Dear Femi Falana, SAN and Mutalubi Ojo Adebayo, SAN, Sirs,
With the utmost respect, I write this letter in my capacity as the Executive Secretary of the Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners-ALDRAP.
We are a professional Association of Legislative lawyers who are committed to promoting professionalism in both legislative drafting and legislative advocacy as sub-discipline within the legal profession in Nigeria. This is the same way that legislative drafting and advocacy is held in the United Kingdom.
Dr. Yahaya Dan-Zaria, Clerk to the House of Representatives, National Assembly, who happens to be a lawyer is a Fellow of our Association.
Last year, our Association-ALDRAP filed a lawsuit against the National Assembly to stop the enactment of a law seeking to extend the age of retirement of the former Clerk to the National Assembly from 60 to 65 years. Due to our efforts, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria declined assent to the said Bill.
The purpose of this write-up, is not to challenge both your narratives but to make a little addition or footnote.
Femi Falana, SAN has recently referred to the new breed of public interest lawyers as “internet warriors”!!!
Another member of the 1993 set of human rights activist (Ayo Obe) refers to them as “keyboard warriors”!!!
It is true because the landscape of the struggle has changed.
In the year 1993, there was no internet, therefore the only method(s) and tools at the disposal of activists lawyers was either courtroom advocacy or protests on the streets to express their displeasure against the obnoxious decrees of military regimes.
Nowadays, however majority of the “obnoxious” Bills, legislation and actions of the government are published online, therefore, it is logical that public interest advocates and lawyers must respond on the same online and social media platforms (in addition to either courtroom or legislative advocacy)!!!
The fundraising for the ENDSARS protests of the year 2020 was exclusively done online by “keyboard warriors”!!!
So rather than regarding this new generation of public interest lawyers as PSEUDO because they do not resort to street protests, their methods of legislative advocacy and legal writing advocacy should be appreciated because it is also as effective for delivery of results and outcomes.
As potent as courtroom advocacy and street protests.
In his own write-up dated 10th June 2025, Mutalubi OJO ADEBAYO, SAN truthfully stated as I would paraphrase: “…with the demise of Gani Fawehinmi, (and Bamidele Aturu) the remaining genuine and sincere human rights activists are Femi Falana, SAN, Ayo Obe, Nurudeen Obara,…”
There is no doubt that these listed human rights activists/lawyers contributed to the struggle against military regimes of Buhari, Babangida and Abacha (1983 to 1998).
It is true that their major methods were courtroom advocacy and protests on the streets.
However, with the inception of the nascent democracy from the year 1999, with the return of the legislature as witnessed by the inauguration of the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly, a new addition emerged.
Legislative drafting and advocacy as a new form of advocacy which was missing during the long years of military rule because the military regimes were characterised by abolition of the Legislature.
For example, the Freedom of Information Act, 2011 is a direct result of the legislative advocacy of civil society organisations .
“Nigeria’s Freedom of Information (FOI) Act was signed into law on May 28, 2011, after the longest legislative debate in the history of Nigeria. The debate lasted for over 12 years. The law was passed to enable the public to access government information, in order to ensure transparency and accountability.” See https://gravitasreview.com.ng/product/nigerias-freedom-of-information-act/#:~:text=Nigeria’s%20Freedom%20of%20Information%20(FOI,to%20ensure%20transparency%20and%20accountability.
The skills and knowledge for conducting Legislative Drafting and Advocacy is as intensive as courtroom advocacy.
Since the year 1995, the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS) and other universities in Nigeria have offered Master of Laws (LLM) in Legislative Drafting programmes.
This underscores the importance and recognition of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy as a distinct area of specialisation in the legal profession.
To conclude, as if to buttress the important role that lawyers who possess this skill set (Legislative Drafting and Advocacy) are supposed to play in public interest advocacy, Femi Falana SAN has just authored a piece which I would reproduce below as follows:
“The situation will get worse as long as Nigerian lawyers are not prepared to intervene in the running of the affairs of the country.
It is indisputable that
Nigerian lawyers have become internet warriors instead of ensuring that relevant laws are enforced.
The Free, Compulsory Universal Basic Education Act, Child’s Rights Act, and Child’s Rights Laws applicable in the 36 states have provided that every Nigerian child shall receive free and compulsory education from primary school to junior secondary school.
Yet, we have 18.5 million out-of-school children, the highest number in the world!
In line with the UBE Act, FG contributes 2% of the Consolidated Revenue Fund annually, but state governments have failed to contribute counterpart funds to access the matching grant.
By virtue of section 17(2) of the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act, 2018, every physically challenged person is entitled to free education from primary school to senior secondary school.
In 1990, FG established the National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-Formal Education Act to eradicate illiteracy and promote continuous learning by providing basic education to non-literate adults and youths aged 15 and above through a non-formal approach.
Because the commission is not funded by the FG, Nigeria has 62 million illiterate people.
Lawyers ought to ensure that the commission is well funded by the FG. Lawyers should also lead the campaign for the promotion of adult literacy in the FCT and the 36 states of the Federation.
If lawyers can ensure that the above education laws and other welfare laws are enforced, there will be little money left to steal by the plutocratic ruling class.”
Yours faithfully,
Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja,
11th June 2025.
The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.
And when Harry flew across the pond in early April to attend a hearing at the Royal Courts of Justice in London – a mere 2.5 miles from Buckingham Palace – he did not meet Charles.
But the well-documented rift between father and son may go back even further than royal watchers realise.
According to Diana herself, Charles was desperate to have two children – one boy and one girl.
‘I knew Harry was going to be a boy because I saw on the scan,’ she explained to Andrew Morton for his bestselling book Diana: Her True Story In Her Own Words.
‘Charles always wanted a girl. He wanted two children, and he wanted a girl. I knew Harry was a boy, and I didn’t tell him.’
So when Diana gave birth to their second son, Harry, in the Lindo Wing of St Mary’s Hospital on September 15, 1984, Charles could barely hide his disappointment.
‘First comment was: “Oh God, it’s a boy,” second comment: “And he’s even got red hair,”‘ Diana recounted to her trusted biographer Morton.
In his own bombshell memoir Spare, Prince Harry said he was 21 the first time he heard the story of ‘what Pa allegedly said to Mummy the day of my birth: “Wonderful! Now you’ve given me an Heir and a Spare – my work is done.”
‘A joke. Presumably,’ Harry penned. ‘On the other hand, minutes after delivering this bit of high comedy, Pa was said to have gone off to meet his girlfriend. So. Many a true word spoken in jest.’
Outside the hospital, Prince Charles appeared to hide his true feelings and told the waiting journalists: ‘He’s wonderful. Absolutely marvellous.’
It is no wonder the Diana would go on to tell friends that ‘spiritually’ their marriage ‘ended the day Prince Harry was born’, according to Morton.
Charles told his official biographer Jonathan Dimbleby that he picked things back up with Camilla in 1986. Meanwhile it is alleged Diana’s affair with army captain James Hewitt started around the same time.
The royal couple, who had separate bedrooms at their homes for years stopped sharing the same sleeping quarters during an official visit to Portugal in 1987.
The next few years saw Charles and Diana plagued with rumours of marital problems, culminating in the blistering tell-all of the collapse of their marriage as published by Morton in 1992.
The Princess of Wales had secretly contributed to the book by providing Morton with audio recordings which would later be included in a 2017 ITV documentary.
Diana claims in the recordings that Charles’s disappointment at having a second boy rather than a girl persevered until Prince Harry’s christening on December 21, 1984.
After the ceremony at St George’s Chapel at Windsor Castle, the future king allegedly told Diana’s mother Frances Shand Kydd: ‘We’re so disappointed, we thought it would be a girl.’
Frances then ‘snapped his head off’ and told him he should ‘realise you are lucky to have a child’, Diana added.
The doomed royal couple announced their separation just months after the publication of Morton’s book in 1992 and finalised their divorce in August 1996.
Elsewhere in Morton’s explosive biography, Diana reveals that the birth of her first son William – the heir – came with its own set of issues.
The Princess of Wales told Morton she had to choose a date to be induced that fit around Charles’s busy polo schedule.
‘When we had William, we had to find a date in the diary that suited Charles and his polo,’ she said.
William had to be induced because I couldn’t handle the press pressure any longer, it was becoming unbearable. It was as if everyone was monitoring every day for me.’
Princess Diana added: ‘Anyway, the boy arrived, great excitement.
‘Thrilled, everyone absolutely high as a kite – we had found a date where Charles could get off his polo pony for me to give birth.
The recent pronouncements from Forbes, highlighting the staggering valuations of America’s professional women’s soccer clubs, collectively nearing a monumental $2 billion, are undeniably a cause for celebration in certain circles. With an average club valuation of $134 million, and trailblazers like Angel City FC topping the charts at $280 million thanks to robust sponsorships, merchandise, and ticket sales, the narrative is clear: “smart money” is flocking to women’s sports, and the price tags are only expected to climb higher.
This influx of capital is championed as a vital step, promising financial stability, heightened visibility, and a more professional ecosystem for athletes. However, as a dedicated sports fan, someone who lives and breathes the triumphs and heartbreaks of the beautiful game, my enthusiasm for these burgeoning valuations is tempered by a profound and ever-present concern: do these impressive financial figures truly translate into tangible on-field success and the glorious pursuit of silverware?
Because for us, the loyal supporters who brave the elements, spend our hard-earned money on tickets and jerseys, invest our precious time, and pour our emotional energy into every match, what truly matters is not the bottom line of a balance sheet, but the top of the league table – the sweet taste of victory and the gleam of a championship trophy clutched in our players’ hands.
Let’s be unequivocally clear: strategic investment is the lifeblood of any thriving sports league. It paves the way for state-of-the-art training facilities, ensures superior player welfare, fosters robust youth academies, and cultivates a truly professional environment for athletes. These are indisputably vital steps for the long-term sustainability, growth, and global competitiveness of women’s soccer. But the Forbes valuation, by its very inherent nature, is a precise measure of a club’s business potential and its asset worth, not a reliable barometer of its competitive excellence.
A club can, theoretically, be incredibly valuable due to its expansive market size, its glittering array of celebrity ownership, or its innovative and aggressive marketing strategies, yet consistently languish in the lower echelons of the league standings, far removed from the thrill of contention.
Consider the stark reality that can emerge from such a focus on valuation: a team boasting a massive financial valuation might find itself prioritising off-field commercial ventures, aggressive brand building, or perhaps even just servicing significant debt, rather than channelling those resources directly into the most critical component – the playing squad.
Conversely, a less “valuable” club, perhaps operating with a more modest fan base, located in a less glamorous market, or lacking the star power in its ownership group, might be diligently and meticulously building a cohesive team, shrewdly acquiring under-the-radar talent, fostering an undeniable team chemistry, and prioritizing tactical development with unwavering focus. It is often these latter clubs, operating beneath the glare of the financial spotlight, rather than the Forbes darlings, that consistently challenge for honours, defy expectations, and ultimately deliver the victories that fans crave.
We’ve witnessed this dynamic play out time and again across the vast landscape of professional sports. Historically, some of the wealthiest clubs in various leagues, across different sports, have struggled, sometimes for decades, to translate their sheer financial might into sustained periods of dominance. The allure and glamour of a high valuation attracts significant investment and generates countless headlines, but it fundamentally does not guarantee a well-oiled machine on the pitch.
Winning, in its purest form, demands far more than just a bulging bank account; it requires astute and forward-thinking management, a keen eye for strategic recruitment, the cultivation of an unbreakable team ethos, and a relentless, unyielding pursuit of sporting excellence in every training session and every match.
For us, the passionate fans, the ultimate emotional return on our investment – of time, money, and unwavering loyalty – comes from shared triumphs, from the electrifying thrill of watching our team score a crucial goal, hold a desperate defensive line, and ultimately hoist a hard-won trophy. Our cheers are for exhilarating victories, our tears are for devastating defeats, and our hopes are for future glories. We celebrate stunning goals, impenetrable clean sheets, and dramatic comeback victories; we do not, and quite frankly, cannot, celebrate EBITDA figures or complex revenue multiples. Those are metrics for investors, not for the heart of a fan.
So, while we wholeheartedly applaud the burgeoning financial growth and the much-deserved recognition it brings to women’s soccer – understanding that a healthy financial foundation is indeed crucial for long-term sustainability – let us be vigilant. Let us not, for a single moment, mistake a robust balance sheet for guaranteed glory. The true, enduring measure of a club’s success, in the unwavering eyes of its devoted fans, will always be found where it matters most: on the field, in the relentless pursuit of laurels, and in the joyous, unforgettable moments of collective triumph that forge indelible memories and strengthen community bonds.
Let the smart money flow, yes, but let the primary focus remain firmly, unequivocally, and passionately on what truly matters to those who fill the stadiums: winning.
Kachi Okezie is a sports lawyer and management consultant.
June 12 holds an indelible place in Nigeria’s political consciousness, a date now officially designated as the nation’s “Democracy Day”. More than just a public holiday, it serves as a sad reminder of a defining moment in Nigeria’s quest for democratic governance, intricately linked to the struggles of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. His electoral victory in the 1993 presidential election, widely acclaimed as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history even as at today, and its subsequent annulment, unleashed a torrent of political and legal crises that profoundly shaped the trajectory of the nation. Understanding June 12 therefore requires delving into the idealism it represents, the betrayal it embodied, and its enduring political and legal importance.
THE GENESIS OF HOPE: THE JUNE 12, 1993 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
By the early 1990s, Nigeria was tired of protracted military rule. Decades of coups, counter-coups, and authoritarian regimes had subdued political development, entrenched corruption, and fostered deep-seated distrust between the populace and the government. General Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime, having promised a transition to civilian rule, had embarked on a seemingly elaborate program. Some people dubbed it “transfixion programme” This program culminated in the presidential election of June 12, 1993.
The election itself was unique. Unlike previous multi-party contests, the Babangida regime had streamlined the political landscape to just two government-sanctioned parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP) (“a little-to-the-left”) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) (“a little-to-the-right”). This binary choice forced a broader alignment across Nigeria’s often-fractious ethnic and religious lines. The SDP presented an unusual ticket: Chief M.K.O. Abiola, a wealthy Yoruba businessman and philanthropist from the South-West, as its presidential candidate, paired with Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, a Muslim from the North-East, as his running mate. This Muslim-Muslim ticket was unprecedented and signaled a potential shift from Nigeria’s traditional ethno-religious political divisions.
The NRC fielded Alhaji Bashir Tofa (a Kanuri) and Sylvester Ugoh (an Igbo). The electoral process on June 12, 1993, unfolded remarkably smoothly. Despite initial logistical challenges, Nigerians turned out in large numbers to vote, demonstrating an undeniable enthusiasm for democracy. The results, though never fully announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), began to seep in, indicating a clear and decisive victory for MKO Abiola. Independent observers, both domestic and international, hailed the election as exceptionally free and fair, devoid of the widespread rigging and irregularities that had plagued previous Nigerian elections. It was a moment of genuine national unity and optimism, a powerful affirmation of the Nigerian people’s desire for self-governance. Abiola ostensibly won across Nigeria, beating Bashir Tofa even in his Gyadi-Gyadi, Albassa ward in Kano.
THE ANNULMENT: A BETRAYAL AND THE DAWN OF NATIONAL CRISIS
The ecstasy of the June 12 election was tragically short-lived. In a move that shocked the nation and the international community, the Babangida regime, on June 23, 1993, unilaterally annulled the results of the presidential election. The reasons cited were vague, ranging from “irregularities” to the need to “save the Judiciary.” This annulment was widely perceived as a direct affront to the democratic will of the Nigerian people and a cynical betrayal of the transition program.
The annulment ignited a profound political crisis. Protests erupted across the country, particularly in the South-West, Abuja and other major cities across Nigeria. Civil society organizations, human rights activists, pro-democracy groups (such as the National Democratic Coalition – NADECO), CLO, UDD and student unions galvanized public opposition. The country was plunged into a period of intense civil unrest, strikes, and widespread condemnation from international bodies and foreign governments. The annulment not only shattered public trust, but also deepened existing ethnic and regional fault lines, as many viewed the action as a deliberate attempt by the military-Northern establishment to deny the South-West its legitimate turn at the presidency.
THE STRUGGLE FOR VALIDATION AND THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY
The annulment of the June 12 election led to a prolonged period of agitation and repression. MKO Abiola declared himself the rightful president and was eventually arrested and detained in 1994 after declaring his intention to reclaim his mandate. He remained in detention for four years and died in custody on July 7, 1998, under suspicious circumstances that had the finger of the government, even as the country was transitioning to another civilian government.
The June 12 movement inspired a generation of pro-democracy activists, journalists, students, and labour leaders who risked their lives to challenge military dictatorship. It became a rallying point for advocating civil liberties, electoral justice, and the return to democratic governance. I was, with all humility, one of the frontline torch bearers of our fight against military dictatorship.
MKO ABIOLA’S STRUGGLE: A SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE
At the heart of the June 12 struggle was Chief M.K.O. Abiola himself. Having clearly won the election, he rightly refused to accept the annulment. He embarked on a courageous and ultimately self-sacrificing campaign to reclaim his mandate. On June 11, 1994, exactly one year after the election, Abiola declared himself president-elect in the Epetedo area of Lagos Island, asserting his rightful claim to the presidency. This act of defiance was a direct challenge to the authority of the military regime, which by now was headed by General Sani Abacha.
Abiola was subsequently arrested on June 23, 1994, on charges of treason. His incarceration became a central focus of the pro-democracy struggle. Despite immense national and international pressure, Abiola remained resolute, refusing to renounce his mandate in exchange for his freedom. His continued detention and unwavering stance served as a powerful symbol of resistance against military tyranny and a constant reminder of the unfinished democratic business. His wife, Kudirat Abiola, also became a prominent voice in the struggle, actively campaigning for her husband’s release and the revalidation of the June 12 mandate. She was tragically assassinated in 1996 in broad daylight.
Abiola’s prolonged struggle ended tragically with his death in detention on July 7, 1998, just weeks after the sudden death of General Abacha in equally sinister circumstances in Aso villa. His death, under suspicious circumstances extinguished the immediate hope for the revalidation of his mandate but solidified his place as a martyr for democracy in Nigeria who paid the ultimate supreme price for redemptive messiahnism.
THE POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12
The political importance of June 12 in Nigeria cannot therefore be overstated. Symbol of Democratic Will: June 12 stands as the most potent symbol of the Nigerian people’s unequivocal desire for democratic governance. It demonstrated that Nigerians, across ethnic and religious divides, could unite and vote freely, rejecting the imposition of leadership.
Symbol of Electoral Integrity
June 12, 1993, remains a benchmark for free and fair elections in Nigeria. The transparency and credibility of that election are often cited as the gold standard against which future elections are measured.
2. National Unity
MKO Abiola’s victory cut across ethnic, religious, gender, status and regional divisions, proving that national unity and collective political will were possible in Nigeria. It challenged the long-standing narrative that Nigeria could not overcome its deep-seated ethno-religious differences.
Catalyst for Sustained Pro-Democracy Struggle: The annulment fueled a sustained and relentless pro-democracy movement. Groups such as NADECO, CLO, UDD, DA, other civil society organizations and various activists relentlessly agitated against military rule, sacrificing personal liberty and, in some cases, their lives. This pressure, both internal and external, played a significant role in ultimately forcing the military to hurriedly relinquish power in 1999.
Exposure of Military’s Ills: The June 12 saga laid bare the inherent contradictions and self-serving nature of military rule. It exposed the military’s disdain for popular will and its willingness to undermine the very transition it claimed to oversee.
Shaping the Fourth Republic: The experiences of June 12 profoundly influenced the design and character of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which began in 1999. The framers of the new constitution and the political elite were keenly aware of the need to prevent a repeat of such an annulment.
National Healing and Recognition: For decades, June 12 remained a contentious issue, primarily celebrated in the South-West as a “Democracy Day.” However, in a significant move towards national healing and historical recognition, President Muhammadu Buhari, on June 6, 2018, officially declared June 12 as Nigeria’s Democracy Day, replacing May 29. This act posthumously honored MKO Abiola with the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), Nigeria’s highest national honour reserved only for Presidents and Heads of State. This official recognition was a crucial step in acknowledging the historical injustice and unifying the country around a shared democratic ideal.
4. Rejection of Military Rule
June 12 represents the collective will of Nigerians to reject military dictatorship. The years following the annulment saw increased pressure on the military, culminating in the return to civilian rule in 1999 after the death of General Sani Abacha.
5. Restoration of Democratic Values
The recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day affirms Nigeria’s commitment to democratic governance, civil liberties, the rule of law, and the right of the people to choose their leaders.
FROM MAY 29 TO JUNE 12: A SHIFT IN NATIONAL NARRATIVE
Before 2018, Nigeria’s Democracy Day was celebrated on May 29—the day the military handed over power to a civilian government in 1999. I argued repeatedly like many Nigerians that May 29 was merely symbolic of military benevolence rather than popular sovereignty. In contrast, June 12 embodied the people’s struggle, sacrifice, and demand for democracy. Its restoration was therefore a long held dream.
LEGAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12
Beyond its political ramifications, June 12 also carries significant legal importance.
Judicial Independence and Integrity Tested: The annulment of the election, supposedly to “save the Judiciary,” ironically exposed the Judiciary’s vulnerabilities under military rule. The Judiciary was drawn into the political fracas, with conflicting court orders and legal battles that ultimately highlighted the limitations of the legal system when confronted by raw military power. The Judiciary infamously failed the country during the crisis.
Questions of Sovereign Will vs. Military Decrees: The annulment raised fundamental legal questions about the supremacy of the people’s sovereign will, expressed through a free and fair election, versus the arbitrary power of military Decrees and Edicts. The military junta argued its Decrees were supreme, but the legal community largely condemned the annulment as an illegal act, devoid of any legitimate legal basis.
Focus on Electoral Reforms: The flaws and vulnerabilities exposed by the June 12 experience spurred subsequent efforts at electoral reforms in Nigeria. There was a clear understanding of the need for robust electoral laws, transparent processes, and an independent electoral commission capable of withstanding political pressure.
Reinforcement of Constitutionalism: The struggle underscored the importance of constitutionalism and the rule of law. The arbitrary nature of the annulment reinforced the argument for a return to civilian rule governed by a written constitution that guarantees rights and limits arbitrary power.
Precedent for Popular Mandate: While the mandate was not revalidated, the June 12 experience set a powerful precedent: a free and fair election outcome, reflecting the will of the people, holds immense moral and legal weight that cannot be easily dismissed without significant repercussions. It became a benchmark against which future elections would be measured.
CONCLUSION:
June 12 is far more than just a date on the calendar; it is a national narrative woven with threads of hope, betrayal, struggle, and eventual recognition. It stands as a powerful testament to the resilience of the Nigerian people and their unwavering commitment to democratic ideals. The MKO Abiola struggle, characterized by his electoral victory, the subsequent annulment of the freest election in Nigeria’s history, and his ultimate sacrifice, served as a catalyst for a sustained pro-democracy movement that eventually led to the end of military rule.
Its political importance lies in its role as a unifying symbol of democratic will, a catalyst for political transition, and a critical lesson in the perils of authoritarianism. Legally, June 12 exposed the fragility of institutions under military rule, underscored the imperative of robust electoral laws, and reinforced the sanctity of the popular mandate. By designating June 12 as Democracy Day, Nigeria has officially acknowledged this painful yet pivotal chapter of its history, honoring the sacrifices made and reaffirming its commitment to the principles of freedom, justice, and democratic governance. The echoes of June 12 continue to echo, serving as a constant reminder that the voice of the people, expressed through the ballot box, must always be respected and upheld. Whether Nigerians have imbibed or exhibited lessons learnt from June 12 is another matter altogether.
The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.
My attention has just been drawn to a raw viral diatribe, not a scholarly intervention or conversation, by one Mutalubi Ojo Adebayo. It is allegedly based on an interview I granted to Kayla Megwa on her Hardcopy programme. He made his evil intention known from the very beginning of his write-up which was to go after me (the messenger) and not the message (substance of my interview). My first reaction was to ignore his diatribe maximally as the rantings and lachrymal effusion from the tired eyes of an obviously envious and jealous warped soul who cannot contemplate the heights Almighty God has taken me to from my very humble beginnings. I did not want to swim in the gutters with him so as to prevent him from using me to gain traction and unearned presence. I later decided to respond to him lest his false rantings be mistaken for substance and truth. Truth be told, I have never heard of that fellow called Mutalabi Ojo Adebayo prior to today. And I will tell you how anon.
THE UNPROVOKED DIATRIBE
In no portion of my 25 minutes interview with HARD COPY anchored by Kayla Megwa did he tell the world one single thing he claimed I did wrong. Wearing the garb of a social media blogger who peddles cheap fake news like a drama Queen, Mutalubi, without touching the issues I discussed, simply engaged only in vicious insults, abuses, expletives, vituperations, all aimed at tarnishing my hard-earned and God-given image and reputation. This he also did to Mr. Peter Obi who did not even feature in the said interview. What manner of a character will simply attack people who did no wrong to him? If he thought I was going to sue him to court for defamation and thereby put him in undeserved limelight, he has woefully failed in his invidious mission of narcissism and ego-trip.
A SOUL THAT CAN NOT INTERROGATE ISSUES WITHOUT RESORT TO DIATRIBE
I am not surprised Mutalabi could not speak to the critical issues I raised. Afterall, going by his own words in his outing, his television set is “always and permanently” glued to Channels television and no more. He does not read widely (if he ever does at all); does not watch other major news outlets such as CNN, Fox, BBC, Al Jazeerah and the likes. He is thus limited in his warped circumscribed world view as he is ossified in his own small cocoon of ignorance. It is obvious that Mutalubi was merely out to settle scores with perceived or assumed enemies.
I never knew him before now. He was only mentioned to me by a friend after my attention was drawn to his uncouth and indecent outing. That was when I asked who exactly he was. I have never heard about him as a known contributor to issues concerning democracy, law, governance, human rights or national discourse. And he says he is a Senator and Senior Advocate?. Ha! I was also informed he is one of the ‘boys’ of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN. Did he do what he did to impress the learned Silk? I am not too sure his boss with whom I am quite friendly and have mutual respect for each other having crossed swords in many legal battles over the years will not disapprove of the unprovoked vitriol and fulmination of an angry soul that he is. A cerebral mind would have dwelt on the critical issues I raised in my interview (message), not on the messenger (me as a person).
THE CRITICAL ISSUES I RAISED IN MY INTERVIEW
ONE-PARTY STATE
Mutalubi could not fault me on my fears of a possible impending one-party state in Nigeria based on the various defections we are currently witnessing. I argued that a one-party state may lead to dictatorship, unbridled corruption, lack of checks and balances; and later implosion. I gave the example of the PDP which in 16 years became so powerful and so comfortable that it boasted it would rule for 60 years. It even engaged in deregistering members rather than driving for membership .I argued that if the fractured opposition does not put its act together, Tinubu may have only himself to beat in a race in which he will simply run against himself. Mutalubi did not and could not fault me. I believe he does not even understand the issue. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RsIfiuUqRqs > accessed on 10th June, 2025).
OIL SUBSIDY REMOVAL
In my interview, I queried what the oil subsidy extra money was being used for in the last two years to improve the lives of the average Nigerian. I never even condemned the subsidy removal itself as the pseudo-critic brazenly lied about. I even encouraged President Tinubu in my interview to seize the momentous opportunity offered him by destiny to write his name in gold by putting the nation on a prosperous track. I advised him that great leaders are known when their countries are in deep crisis, citing historical figures such as Dwight Eisenhower, Winston Churchill, Abraham Lincoln, Mahatma Ghandi, etc, who squared up to challenges when their countries were troubled. Mutalubi probably did not hear this.
LAGOS-CALABAR COASTAL ROAD AND THE FLOATATION OF THE NAIRA
I also in my interview questioned the immediate relevance of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road costing over 11-12 Billion Dollars at a time Nigerians are dying of hunger, starvation and destitution. Mutalubi, the self-appointed economist, did not and could not fault me. He simply talked glibly about the necessity for floatation of the naira (an issue I did not even dwell on). For a man who narcissistically boasted of A1 in Economics at his Advanced level examination, I expected a rational discourse. He had none.
THE JUDICIARY
In the interview, I defended the Judiciary against its continued age-long marginalization and called for better welfare and salaries for Judges as a way of making corruption unattractive. On the JUSUN strike action, I wondered what value even the unpaid N70,000 minimum wage would add to its members’ lives having regard to the present high inflationary trend. He said nothing about these.
NASS, LOANS, ETC
I pointed out how 11,122 projects were infused into the 2025 budget (according to BudgIT, a Civil Society Organization), costing a whopping N6.93 trillion which represents 12.6 % of the total budget of N54.99 trillion. The self-assumed backyard economist said nothing. I lamented Nigeria’s staggering debt burden of about N150 trillion. Mutalubi only praised his paymasters as redeemers of Nigeria, even while contradictorily lamenting the near collapse of his wife’s rice business. On floatation of the naira which he invented as I did not discuss it, I thought I would hear him interrogate how our country that mostly relies on imports for survival and does not produce export-oriented goods, nor invest heavily in education, technology and skilled labour with added government incentives and tax holiday would leap forward like the Asian Tigers did.
Why would Nigeria which depends largely on a mono-product of oil and with multiple taxation, slow disputes-resolution mechanism, etc, float her helpless Naira currency against major ones? He said nothing about it other than to simply deploy defamatory words against me. What do we earn from exports as against imports to float the Naira, he did not say. I can understand him perfectly as a partisan card-carrying politician given to perks from the Master’s tables in the corridors of power and must therefore nurture be seen to his means of livelihood by trumpeting his paymasters’ perceived achievements. I am not like him.
Nigeria has been borrowing trillions of Naira on the head of generations yet unborn without stating how we will pay back, a point I clearly made in my interview. I am sure president Tinubu (I doubt if Mutalubi knows we are friends and have been so since the military locust years of the early 90s) whom I had good words for in some areas in my interview where I believed he has done well will be embarrassed reading this fawner and bootlicker’s lame defence of his government. I believe he does not need a Mutalubi. He has better media handlers. I wonder why, instead of exercising his right of freedom of expression by contradicting me through contribution to plurality of ideas, all that Mutalubi could do was to use acerbic expletives on me without provocation. His was nothing but the Shakespearean “tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury signifying nothing” (Macbeth, Act V, Scene V, lines 17-28).
I CANNOT BE PSEUDO IN ANYTHING I HAVE TOUCHED
Without meaning to descend into Mutalubi’s nadir of vain-glorious egocentricism and opportunism (what he falsely accused me of), the bad news for Mutalubi is that I had made A1 in Economics in my WAEC’s WASC in the 70s. I read authoritative books on economics authored by great Nigerian economists such as Areoye Ayebola and Gabriel Adekunle Aromolaran (later Owa Obokun of Ijesha land). I was already reading Economics as one of my majors in my A Levels at Baptist Academy, Lagos, before I was offered three consecutive admissions in the then Concessional Entrance Examination (as it was then called), to UNN, Nsukka, University of Ibadan and the University of Ife (now OAU), Ile-Ife. I chose Ife. I finished Law at Ife and also lectured there.
I am happy to announce to Mutalubi that some of my constitutional law and Nigerian Legal System classes students at that time (without mentioning their names) are today some of the best Justices of the Court of Appeal and Judges of the Federal High Court and High Courts across Nigeria. I also taught constitutional law at the Benson Idahosa University (BIU), Benin City and some of my then students are already nearly 20 years at the Bar. In case the non- reading Mutalubi does not know, I am an author of over 75 books (I launched a whole 50 books on a single occasion to mark my 67th birthday in October, 2024). Some of my earliest law books are the Nigerian Law of Locus Standi, the Nigerian Law of Contract and Nigerian Company and Partnership Law and Practice, all written in 1988 when I was barely 7 years at the Bar and when Mutalubi was struggling with his HSC ).
Thus, by 1988 when he was still writing his A Level papers, I had already authored my first three law books as a young lawyer and researcher. He can easily find many of my books on Amazon and other international outlets. Indeed, one of my books, Commercial and Economic Law in Nigeria has since been published as Volume 91 (2021) in the International Encyclopedia of Laws. And Mutalubi questions my professorship? I have always been a scholar and law teacher aside being a courtroom lawyer and rights activist. I have visiting professorship in constitutional law from some first rate Universities, including the Afe Babalola University (ABUAD), Ado Ekiti; Abia State University, Uturu, Abia State, Philomath University, Abuja; and Gregory University, Uturu, Abia State; etc.
I write columns for 8 newspapers every week and I have done this since 2014. With a view to strengthening and widening the depth and breadth of democracy and good governance in Nigeria, I have been a public speaker and social critic, delivering tons of lectures every year at major intellectual gatherings that seek to build a just nation driven by egalitarianism, religious and ethnic tolerance and respect for human rights, human dignity and the rule of law. I was a Federal Government delegate at the 2005 National Political Conference, the Vision 2020 Conference and the 2014 National Conference where, with all humility, I was pronounced “THE CICERO OF THE 2014 NATIONALCONFERENCE” by the conference leadership of late Hon Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi (JSC, of blessed memory) (Chairman) and distinguished elderstatesman, Prof Bolaji Akinyemi (Vice Chairman).
So, there is nothing pseudo about me. I am real, legit and genuine. As a trail blazer in human rights activism in Nigeria, I co-founded the first human rights organization in Nigeria-the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) – which was birthed on 15th October, 1998. Some Nigerian patriots and I fought against military incursion, dictatorship and occupation of Nigeria, using the CLO and the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria, JACON (which I also co-founded with legendary Chief Gani Fawehinmi, with me as its national Vice Chairman, publicity and publications).
I also used the platform of my solely founded Universal Defenders of Democracy, UDD (now Universal Defenders of Justice Initiative (UDJI) to fight military dictatorship. I do not know where Mutalubi was at that time. I was one of the founding Assistant Editors of the Nigerian Weekly Law Report (NWLR). Indeed, I suggested its name and colour to its founder, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, GCON. We launched it on Tuesday, 1st October, 1985, while I was Chief Gani’s Deputy Head of Chambers.
A mere Google search will show these and more. I have never heard about one Mutalubi contributing to our country’s development, growth and re-engineering. He is obviously one of the docile Nigerians I referred to into my interview who withdraws into their comfort zones and eat crumbs from their political masters’ tables.
EMEFIELE’S CASE
Mutalubi accused me of handling the case of Mr. Godwin Emefiele, the former Governor of Central Bank and claimed I later left him in limbo during jis criminal trial. Satanic verse. A life from the pit of hell!
Mr. Emefiele had revealed his interest to run for the 2023 presidential election and addressed the issue following reports that a group had purchased the ₦100 million presidential nomination and expression of interest forms of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on his behalf. The news was that some opponents were working hard to prevent him from running because at that time, he was still the Governor of CBN and had not resigned his appointment. He then desired to sue the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Attorney-General of the Federation, asking for the determination of certain questions and with a request for the court to restrain them from compelling him to resign as the CBN Governor in order to contest the 2023 elections (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-00omOUZNuQ > accessed on 10th June, 2025).
Emefiele’s briefing to me through our mutual friend was simple and straightforward: the question was whether the 1999 Constitution, Emefiele was qualified to run for the office of the president. And yes, he was. I analysed all the relevant provisions of the Constitution and found that he was so qualified to run (https://punchng.com/emefiele-heads-for-court-as-anger-spreads-over-presidential-ambition/> accessed on 10th June, 2025). We held a meeting with the mutual friend and then went to court. While the case was progressing, he later instructed me to withdraw the matter as the then President, Buhari had instructed him to discontinue with his presidential ambition. He did not pay me one kobo himself. The mutual friend of ours (name withheld) had actually briefed me on his behalf before we met. It was this mutual friend who paid me an agreed fee. I am not aware he or Emefiele paid me ‘tons of millions of naira” or that I extorted same from Emefiele as falsely claimed by Mutalubi. Mutalubi’s recklessness drove him to accuse me of champerty and or extorting money from Emefiele as professional fees. I challenge him to provide proof of those vile and false allegations. When Emefiele was later arrested and detained, I was one of the very first few Nigerians to publicly condemn his detention without trial (https://www.thisdaylive.com/2023/08/15/ozekhome-emefiele-bawa-victims-of-executive-lawlessness/?amp> accessed on 10th June, 2025). I could not have briefed myself or urged Emefiele to brief me to handle his subsequent criminal matters when he was eventually charged to court I have never in my 44 years of legal practice asked a client for any brief. His right to a counsel of his own choice is constitutionally guaranteed (see section 36 of the 1999 Constitution). How then could I have abandoned him? Has Mutalubi ever heard of the CAB-RANK RULE, or the 22nd November, 1967 decision in Rondel v Worsely (1967) 3 WLR 1666 and the immortal dictum of Lord Denning in it? I very much doubt, as he does not read. He is more of a politician and a Channels television addict than a serious lawyer. I heard he was an Attorney General of Oyo State? Gosh!!! Not even a roadside vulcanizer would be that irresponsible.
Did Mutalabi have to insult me simply because he disagrees with my views in favour of his paymasters? Do I have to agree with the situation of the mass suffering that is currently ravaging Nigeria and not comment on it when even under the military Tinubu and I could fiercely interrogate governmental actions? Let him tell us how much his wife is selling rice whose price he claims has crashed? If she can sell a bag of rice for between N50,000 and N70,000 (minimum wage) my foundation – Mike Ozekhome Foundation (MOF) – will immediately order 100 bags from her. His jealous streak actually ran riotous when he rolled out a list of his preferred lawyer- idols which list he claimed I do not belong to. The small list is only as far as his little mind could go. I am not in any competition with anybody. So, I do not begrudge him. He also rolled out a list of his favorite television personalities. I also do not begrudge him, though many will not agree with it, having deliberately left out some celebrated stars who may not be in his vindictive books.
SOME OF MY WORKS
My numerous works are visible on marble for all to see – activism, pro-democracy works, human rights, social critic, the academia, researcher and author of law and sundry books on different thematic areas; writer and contributor to national discourse; frequent guest and the keynote lecturer; advocate of traditional institution; defender of the masses, music and movie industry; law, governance, church, community, family, etc. Truth is that I wear so many caps which Mutalubi in his little warped mind cannot simply fathom. He cannot understand how one man can combine all these things aside his normal rigorous legal practice and daily court appearances. He erroneously sees me only from the prism of the usual lawyer, in which, with all humility), I have equally excelled – SAN, Life Bencher, FCIArb, NEC member for many years; handler of numerous jurisprudentially-defining cases in Nigerian courts, up to the apex court; and Counsel at the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Hague, Netherlands.
Thus, because of my coats of many colours (thanks, Dolly Parton), I am entitled to “adorn and embellish” my chambers (he did not say in the public) “various photographs and personalities” (where else would I keep them?) of my idols in many fields, such as Lord Denning, Justice J.I.C Taylor, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Martin Luther King Jr, Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, Mahatma Gandhi; some select traditional rulers; statesmen and women, et al. It is in the same way he was free to list his pet idol-lawyers. I do not begrudge him at all, even if I do not agree with his subjective list. Mutalubi surely reasons “ad absurdum”. I pity him. It strains reason and sense for him to suggest that I would be advertising myself in my own personal office to “unsuspecting members of the public who are gullible”. I pity this man. He sure deserves pity.
Nowhere is it stated in our law books that a chambers office, should contain only law books and nothing more. I am happy to note that he was merely a bag-carrier for late Governor Akerodolu (Aketi; my good friend of many decades right from Ife days in the 70s). So, Mutalabi was just an adult carrying Aketi’s bag at a time Aketi already considered me important and fit enough as a stake holder whose voice mattered for the realization of his NBA presidency. And we worked very hard for him and he won. And Mutalubi now thinks he can diminish this? He cannot, even as an historical revisionist that he is.
DRAWING THE CURTAINS
Mutalubi gleefully signed off his nonsensical writeup with eclat, by listing his traditional chieftaincy titles obtained in two communities in two local Governments Areas of Oyo State. Congratulations! The bad news for Mutalubi is that I hold dozens of major traditional chieftaincy titles across the length and breadth of Nigeria (North, South, East and West), including his own Yoruba land. For the record, I am the Ba’Loro of Igando, Lagos (1995); the Bamofin of Ijaniki Kingdom, Lagos (2014); and the Maiyegun Baamofin of Ido-Osun, Osun State (2016). By the grace of Almighty God and Jesus Christ of Nazareth, no man (least Mutalubi) can pull me down from God’s height through puerile writeups.
He should grow up and let go of his pent-up grievances, envy and “bad belle” that are fiercely eating him up over someone else’s progress. Let him stay on his own lane, and I, mine. He should allow “Oga Mike continue to interrogate governments and speak truth to power as I have done for well over 40 years. He is also very free to carry out his own defence of his pet government that he christens “divine” and bootlick it till eternity. It is his right to do so. The two are mutually exclusive. But he must eschew personal attacks on contributors to our national resurgimento like me. He is not one of them.
Watch the video that began it all below.
The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.
The Permanent Secretary of Nigerian Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy, Dr Mukhtar Muhammad Yawale has described China, Nigeria cooperation as mutually beneficial.
Dr Yawale, who disclosed made this on Tuesday in Abuja at the event of International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations with the theme: “Conversation and Connection”, said the Abuja Light Rail project was a symphony of Chinese engineering and Nigerian labour.
Continuing, he noted that the Lekki Free Trade Zone, where Nigerian enterprise meets Chinese innovation; and the Nollywood films now streaming across millions of Chinese homes, were some of the outcomes of the relationship.
According to him, “This dialogue transcends culture – it is the engine of our creative economy. Look at what we’ve achieved together: The Abuja Light Rail project, a symphony of Chinese engineering and Nigerian labour; the Lekki Free Trade Zone, where Nigerian enterprise meets Chinese innovation; and the Nollywood films now streaming across millions of Chinese homes.
“These are not transactions; they are transformations. As we speak, Nigerian digital artists collaborate with Shenzhen Tech Hubs, and our fashion designers reimagine Ankara through the lens of Shanghai’s runways.
Dr. Yawale, who was represented by a senior ministry official, said that ties between the two nations were woven with threads of shared values: respect for heritage, reverence for community and the unyielding belief that diversity was divinity expressed.
while thanking the China Cultural Centre for organizing the event, Yawale said Nigeria and China were not merely diplomatic partners, but ancient souls conversing across millennia.
“China Cultural Centre visionary stewardship in organizing this inaugural International Day for Dialogue among Civilizations’ ignites a beacon of hope.
“It reminds us that in a world yearning for connection, culture is the compass that guides us home. Nigeria and China are not merely diplomatic partners; we are ancient souls conversing across millennia. Our ties are woven with threads of shared values: respect for heritage, reverence for community and the unyielding belief that diversity is divinity expressed” he said.
Foreign Minister of China, Mr. Wang Yi, in his video speech, stressed the importance of establishing the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations and offered valuable insights on promoting world peace through mutual learning among civilizations.
Speaking earlier, Chargé d’affaires of Chinese Embassy in Nigeria, Mr. Zhang Yi said the establishment of International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations was a successful practice of China’s commitment to the Global Civilization Initiative put forward by President Xi Jinping, as an important contribution to global dialogue, peace, and development.
Zhang said that practical cooperation between China and Nigeria in various fields was progressing steadily with cultural exchanges being vital in fostering mutual understanding and lasting friendship.
China and 53 African countries have declared their determination to forge a joint action to defend international equity and justice and safeguard the international economic and trade order in the face of growing tariffs and protectionism.
The declaration is part of the 12 resolutions reached by Chinese and African leaders, who gathered in Changsha, Hunan Province to discuss the full implementation of the Beijing Declaration on Jointly Building an All-Weather China-Africa Community with a Shared Future for the New Era as part of the 2024 Beijing Summit of the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).
This is even as Presidents Xi Jinping of China and Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of Congo sent congratulatory letters to the participants at the Ministerial Meeting of Coordinators on the Implementation of the Follow-up Actions of the Forum of China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Changsha, China.
As part of the signing of the agreement of China-Africa Economic Partnership for Shared Development, China expressed its willingness to expand the zero-tariff treatment for 100 per cent tariff lines to all 53 African countries having diplomatic relations with China, or all African countries except Eswatini, to welcome quality products from Africa to the Chinese market.
The regions agreed that the frequent occurrence of unilateralism, protectionism and economic bullying has created severe difficulties for the economic and social development and the improvement of livelihood in African countries and other developing countries, adding that the countries of the Global South seek to address this
The declaration went further thus: “Given that certain countries’ attempt to disrupt the existing international economic and trade order by tariffs undermines the common good of the international community, we call on all countries, the United States in particular, to return to the right track of resolving trade disputes through consultation based on equality, respect and mutual benefit. The international community should give prioritized attention to the economic difficulties and development challenges faced by African countries. Development assistance to African countries should be effectively increased, not unilaterally slashed, to provide continued support to help African countries improve people’s livelihood, reduce poverty and boost economic and social development.
“The African side commends China’s courage and resolve to defend international equity and justice and safeguard international economic and trade order. China highly commends African countries’ commitment to the basic principles of sovereignty, equality and justice and to upholding a common position in the face of external pressure. Unilateral concession cannot earn mutual respect. We resolutely oppose any party reaching a deal of compromise at the expense of the interests of other countries.
“We call on the international community to uphold true multilateralism in accordance with the principle of extensive consultation and joint contribution for shared benefit, jointly oppose all forms of unilateralism and protectionism, safeguard the U.N.-centered international system, defend the WTO-centered multilateral trading system, and make economic globalization more open, inclusive, mutually beneficial and balanced, so as to foster a better trade, investment and financing environment for the Global South.
“We will join hands in cementing the foundation of sovereign equality, maintaining that all countries, regardless of their size or strength, are equal members of the international community, and resolutely upholding international justice and order. We will continue to safeguard each other’s legitimate rights and interests, stand side by side with mutual understanding and support amid chaos and changes, stabilize this uncertain world with the certainty of the China-Africa relationship, establish a benchmark for sincere friendship and equality in the Global South, and advocate an equal and orderly multipolar world.
“We will unite to support and put into practice the vision of openness, cooperation, mutual benefit and win-win outcomes, stay committed to the six-point proposition on the joint endeavor to advance modernization, make solid progress in implementing the ten partnership actions for modernization, and support the implementation of the Second Ten Year Implementation Plan of Agenda 2063 of the African Union. We will build an all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for the new era, set an example of solidarity, cooperation, independence and self-reliance of the Global South, and call for a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization.”
With campaigns for the November 8, 2025, governorship election in Anambra State taking off on Wednesday, the Anambra State Signage and Advertisement Agency has pegged ₦50 million as a permit fee for each political party before being allowed to mount billboards and other outdoor campaigning activities.
The Managing Director of the Agency, Tony Ujubuonu, disclosed this to journalists during a press briefing at its headquarters in Awka, on Wednesday; an action notable rights advocate and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana, described as “the height of illegality.”
Ujubuonu said the briefing became necessary to inform the political parties and their candidates on the out-of-home promotions and visual campaign guidelines for the upcoming governorship election.
He said the statutory permit fee is only payable to the Anambra State Government coffers, adding that the permit fee grants the contestants the right to deploy their campaign materials such as posters, public address systems, street storms, rallies, branded vehicles, fliers, T-shirts, caps, buntings and sundry in locations across the cities, villages and communities of the 21 local government areas of the state.
According to the Independent National Electoral Commission, no fewer than 16 political parties have been cleared for the election, thereby making it a sum total of N800 million that is expected to go into the state coffers.
Ujubuonu said, “In line with the regulatory framework guiding political campaign activities in Anambra State, and following the lifting of the ban on political campaigns by INEC today June 11, 2025, we wish to formally inform all political parties, the press and the general public of the out-of-home promotions and visual campaign guidelines for the 2025 governorship campaign in Anambra State.
“Therefore, this briefing is both timely and essential for orderly and lawful campaign season in our dear state. The campaign fee grants the parties the right to deploy their campaign materials and activities using posters, public address systems, branded vehicles, banners, fliers, bunting, T-shirts, caps, street storms, rallies and sundry in locations across the cities, villages and communities of the 21 local government areas of the state.”
According to him, ANSAA was created by the Anambra State Government and established by law on September 16, 2010, for the purpose of regulating the use of out-of-home advertising structures, controlling outdoor structures to be used for signage and advertisements across the state.
He further noted that the Agency is empowered to issue permits and licenses for the construction and deployment of signage and advertisements, ensure environmental aesthetics and collect the appropriate revenues on behalf of the state government.
“We appeal to all political parties, their supporters, and the general public to consider the other users of the advertising and visual promotion space in the state and refrain from defacing the campaign materials of opponents. Such actions are unacceptable and contrary to the principles of fair democratic engagement.
“No individual, political parties, or support group is permitted to erect billboards or any advertisement structures in any part of Anambra State. Only advertising practitioners registered and licensed by the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) – a Federal Government agency- are authorised to erect and manage such structures within the state, as permitted by ANSAA,” he added.
The Agency’s boss further urged all political parties and candidates to work with ARCON-registered practitioners to avoid sanctions or removal of unapproved materials, just as he said that the campaign is among brothers and a campaign to assist Ndi Anambra fulfill their civil duty and not a do or die affair.
He warned all candidates, their supporters, and the general public to avoid violence, provocation, and any form of unprofessional conduct as it relates to public promotion, advertising and campaigns, calling on media practitioners to support ANSAA in ensuring a peaceful campaign process across the state.
He added that the agency has duly informed all the political parties and their candidates, including the state governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, noting that he would make them public as soon as they begin to comply.
The political parties and candidates are yet to react to the development.
Every year, on the third day after Eid-el-Kabir, the ancient town of Ijebu-Ode in Ogun State, Southwest Nigeria transforms into a vibrant cultural stage for the Ojude Oba festival—a spectacular convergence of tradition, religion, and royalty that celebrates Yoruba identity and communal pride.
What began as a modest homage to a monarch by early Muslim converts in the 19th century has evolved into one of Nigeria’s most vibrant displays of cultural heritage, showcasing the power of tradition to unite, inspire, and renew.
Ojude Oba, “the King’s forecourt” in Yoruba, is not just a festival. It is a symbolic act of homage, a living record of Ijebu history, and a reminder of how Nigeria’s diverse cultures can exist in harmony. In an era when modernity often threatens to erase tradition, Ojude Oba stands tall as a beacon of cultural resilience and pride.
History has it that long before Christianity and Islam, there was the Ode Nla Festival, a practice of paying homage to the monarch, ‘Awujale’ of Ijebu land by dignitaries and subjects with their symbols of worship. This practice morphed into Ojude Oba as we know it today during a time of religious transition.
A Cultural History Rooted in Identity
In the 1800s, as Christianity expanded into Ijebu-Ode, monogamy was a condition for new converts. Balogun Kuku, a wealthy and influential man with more than thirty wives and hundreds of slaves, converted to Islam instead, which had no restrictions, and influenced many Ijebus.
Earlier, Balogun Kuku led the Ode Nla Festival honouring deities and the Awujale. Islam however, discouraged such practices. Rather than abandoning the festival, he initiated a new festival called Ita-Oba festival, later renamed Ojude Oba aligning with his faith that preserved respect for culture. This quickly became a beloved tradition featuring a colourful cultural carnival with elaborate processions, competitions, horse-riding displays, music, fashion, and the full splendour of Ijebu pageantry.
At the heart of Ojude Oba lies a carefully curated cultural architecture and richness epitomised by the parade of age grades known as Regberegbe groups. These social clubs, organised by age and gender, have existed for centuries. Each group dons strikingly coordinated attire and takes turns to salute the Awujale, showcase their community projects and achievements, and demonstrate unity, wealth, and creativity.
Next are the aristocratic Baloguns—descendants of Ijebu warlords—who arrive on horseback in regalia reminiscent of ancient warriors. Their equestrian parades, often choreographed to drums and praise chants, embody the martial history of the Ijebu people and serve as a living bridge between the past and present.
Ojude Oba is also a major fashion statement and a makeshift runway for Yoruba haute couture of aso-oke, damask, lace, embroidery, beadwork, and luxurious gele and fila headwear come together in an explosion of elegance and pride. In recent years, fashion influencer Farooq Oreagba, aka Mr. Steeze, has dominated the festival’s style scene. He describes Ojude Oba as a “leveller” where all members of age groups, regardless of wealth or status, come together in shared celebration.
A Platform for Social and Cultural Cohesion
In Nigeria’s complex mosaic of religion and ethnicity, Ojude Oba offers a powerful counter-narrative of social cohesion, culture, history, identity and civic responsibility welcoming Muslims, Christians, and followers of African traditional religion alike. The presence of dignitaries, traditional rulers, politicians, business leaders, and citizens from across Nigeria underscores the unifying power of culture.
Beyond its symbolic and historical significance, Ojude Oba is a major economic driver for the region. The festival attracts thousands of visitors annually, including members of the Ijebu diaspora, tourists, scholars, and culture enthusiasts. Hotels, restaurants, tailors, event planners, photographers, traders, and transport operators all benefit from the massive influx of people. The town’s economy receives a significant boost and patronage each year.
Corporate sponsorship from telecoms, banking, and consumer goods companies has professionalised festival management, blending tradition with commerce. This partnership highlights how cultural heritage can be ethically monetised, preserving authenticity while enabling growth.
The festival has gained international attention, with media coverage spreading across Africa and the diaspora. For Nigeria, a country still battling to diversify its economy beyond oil, Ojude Oba is a compelling case study in how cultural tourism can be developed into a viable industry. It is also an opportunity to tell positive stories of beauty, resilience, tradition, and pride about the country.
In many societies today, the allure of global pop culture has eroded indigenous traditions. Festivals like Ojude Oba, however, prove that modernisation need not come at the cost of cultural identity. The festival affirms Ijebu, Yoruba, and Nigerian heritage, providing younger generations with a strong sense of belonging and pride.
The festival also serves as an important archival function. The processions, songs, attire, and oral histories recited during the celebrations contribute to the preservation of cultural knowledge that might otherwise be lost. In a world where language and tradition are increasingly endangered, such festivals are a lifeline.
There is growing advocacy for Ojude Oba’s recognition by UNESCO as part of Nigeria’s intangible cultural heritage. Such status would bring global attention and stimulate investments in infrastructure and preservation.
Leadership and Legacy
The current Awujale of Ijebu land, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, has played a monumental role in nurturing the festival, elevating it to national prominence. Since his ascension to the throne in 1960, he has led with vision, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to preserving Ijebu culture.
Under his reign, the festival has transformed from a local Islamic observance to a globally recognised cultural event. His efforts to institutionalise the Regberegbe system, modernise the palace infrastructure, and promote Ijebu unity have had a lasting impact. Ojude Oba, under his guidance, has become both a mirror and a map—a reflection of Ijebu’s past and a guide to its future.
The role of traditional institutions in modern Nigeria has been widely debated, especially in the context of governance, democracy, and development. Ojude Oba offers a powerful rebuttal to those who dismiss traditional leadership as outdated and shows how culture and leadership can intersect to strengthen social capital, drive development, and instil values.
As we move deeper into the 21st century, the relevance of festivals like Ojude Oba becomes even more critical. Nigeria faces immense challenges, economic uncertainty, insecurity, political disillusionment, and social fragmentation. In such times, people often look to tradition for stability, meaning, and hope. Culture becomes a compass, proof that faith and tradition can coexist, that history must be celebrated and not forgotten, and that leadership rooted in service and vision can truly transform communities.
To sustain the festival’s momentum, deliberate efforts must be made to document its history, mentor the next generation of organisers, and develop infrastructure that can support its growing scale. Policymakers must begin to treat cultural festivals as strategic assets worthy of investment, protection, and global promotion.
Ojude Oba is more than a festival, it is a living monument to Ijebu ingenuity, a ceremonial embrace of history, and a vibrant testament to the enduring power of culture. In a country often caught in the throes of division, it offers a teachable moment in unity and identity.
The 2025 Ojude Oba was not just another spectacular array of culture and tradition, beauty and pageantry but also a reflection on the concept of community, resilience, and the limitless potential of culture as a force for good.
In May 2025, Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu, formally ratified and adopted a roadmap for the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) by approving the National Integrated Electricity Policy (NIEP). The content of the policy represents an ambitious and deliberate attempt to prioritize accessible and affordable electricity in the country. This is quite commendable.
One of the low-hanging fruits in achieving this vision would be to “cut the head of the snake” by revisiting the role of private and vested interests in the electricity value chain. Outside the oil sector, the power sector has continued to serve the interest of a few, as a cash cow. The poor suffer the most.
As it stands, parts of Jos, Bauchi, are Gombe are in total darkness under the guise of maintenance by the Jos Electricity Distribution Company. What would be the economic cost of such a decision on businesses and families? Unfortunately, the country’s consumer protection agency or public has been dormant.
As the state and local governments get more resources, they should develop a policy on renewable energy in order to power our rural communities. It’s doable. All it requires is a cut in the cost of governance.
On Wike and his threat to revoke embassy lands in Abuja
Mr. Minister of the FCT, Sir (Nyesome Wike), be informed that the media trial of embassies in Nigeria, as per threat of revoking their land titles over ground rent, is utter disrespect for international conventions and an act of illegality under international law.
Article 22 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which concerns the inviolability of the premises of a diplomatic mission, states that the premises of embassies cannot be entered by representatives of the host country without the consent of the head of the mission.
The host country is also obligated to protect the premises from intrusion or damage, and it cannot search, seize, or attach the premises, furnishings, property, or means of transport.
In simple terms, an embassy, no matter how big or small a country is, is an extension of its mother country in terms of sovereignty.
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