian courts of law.

Ironically, both Senator Natasha and her lawyers appear to forget that the Nigerian courts inherited and still apply the common law legal system from our colonial masters, the United Kingdom.

The common law legal system is characterised by a predominant reliance on judge-made laws and pronouncements of the Nigerian courts which coincidentally is at the very heart of the legal realism school of law as propounded by Oliver Wendell Holmes.

In essence, it is bereft of a grounded understanding of the Legal Realism school of thought.

According to Oliver Wendell Holmes’s pronouncement that “The prophecies of what the courts will do in fact, and nothing more pretentious, are what I mean by the law” defines the law as a pragmatic prediction of judicial action. This prediction theory of law, articulated in his 1897 speech “The Path of the Law”.

Going by the foregoing definition of Oliver Wendell Holmes, both Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan failed to discern or take the hint of the judgment of 4th July 2025 by Hon. Justice Binta Nyako.

In the said judgment, Hon. Justice Binta Nyako while criticising the imposition of six months suspension (as a violation of Section 63 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999) upon Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

However, in the said judgment she refused to categorically direct the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to recall Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

Instead, she advised that the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria should undertake a review and amendment of the Standing Orders of the Senate, 2023 to bring it’s provisions into harmony with the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution.

The underlying reason for this approach (judicial attitude of Nigerian judges) is the principle of separation of powers amongst the three arms of government namely the Judiciary, the Executive and the Legislature) as propounded by Montessique.

As a general rule of law, none of the said three arms of government ought to be seen issuing orders or directives to another arm of government about how to conduct their affairs. It could be deemed interference.

However, it is only when the actions of any of the three arms of government are in violation of the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution that, the judiciary is usually invited to intervene and make an interpretation and pronouncement to remedy the situation by way of judicial review.

Another recent example of this judicial attitude of Nigerian courts is the judgment of the Supreme Court of Nigeria that was delivered on 28th February 2025.

In the said judgment, the Supreme Court of Nigeria held that it is only the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly (and by extension any other legislature in Nigeria) that has the right to declare whenever a legislator has satisfied the requirement of defecting from one political party to another.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria categorically stated that the Nigerian courts cannot descend into the arena by USURPING THE LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS OF LEGISLATORS by making pronouncements on when the circumstances arise that confirm defection of legislators.

The caveat is that a judicial review can be undertaken in the event that a legislator alleges that the process of declaration of defection by the said legislature has not complied with the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution.

The locus classicus (landmark judgment) that shows that the Nigerian courts as a general rule do not interfere with the internal affairs of the Nigerian legislatures is National Assembly of Nigeria vs President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice (SC/214/2015).

In that case the Supreme Court of Nigeria categorically directed both the National Assembly and the Executive Arm of Government (represented by the then President of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan) and the then Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to explore out-of-court settlement to resolve the issues.

The issues arose because the then President of Nigeria refused to assent to certain Constitution Alteration Bills.

The then President alleged that he withheld assent because the National Assembly refused and failed to comply with the provisions of Section 9 of the Nigerian Constitution relating to the procedures for alteration of the Nigerian Constitution.

For example, “Non-compliance with the threshold specified in Section 9(3) of the 1999 Constitution on amendments
“Alteration to constitution cannot be valid with mere voice votes unless supported by the votes of not less than four-fifths majority all members of national assembly and two-thirds of all the 36 state houses of assembly;” This is reported online at: https://www.thecable.ng/supreme-court-halts-constitution-amendment/#:~:text=Non%2Dcompliance%20with,houses%20of%20assembly%3B

“Consequently, in Suit SC/214/2015 filed at the Supreme Court by Mohammed Adoke, attorney-general of the federation, the federal government argued that the bill was not passed by four-fifths of the two chambers of the national assembly as stipulated in Sections 48 and 49 of the Nigerian constitution.”

Finally, it is very important for Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and her lawyers to apply the legal method of DISTINGUISHING OF JUDGEMENTS AS THEY ANALYSE the cases of suspension of legislators such as Senators Ali Ndume (2017) and Omo-Agege (2018) respectively.

The facts relating to the suspension Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and the judgment of 4th July 2025 are majorly different from those of Senators Ndume and Omo-Agege respectively.

Unlike the Ndume and Omo-Agege respectively, the judgment in the case of Senator Natasha imposed a fine of ₦5,000,000 (five million naira only) and a letter of apology as a pre-requisite requirement before her resumption!!!

On this note, I rest my case.

Yours faithfully,
Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja,
13th September 2025.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Intimate Affairs: Are women stronger in bed than men? By Funke Egbemode

It all started with an ambitious shopping list of a woman looking for a husband that my friend sent to me. The single and searching woman wanted a man who can cook, earns ten million naira monthly and is good in bed, of course. The lucky dude should be handsome, romantic and God-fearing. I responded to my friend that “It’s a legitimate list”. No, “it’s illegitimate”, he responded. How? He zeroed in on the “good in bed” part. He insisted that ‘good in bed’ is relative. I vehemently disagreed. If a man is not good in bed, he’s not good in bed. Even he will know. A good lover proudly flaunts his prowess. He does not leave his woman in doubt. A man once told me that the best way to shut the mouth of an angry woman is by thoroughly ravishing her.

‘Take her as many times as possible. Let her pant, sweat and run away from the bedroom. Do her well. I don’t understand men who say their wives are angry with them, keeping malice with them for weeks. If you are making love with her regularly, the matter will settle.’

Now, that’s a man who can give a good account of himself. If he’s not good in bed, how will Madam feel the heat? If a man is a once-in-a-while or monthly lover, how can he thoroughly ‘do’ his wife? So, I told my friend, the definition of ‘good in bed’ is clear. At least, if the man doesn’t know, his woman will know, and we are the one who grade men. My friend must have gotten a tiny bit angry.

‘Wetin? Shouldn’t a woman be good in bed too??? Note the three question marks. Mark of anger, I know.

Okay, both man and woman should be above average and meet each other halfway in bed.

‘We men labour too hard on you women’

Imagine! So women don’t labour hard under men?

That’s when he threw in the Apala Maestro, Ayinla Omowura’s line.

‘Pekele pekele, ise oru kii se ise kekere”

I laughed out loud. Translation: ‘The work that men do at night is a lot of work, it’s not child’s play’

Seriously, do men do all the work? No, it’s a partnership. It’s a joint venture. That’s what makes a ‘night shift’ sweet. Sure, in most cases, on many nights, men do the ‘heavy lifting’ but my friend insists that it is the hard work that shortens the life-span of men. In other words, sex kills men. Without saying it in so many words, my friend was saying. ‘Only men die during sex.’ Trust me, I fired back.

‘Women die in action too’

He retorted, ‘women die of excitement, not exhaustion’. See me see trouble, what’s the difference? Both excitement and exhaustion can wear out. Orgasms can make the heart fail and we all have hearts, right?

I must, however, reluctantly agree that more men die during and after sex than women. Maybe we are more careful and do not have sex to impress.

Men should really watch their bad habit of wanting to ‘go harder’ even when their bodies are balking. Why should a man die trying to impress a woman? Those who have been reading me know that I do not support men dying in active service. All smart men should serve diligently but leave the arena alive. That way they can serve some more. It is absolutely unwise to die on the pitch.

Think of it, if a man who is in the service of three to four women die in the bed of one of them, how fair is that? What becomes of the other parties? They all start looking for new investors? No, it’s not right.

But on a serious note, nobody should die having sex, man or woman. The reason why more men die in active service is because they do not listen to me. They do not listen to logic. The duties of a man outside the bedroom are already plenty. To fend for and defend a family is already a lot of work. The hours a man puts into their careers and businesses all day is enough to kill a horse. Add that to the number of things he has to worry about. The number of people waiting on him to fix their problems. His life after hours of work should be relaxing and pleasureable. It should not be about overreaching himself. It should not be about popping blue pills.

But who is listening to me or heeding this sane advice? Not the older men. No, they want to win sex championship. They want to impress their sweet sixteens. It is their way of convincing themselves that they are enjoying life. If you ask me, sex championship men confuse me just like the ones who drink wine or whiskey that is not sweet, beer that smells and looks like urine and everything that gives them pounding heads or hefty headache the following morning. I’ll never understand how all that mean enjoyment. Lagos people call it ‘Faaji’. How is pain pleasurable unless a few screw are loose or loosening in your head or mind?

Enough of the digression. Let’s leave the Faaji men to their enjoyment and their blue pills. I hear women are doing it too, mixing stuff, popping pills, drinking herbs to enjoy sex. What’s going on here? I also heard that it is not just to satisfy their husbands, that these women are doing sex till death. It is the thing about the ‘forbidden’ apple and dying in active service that we cannot ignore. Note, you rarely hear men dying on top of the women they married, the real owner of the equipment. Now the women are also titrating chemicals to satisfy men who are not their husbands. I hope we are all appropriately and adequately shocked.

Imagine this, a mother of five died somewhere in Ekiti after sex with her lover. The heartless bloke dragged her body into the bush and dumped her there. Another one died and was left to be discovered by a hotel cleaner.

Now, I’m not insisting that all sex-till-death are consequences of blue pills and sachet concoction. Indeed, I am more concerned with the carelessness and levity with which we all treat our health generally

As we get on in years, we all should reduce the number of times we go to battle. A wise warrior knows when to step back and acknowledge his humanity. No man is cut or designed to do the things he used to do at age 30; no, not at 65. If he tries it, he may end up at best in the intensive care unit. Chances that he will end up in the morgue is quite high.

As for my ladies, stop ‘falling my hand’ by letting a man, or worse still, a small boy, drive you to death. If you love a particular dish or meal, you do not and should not eat it all in one sitting. Eat slowly, neatly and nicely so you can eat for a long time. Don’t gulp it or you will choke and when you do, there will be no tomorrow.

My guys, my girls, make sure you are in good shape for physical exercise. Check your blood pressure, heart rate before you convince yourself that you are fit for sex. Don’t kill yourself trying to prove a foolish point to people who will turn around to mock you for expiring in a woman’s secret place.

Videos: Ahead of World Athletics Championship in Japan, world champion Tobi Amusan cries out over inferior kits provided by Nigeria

World record holder and reigning 100m hurdles champion, Tobi Amusan, has publicly condemned the Athletics Federation of Nigeria (AFN) for providing substandard and inadequate kits to athletes ahead of the World Athletics Championship scheduled to hold in Tokyo, Japan. 

In a video posted on Snapchat, Amusan, who is one of Nigeria’s biggest medal hopes, expressed her disappointment at the embarrassing treatment Nigerian athletes continue to face.

Speaking in English and pidgin, she said: “As it is now, I have to wear an adidas black tight. I go show you wetin Jamaica. When I tell you say Jamaica is in the same WhatsApp group with Nigeria, but dem no worse like Nigeria. Nigeria, all the other countries give their athletes two kits. See wetin Nigeria pack give us. This country (Nigeria) is really embarrassing.”

This is not the first time an athlete has spoken out about neglect by the Nigerian system.

Super Falcons defender, Ashleigh Plumptre, had also expressed concerns over the lack of basic facilities and support structures provided for the Nigerian women’s national team during the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations tournament held in Morocco. 

Speaking during an interview with Lagos Talks 91.3 FM posted via X, Plumptre lamented the absence of essential recovery amenities, such as a gym and pool, at the team’s accommodation throughout their stay in Casablanca, where the team played all their group stage matches, as well as the quarterfinal and semi-final fixtures.

“I think with some teams like England — obviously they’ve just won the Euros — the amount of investment and meticulous planning and structure and everything behind them is evident. It’s just like little things like the resources, what fields they’re training on, what their recovery is like,” she said. 

Plumptre said the lack of facilities left the players physically drained towards the end of the tournament.

“For me and for some of the other girls, we were tired towards the end because we were put in a hotel in Morocco that didn’t have a gym. Towards the end of the tournament, we were taken to a public gym to be able to use,” she revealed.

When asked whether the Nigerian Football Federation or the Moroccan authorities were responsible for the hotel arrangements, Plumptre said the players were uncertain.

“We actually don’t know… It’s CAF, organised by CAF, but I don’t know if it’s the Moroccan FA. Honestly, I’m not quite sure,” she said

Watch the video below.

See what the Americans received.

Wife of deceased American citizen kidnapped on her way to U.S. Visa interview in Abuja recounts ordeal, forced to pay $2,000 ransom

Mary Moore, a widow of an American citizen, was kidnapped on September 8, 2025, in Wuse Zone 3, Abuja, while preparing to travel to Lagos for a scheduled immigration visa interview with the United States consulate.

Moore noted the traumatic experience exclusively to SaharaReporters on Thursday. She had planned to board an Air Peace flight from Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja to Murtala Muhammad Airport in Lagos on September 8 at 4:30 PM.

However, the flight was later rescheduled to 8:30 PM. Moore explained that she had travelled to Zone 3 to conduct a currency exchange, intending to convert around $2,000 in preparation for her trip and to have some cash for her stay in Lagos.

At approximately 5:30 PM, while attempting to call a Bolt taxi to take her to the airport, Moore’s phone network was poor due to bad weather.

‘Hypnotised With Chemical Substance By Kidnappers’

While waiting, she was approached by an unknown man who tapped her on the shoulder. Before she could react, another individual sprayed a chemical substance on her face, which left her disoriented and partially unconscious. She was then forced into a Toyota Sienna already carrying other victims.

Moore told SaharaReporters that the armed kidnappers whisked her away to various locations, including Keffi in Nasarawa, a neighbouring state to Abuja.

Moore told SaharaReporters that after losing her husband, she wanted to complete her visa process, so she went to Zone 3. She also planned to conduct some business in Lagos.

She said, “I went to Zone 3 to change money for the trip. I exchanged around $2,000, planning to get to the airport and change my clothes before boarding. I then started calling for boats to take me to the airport, but the network was bad. I decided to call my nephew instead.

“While I was on the phone with my nephew, someone passed by and hit me. Before I could react, another person threw a chemical substance on my face. I became unconscious and disoriented.

“While outside, trying to get a Bolt. Then a Sienna vehicle arrived, and I was taken inside. In the Sienna, there were other victims in the back, and I was last in the front seat. Before I realised it, I found myself in Keffi, in Nasarawa State. They sprayed more chemical on me. At that moment, I started seeing my period. One of them said it was ‘for the women’s industry’ and then restrained me.”

Meanwhile, during her captivity, the kidnappers believed she was American after discovering certain documents in her possession. She was immediately separated from the other victims and held under strict supervision.

“They opened my bag and found an item labelled ‘Property of the United States Government – Do Not Open.’ When they saw it, they assumed I was American. They told me they were going to collect dollars from me, but I denied being American,” she said.

“They returned my phone, so I called the agent who booked my ticket, Wumi, because she was the only person I knew. She informed my sister, and I asked her to inform my friend Deji as well.”

However, the kidnappers demanded a ransom, initially negotiating $2,000, the amount Moore had exchanged earlier that day.

She explained that she had no close relatives and only knew the travel agent who booked her ticket. Throughout the ordeal, Moore said the kidnappers subjected her to chemical sprays that left her hypnotised, and at times, she was completely unaware of her surroundings.

She recounted being forced to reveal the hidden cash she had in her bag, which temporarily appeased her captors.

“They gave me some dignity after I paid them what they demanded,” she said.

She was separated from other victims and reportedly treated less violently, with the kidnappers focusing their attention on the others.

Moore recounted being moved across towns, including Kubwa, where kidnappers withdrew funds using her cards. While her visa documents remained untouched, her belongings were stolen.

Moore also described the kidnappers’ sophisticated operations, noting that they frequently moved victims across state lines, from Keffi to Abuja, and that the ringleader operates from within the capital.

She stated, “They didn’t let me go near my phone again and sent messages to people on my contact list, demanding dollars. They then took me to a room, provided pads for me, and made me change. They demanded dollars, unaware that I had hidden some in my bag. I revealed the hidden dollars, and once they counted it, they calmed down.

“Later, before I knew it, I found myself in Kubwa. They were using chemicals, not any diabolical methods. They took me to a place to sleep and separated me from the others.

“They were beating the people I saw, but they didn’t touch me. They were really focused on those others,” she said.

“When I gave them the money, they became soft toward me. They took me somewhere to rest, and I slept there,” Moore told SaharaReporters.

According to Moore, “early the next morning, around 4 o’clock, someone came and brought me out”.

She narrated, “They put me in a car, and I realised they were taking me somewhere. I slept in the back of the car. It was a normal, very clean car.

“They took my bags and everything else, including my wig. But the bag that contained my visa documents was not touched.

“That was where I had placed the dollars I gave them. They returned the bag to me in my backpack, but everything else, like my bag, wig, and shoes, was taken.

“Then we arrived somewhere. I became more conscious and checked my phone. That’s when I realised it was being tracked, and I noticed that my iPhone was visible, which meant the police could see my location.

“I quickly sent my location to Wumi, the person who booked my ticket for me, not knowing they were tracking me.”

Kidnappers Take Moore To Their Ringleader in Abuja

She said, “I started hearing accents. I initially thought I was in Maraba because of the traffic and people talking, but before I knew it, I realised I was somewhere else, Kubwa.

“They took me to what they called their home. The man there started asking me questions. I was completely disoriented.”

Moore told SaharaReporters that the ringleader checked her documents and questioned his gang, saying she was not an American as they had claimed.

“He said I was just going for an interview. They then decided to take me outside because they didn’t want to hear that I was on my period,” she recounted.

She said, “Before I knew it, as they brought me out, they sprayed a chemical on my face, and I became disoriented. Later, I found myself elsewhere.

“I was still carrying my knapsack on my back with no shoes, looking like a mad person, when I came out.”

Kidnappers Gave Moore ₦30,000 As transport Fare.

Moore explained that they gave her N30,000 as a transport fare.

“At that place, I had N200,000 in my OPay account. The pad they bought for me, they asked someone to go and buy it.

“When I came out, I was disoriented. The man told me the pad cost N50,000. The person had bought it for me.

“He took me to a POS in Keffi, where we withdrew ₦50,000, which I handed over to him.

“He then said, ‘Okay, you have ₦150,000 left.”

When asked why she didn’t raise an alarm at that point, she replied, “I couldn’t. I didn’t know what I was doing.

“I felt hypnotised, like I was just following instructions without understanding.

“When I got to Kubwa, they withdrew the remaining N150,000 from my OPay account. They took me to another POS. I gave the card to the guy, and I told him to withdraw N150,000. They deducted N3,000 in charges, and the man collected the money.”

On Tuesday, September 9, 2025, Moore said her captors released her in Kubwa after she missed her US visa interview and gave her ₦30,000.

She said she reported the incident at Byazhin Police Station, where the DPO informed the FCT Anti-Kidnapping Squad.

When asked if the police, having located where she was taken, were able to apprehend the perpetrators, she told SaharaReporters that the police said they were still working on it.

Womanifesto condemns Senate’s continued exclusion of Natasha

A coalition of 281 women’s rights organisations under the aegis of Womanifesto and voices from across Nigeria, has condemned what it described as the unconstitutional and gendered exclusion of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan from the Nigerian Senate.

In a statement signed by Dr Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, Convener of Womanifesto, on behalf of the 281 civil society and non-governmental organisations, the movement warned that the Senate’s refusal to reinstate Akpoti-Uduaghan, despite a valid court ruling, amounts to a constitutional assault, a democratic crisis, and an attack on women’s political participation.

To this end, Womanifesto has called for the immediate and unconditional reinstatement of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan in line with the court ruling; an end to what it described as spurious delay tactics that subvert the Constitution; respect for judicial authority as a cornerstone of democracy; and the protection of women’s political participation as a democratic right, not a privilege.

Read Also: Senator Natasha’s Suspension: This injustice should not be sustained

Among the 281 signatory organisations are ActionAid Nigeria, 9jafeminista, Baobab for Women’s Human Rights, Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC), Dinidari Foundation, Echoes of Women in Africa Initiatives, Education as a Vaccine (EVA), Stand to End Rape (STER), Women in Management, Business and Public Service (WIMBIZ), and Yiaga Africa.

Read Also: Quo Vadis: Natasha v. The Senate: Individual v. Institution

Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended on March 6, 2025, in a move later described by Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court as “excessive” and unconstitutional. By September 9, 2025, the date set for her resumption, she had fully served the disputed suspension. Yet, the Senate leadership has continued to deny her re-entry, ignoring judicial directives.

“This brazen defiance of judicial authority is not just an institutional misstep; it is a dangerous constitutional overreach that erodes the very foundation of our democracy. When lawmakers become lawbreakers, democracy itself is imperilled,” the statement read.
Womanifesto argued that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s exclusion transcends an individual matter and instead strikes at the heart of democratic governance.

“This is about an entire constituency deprived of representation for over six months. It is about the Senate arrogating powers it does not have, mocking the judiciary, and weaponising the law to silence dissent,” Akiyode-Afolabi said.

For Nigerian women, the coalition stressed, the case is especially grave. “To deny Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan her constitutional mandate after a lawful election victory and a favourable court ruling is to send a chilling message to every woman who dares to seek or hold public office: your voice can be silenced at will,” the movement declared.

The coalition warned that failure to act would signal that Nigeria’s Senate is willing to destroy democracy for the sake of impunity. “Democracy dies when elected voices are silenced. Democracy dies when women are deliberately excluded. Democracy dies when courts are mocked, and the constitution treated as optional,” the statement added.

The movement further called on citizens, civil society, the media, and the international community to stand firm against the assault.
“Either the Senate rescinds this illegality and restores Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to her rightful place, or it confirms itself as a body willing to trade democracy for impunity,” Womanifesto concluded.

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