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Is Professor Chidi Odinkalu truly degrading the legal profession? —Akaraiwe, SAN

  • As SERAP asks President Tinubu to call Wike to order over recommendation that the legal practitioners’ disciplinary committee punish Odinkalu for degrading the profession
  • Says Wike’s call is an affront to independence of the administration of justice and rule of law

Senior Advocate of Nigeria and 1st Vice-President, NBA (2008-2010); and Chair, NBA Human Rights Institute (2008-2010), Ikeazor Ajovi Akaraiwe, SAN has condemned the recommendation that Professor Chidi Odinkalu be recommended to the legal practitioners’ disciplinary committee for degrading the profession.

Akaraiwe, in a statement sent to Law & Sciety Magazine, said:

“I read the statement attributed to Minister Nyesom Wike calling for Professor Chidi Odinkalu to be hauled before the legal practitioners’ disciplinary committee for degrading the profession.

“In a desert of cowardice, Professor Chidi Odinkalu represents an oasis of truth and courage, and if it seems that he goes overboard sometimes, can anyone deny that we are dealing with now-systemic rot, requiring radical excision?

“Those who have degraded this legal profession are those megalomaniacs, and visibly amoral persons whose corruption, bad manners, public uncouthness, and drunkenness are on display to a perplexed public who once thought that the legal profession was the personification of everything noble. Not Professor Chidi Odinkalu.

“Those who have degraded the legal profession are those who, whenever they open their mouths manage to convey the impression that they are educated illiterates, glaring advertisements of the failure of education in Nigeria, yet occupy political spaces better occupied by the more properly educated, and who act most unlawyerly in the public spaces they occupy. Not Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu.

“We call ourselves ‘learned friends’; glibly pontificating that ‘others are educated while we are learned’, whereas the paradox of the unlearned learned and the ignoble noble in the public space who call themselves fancy titles, from Barrister to Honourable stares the nation in the face. These are the ones degrading the legal profession. Not Professor Chidi Odinkalu.

“Finally, ‘Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy princes eat in the morning! Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength, and not for drunkenness!”’- Ecclesiastes 10/16-17.

“If anyone has degraded the legal profession, please, it is certainly not Chidi. Look yourself in the mirror and see who to haul before the disciplinary committee.”

    Similarly, the Socio-Economic Rights And Accountability Project (SERAP) has urged the FCT Minister to withdraw his call asking the Body of Bencher to recommend Odinkalu for punishment.

    SERAP, in a statement posted on its X (formerly Twitter) page, said:

    “Mr Nyesom Wike, Minister of the FCT must immediately withdraw his apparently politically motivated reported call to Nigeria’s Body of Benchers to ‘invite and discipline’ human rights lawyer Chidi Odinkalu solely for the peaceful exercise of his human rights. We urge President Tinubu to call Mr Wike to order and instruct him to end the intimidation and harassment of Mr Odinkalu simply for exercising his human rights.

    “Mr Wike’s call is an affront to the independence of the administration of justice and the rule of law. The call is illustrative of a broader pattern of harassment and intimidation of human rights defenders, activists, journalists and bloggers in the country. The Tinubu administration should ensure that all lawyers in Nigeria are able to exercise their human rights and carry out their professional duties without fear of reprisal, hindrance, intimidation or harassment.

    “The UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers imposes clear obligations on the Nigerian authorities to ensure that lawyers are able to carry out their professional functions safely and free from intimidation, improper interference, or fear of reprisals, and that they shall not suffer, or be threatened with, sanctions for actions taken in accordance with professional duties, standards, or ethics. Lawyers, like other individuals, enjoy the rights to freedom of expression, belief, association, and assembly under the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and international human rights law, and are entitled to exercise these rights without suffering professional restrictions by reason of their lawful action.”

    Will the Real Professional Association of Lawyers, Please Stand Up? For once Wike is right-NBA is now governmentalised, time for the Nigerian Law Society (NLS) as a viable alternative

    By Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja.

    Nyesom Ezenwo Wike (NEW) is not only a lawyer, he is a Life Bencher of the Body of Benchers (BoB) of Nigeria which is the highest regulatory organ of the legal profession in Nigeria.

    On Friday 28th March 2025 he was honoured by the Chairman of the Body of Benchers (BoB) as a worthy ambassador of the Body of Benchers. A plaque was given to him to celebrate the occasion.

    During that occasion, NEW made some statements about the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

    In a nutshell, NEW stated the truth that the NBA over the years has become over-reliant upon funding and financial sponsorship from the State Governments for hosting of the NBA annual general conference. He stated that this is the reason why the NBA has condemned the suspension of the Rivers State Governor Fubara who previously promised to sponsor the proposed NBA annual general conference that was slated to hold in Port Harcourt in August 2025.

    NEW went further to state that in accordance with the proverb, that he who pays the Piper dictates the tune, the NBA has become hypocritical and lost both its moral and ethical authority to speak on matters of national importance because it is compromised by its habit of receipt of financial sponsorship from Any Government in power (AGIP)!!!

    Although, NEW can be faulted on his brand of politics devoid of emotions, morality and ethics, his statements about the NBA on this occasion were spot-on.

    Unwittingly, his statements about the NBA, is a confirmation that it is now time for Nigerian lawyers to turn attention to the Nigerian Law Society (NLS).

    In contrast to the NBA, since its establishment the Nigerian Law Society (NLS) in the year 2022, all its annual general conferences have been held without any form of financial sponsorship from any government (either the federal and State)!!!

    This is an opportunity for Nigerian lawyers to experience the difference by attending the 2025 annual general conference of Nigerian Law Society (NLS) which is due to hold at Ibadan, Oyo State in July 2025.

    Interested lawyers should contact the Chairman of the Conference Organising Committee, Abdulqadir Sani, Esq. He is also the Vice-President, North of the NLS. His WhatsApp number is +234 809 781 7756

    Drama in Force H/Qtrs as police detain woman over indebtedness to husband

    A legal practitioner and human rights activist, Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, has accused the Nigeria Police of operating outside its jurisdiction by recovering debt from a woman on the instigation of her husband.

    The incident which took place at the Police Force Headquarters in Abuja on Sunday (Mothers Day) elicited a serious drama, wild condemnation and is already causing ripples among the police hierarchy.

    “The unequivocal answer is NO. Statutory laws and numerous judicial precedents have consistently affirmed that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) is not authorized to act as a debt recovery agency”, he said.

    Ejiofor, lawyer to the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) was reacting to the devastating account of police brutality – How monitoring unit personnel of the Nigeria Police Force Headquarters, arrested, brutalized, tortured, and detained Mrs. Joy Smart Chinenye based on a petition filed by her husband, George Obinna Smart Unaegbu, over alleged debt:

    According to him, Section 4 of the Nigeria Police Act clearly outlines the duties of the NPF, making no provision for debt recovery.

    He said, “Furthermore, superior courts have repeatedly ruled that the police cannot be used as a tool for private financial disputes. Some notable cases reinforcing this position include:
    Kure V Commissioner of Police (2020) LPELR-49378(SC). Madaki & ANOR V GTB & ANOR (2022) LPELR-57419(CA).

    “On a day globally recognized as Mothering Sunday, a mother of three found herself unjustly detained instead of celebrating motherhood. Acting on a petition from her legally married husband, personnel from the Monitoring Unit of the Nigeria Police Force Headquarters Abuja, on March 28, 2025, arrested, brutalized, tortured, and detained her over an alleged unpaid debt.

    “Her husband had allegedly given her funds for forex trading, which she was unable to repay. Rather than seek civil redress – assuming he had a valid cause of action against his wife – he enlisted the police. Officers stormed their Lagos home, forcibly arrested her in the presence of their children, and detained her at FCID Annex, Panti.

    “There, she was coerced into transferring ₦5 million to her husband’s account. When she could not commit to paying an additional ₦10 million, she was forcibly transported to Abuja and held at the notorious Abattoir detention facility, a known holding ground for hardened criminals.

    “Shockingly, in her absence, her husband relocated their children and took possession of her personal belongings.”

    The activist told journalists that it is a direct violation of Police Directives.

    He said the Nigeria Police Service Commission (NPSC) under the distinguished Chairman, DIG Hashimu Argungu (RTD) and the Inspector General of Police (IGP) have issued clear directives prohibiting officers from engaging in complaints on land disputes, arrests by proxy, debt recovery, among others.

    Ejiofor said, “Despite this, officers involved in this case blatantly disregarded these directives, prioritizing obvious private financial interests over their constitutional mandate.”

    He called on the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to order the immediate and unconditional release of Mrs. Joy Smart Chinenye; initiate a thorough investigation into this gross abuse of power; and sanction all officers involved to deter future misconduct.

    He said, “While legal action is being considered, it is imperative to bring this case to public attention to prevent further desecration of the rule of law. The Nigeria Police must not be unscrupulously used as a tool for settling private disputes – especially on a day meant to honour mothers.

    “This is particularly egregious given that the highest echelon of the Police Authority has sternly warned and prohibited its personnel from indulging in such ignoble acts that tarnish the institution’s reputation.”

    Nigerian lawyer accuses Kenya of complicity in FG’s ‘abduction’ of Nnamdi Kanu

    An Abuja-based lawyer, Christopher Chidera, has accused the Kenyan government of complicity in the Federal Government of Nigeria’s abduction and rendition of Biafra agitator Nnamdi Kanu in 2021.

    Chidera, in a statement he made available to newsmen in Abuja on Monday, alleged that the Kenyan government failed in its duty to protect Kanu in the unlawful abduction and torture of the leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra IPOB.

    He further alleged that Kenya acted in disregard for her Constitution, the Extradition Act and international treaty obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Mutual Assistance Within the Commonwealth Act, and the London Scheme on Extradition within the Commonwealth.

    The lawyer, in a statement titled How the Government of Kenya Failed In Their Duty to Protect Nnamdi Kanu, said the incident not only jeopardized Kanu’s rights but also damaged Kenya’s reputation as a rule-of-law state within the Commonwealth and global community.

    Parts of the statement read, “The case of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), highlights significant concerns regarding the Kenyan government’s alleged involvement in his abduction, torture, and illegal rendition to Nigeria in June 2021.

    “An outline of the role played by the Kenyan government showed its apparent disregard for the Constitution of Kenya, the Kenyan Extradition Act, and international treaty obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Mutual Assistance Within the Commonwealth Act, and the London Scheme on Extradition within the Commonwealth.

    “Nnamdi Kanu, a dual citizen of both United Kingdom (UK) and Nigeria who entered Kenya on a UK passport, was abducted on June 19, 2021, at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi while picking up a friend.

    “He was seized by armed individuals, believed to be Kenyan and Nigerian security officials, without an enforceable warrant or judicial order.

    “The Constitution of Kenya (2010), under Article 29, guarantees freedom and security of the person, prohibiting arbitrary detention, torture, or inhuman treatment. Kanu’s abduction without legal justification or presentation before a court contravenes these protections.

    “The Kenyan Extradition (Commonwealth Countries) Act of 1968 mandates that extradition requests be formally processed, with the individual given an opportunity to contest the transfer in court. No such process was followed, as Kenya has denied initiating extradition proceedings, suggesting an extrajudicial operation.

    “Kanu was detained for eight days in a secret location within the perimeter of the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, because he could hear the take-off and landing noise of aircrafts.

    “He was chained to the floor, beaten, and subjected to degrading treatment, including being denied access to sanitation facilities, denial of access to his medications and tortured to the point of unconsciousness.

    “Article 25 of the Kenyan Constitution explicitly prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, rights that are non-derogable. If Kenyan officials participated in or acquiesced to such acts, this constitutes a direct violation.

    “Kenya, as a signatory to the ICCPR, is bound by Article 7, which prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The actions also breach Article 9, which protects against arbitrary arrest and detention, as no legal basis for Kanu’s detention was established.

    “On June 27, 2021, Kanu was forcibly handed over to Nigerian officials at the airport and flown to Abuja on a private jet, bypassing Kenyan immigration protocols and legal extradition processes.

    “This act on its own is illegal under Kenyan municipal laws.Section 6(3) of the Kenyan Extradition Act requires that extradition comply with due process, including judicial oversight and adherence to the “Doctrine of Specialty” (limiting prosecution to offenses specified in the extradition request). No extradition request from Nigeria was processed, and Kanu’s transfer lacked judicial sanction, rendering it illegal.

    “The London Scheme for Extradition within the Commonwealth, which governs extradition between Commonwealth states like United Kingdom, Kenya and Nigeria, mandates formal requests, judicial hearings, and respect for the political offense exception (Article 12). Kanu’s advocacy for Biafran secession could qualify as a political offense, potentially barring extradition. Kenya’s failure to adhere to this framework suggests a deliberate circumvention.

    “This act facilitates legal cooperation amongst Commonwealth countries (UK, Kenya and Nigeria) and does not authorize extrajudicial transfers. Kenya’s actions appear to contravene its obligations to ensure mutual assistance aligns with domestic and international law.

    “The Kenyan government, through its High Commissioner to Nigeria and other officials, has denied any role in Kanu’s arrest and rendition, claiming no records exist of his detention or extradition. This contradicts Kanu’s detailed account and evidence of his presence in Kenya (e.g., passport stamps).
    Constitutional Duty: Article 238(2) of the Kenyan Constitution subjects national security actions to the rule of law and human rights.

    “The government’s apparent acquiescence to or participation in an illegal rendition undermines this principle.

    “Beyond Articles 7 and 9, Kenya’s actions may violate Article 13, which protects against arbitrary expulsion of aliens lawfully present in a state. Kanu entered Kenya legally on a British passport, yet was expelled without due process.

    “Kenya is a party to the 1984 Convention Against Torture, which prohibits transferring individuals to states where they face a real risk of torture. Kanu’s prior treatment in Nigerian detention (2015-2017) and subsequent reports of mistreatment post-rendition suggest Kenya ignored this obligation.

    “The Mutual Assistance Within the Commonwealth Act and London Scheme emphasize cooperation within the bounds of legality and human rights. Kenya’s apparent collaboration with Nigeria to bypass these frameworks undermines its Commonwealth commitments.

    “The Kenyan government’s role in Nnamdi Kanu’s abduction, torture, and illegal rendition to Nigeria reflects a troubling disregard for its own Constitution, the Kenyan Extradition Act, and treaty obligations under the ICCPR, Mutual Assistance Within the Commonwealth Act, and the London Scheme.

    “Whether through direct involvement or acquiescence by rogue agents, Kenya’s actions—or inaction—enabled a breach of domestic and international law. The lack of formal extradition proceedings, coupled with official denials despite credible allegations, points to a deliberate effort to evade accountability, potentially for political or diplomatic gain.

    “This incident not only jeopardized Kanu’s rights but also damaged Kenya’s reputation as a rule-of-law state within the Commonwealth and global community.”

    How Musk, other billionaires are funding Wisconsin’s Supreme Court race

    Wisconsin’s state supreme court election on April 1 is officially the most expensive in U.S. history, with spending that has reached $76 million — with some predictions that the ultimate tally will top $100 million, almost twice the record spending in the state’s 2023 race. The biggest right-wing groups running an attack ad blitz against liberal candidate Susan Crawford are funded by a few very regressive out-of-state billionaires using their cash like a giant megaphone.

    Elon Musk and Dick Uihlein are the biggest known backers of Republican Brad Schimel’s efforts to win the swing vote seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court. The uber-controversial Musk has spent over $19 million so far, backing Schimel. Uihlein is bankrolling multiple groups, including some, like the “Women Speak Out” PAC, that are joining an echo chamber of state anti-abortion groups that are all-in on Schimel. Joining the chorus for Schimel are the MAGA get-out-the vote operation Turning Point Action, fossil fuel billionaire Charles Koch’s Americans for Prosperity, the Republican State Leadership Committee (which is heavily funded by groups tied to Federalist Society co-chair and right-wing money man Leonard Leo), the far-right House Freedom Action (tied to the House Freedom Caucus), and the state trade group called Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce.

    The stakes are high: the outcome will decide the fate of abortion access, fair maps, labor rights and more in that swing state. Big money knows that the composition of the court, which for now has a 4-3 progressive majority, hangs in the balance.

    This Wisconsin race stands out for the sheer amount of money being spent, but far-right billionaires and the networks they fund have been spending big across the country in recent elections to install their preferred candidates on state courts — a key lever of power and, in some states, a last bastion of protections for democracy.

    Why State Courts? Why Now?

    State courts are a key line of defense protecting what a majority of Americans want: better-funded public schoolsworker protectionsaccess to abortion care and more. Leo and Koch, in particular, worked for years to capture the U.S. Supreme Court and lower courts to impose unpopular policies by undemocratic means. Some lesser-known GOP billionaires — such as Dick Uihlein and Jeffrey Yass –– have also entered the state court capture effort in recent years.

    Culled from truthout.org

    In your bookstores soon! “The Selectorate”, By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

    Elections should be decided by the people, but in Nigeria, judges have increasingly assumed the role of kingmakers. The Selectorate traces how judicial interventions have shifted political legitimacy from the electorate to a small clique of legal insiders.

    The-Selectorate-Cover-and-back

    As courtrooms replace polling booths, the right to vote is hollowed out, leaving democracy vulnerable to manipulation. Author Chidi Odinkalu warns that without urgent reform, Africa’s fragile democracies risk becoming judicial oligarchies where power is allocated behind closed doors rather than won through the will of the people.

    37 CSOs petition Senate against Imo police unit over human rights violations

    • Ex-detainees share shocking tales of torture, killings at the infamous Imo Tiger Base Police Unit

    About 37 civil society organizations have alerted the Senate President over the alleged human rights violations being carried out by the anti-kidnapping unit, “Tiger Base”, in Imo State, calling on the Senate to investigate the unit.

    The groups, in a petition sent through the Chairman, Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions, called for the Senate’s urgent Investigation into the human rights violations by the Tiger Base urgently.

    The groups are: 1. RULAAC, Lagos2. Spaces for Change (S4C), Lagos3. Elixir Trust: Elixir Trust Foundation, Benue State4. Foundation for Environmental Rights Advocacy and Development (FENRAD) Aba, Abia State5. World Impact Development Foundation, (WIDEF)6. Centre for Community Empowerment and Poverty Eradication (CCEPE), llorin – Kwara7. Imam Mahdi Foundation for Global Peace8. Islamic Initiative for Human Rights Protection9. Open Arms Initiative for Sustainable Development, Imo10. Center for Peace Education and Community Development Foundation, Taraba11. Centre for Community Empowerment in Conflict and Peacebuilding, Kaduna12. Habitatcare and Protection Initiative, Imo13. Human Rights Journalists Network, Nigeria14. OGECHI & SAM IKEH FOUNDATION (OSAIF) 15. Restorative Justice for Africa Initiative (REJA)- Abeokuta, Ogun State16. Virgin Heart Foundation, Imo17. Initiative for Public Safety Security and Educational Development in Nigeria (IPSSED Network) Enugu State18. Centre  for Human Rights Advocacy and Wholesome Society (CEHRAWS), Aba, Abia State19. Vivacious Development Initiative (VIDI), Abia20. Initiative for Research,  Innovation, and Advocacy in Development, IRIAD21. Open Society on Justice Reform Project, Lagos22. Solidarity for the paradigm shift initiative, Enugu23. Legal Resources Consortium, Lagos24. Criminal Justice Network of Nigeria, Lagos25. Justice for Peace and Development Initiative, Lagos26. Centre  for Global Tolerance and Human Rights, Lagos27. Center for Peace Education and Community Development, Taraba state.28. TruORGANIC Initiative for Social & Communities Development, Kwara State29. Partnership for Social and Environmental Development Initiative – Cross River State30. Citizens Centre for Integrated Development and Social Rights (CCIDESOR),  Imo31. Sisters With A Goal Initiative, SWAG, Imo State.32. ÓNÚRÚBÉ coalition Against Gender based Violence, Southeast States.33. Human Rights Social Development and Environmental Foundation (HURSDEF) Rivers State34. Nde Oduko Foundation, Abuja35. Centre for Citizens with Disabilities36. Building Blocks for Peace Foundation, Abuja37. Institutional and sustainable development foundation FCT.

    They noted that the petition became necessary in view of the growing complaints by the public and Investigative stories carried out by some journalists, particularly, crime journalist, Juliana Francis, with support by Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC).

    The statement pointed out that some victims of the Tiger Base were interviewed and gave details on the range of abuses at the unit, which include alleged rape, extortion, torture and even deaths.

    The petition reads:

    Dear Distinguished Senate President,

    Urgent Call for the Senate’s Investigation into the Human Rights Violations by the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command

    We, the undersigned, hereby submit this petition to urgently bring to your attention the alarming activities of the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command, located at Tiger Base. The operations of this unit have been reported to be far worse than those of the now-disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), with numerous documented instances of egregious human rights violations.

    Over the past one week, a serialized investigative journalism report (herewith attached), supported by testimonies from victims and survivors, has highlighted the atrocities committed and must be thoroughly reviewed. The report reveals shocking accounts by victims, survivors, relatives of victims and survivors, activists and human rights defenders and witnesses of egregious human rights atrocities, corruption and flagrant abuse of power sustained by impunity and the failure by police and police oversight authorities to investigate allegations and ensure accountability and justice. The report was also based on responses by the police, correctional services, the federal medical centre, Owerri, the police service commission, and the National Human Rights Commission, among other respondents.

    ‘Tiger Base’, as the notorious police unit has come to be generally known, was set up to tackle incidents of violent crimes, including kidnapping, armed robbery, cult violence, etc. But the activities of the unit bear no resemblance to the requirements of the law or professional policing standards. Instead, the unit’s activities and methods evoke the sad memories of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) which was notable for unchecked acts of violence and brutality, eventually igniting the spontaneous nationwide citizens revolt in October 2020 against police brutality. That youth-led massive #EndsSARS protest was sustained for days amidst calls for the disbandment of the rogue SARS unit, among other demands.

    It was hoped that the #EndSARS rebellion would have left some hard lessons for the police and Nigerian authorities making them see reasons to end police brutality by ensuring accountability for abuse, guaranteeing justice for victims and enacting far reaching reforms that would root out the impunity that allowed widespread police violence, brutality and corruption.

    Alas, the activities of the Tiger Base, Owerri Imo State and similar police tactical units in other States – Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi and Abia – show clearly that no lessons were learnt and that another uprising more cataclysmic could happen anytime soon unless police brutality is checked. ‘Several petitions and reports about the atrocities going on at Tiger Base have been ignored and the atrocities continue unchecked and unabated.’

    The failure of the authorities to investigate cases with a view to ensuring that perpetrators are brought to account and victims gain access to justice sustains the atmosphere of impunity that allows rampant egregious police abuse. To illustrate, the silence by the police authorities over the findings from the police investigation ordered by the Inspector-General of Police into allegations of arbitrary arrest, unlawful detention, torture, extrajudicial killings and organ harvesting brought against some police operatives attached to the Anambra State Rapid Response Squad (former SARS Awkuzu) by a whistle blower bears testimony to the disposition of police authorities to cover up the atrocities of their personnel rather than ensuring transparent investigations and taking appropriate actions to demonstrate that the police hierarchy is not complicit and does not condone or cover up atrocities. Lack of transparency in addressing complaints of human rights violations destroys public trust in law enforcement.

    The incidents reported in the attached report indicate a fundamental failure of the police to uphold the law, protect citizens, or adhere to ethical standards. The culture of impunity that allows these excesses to persist is detrimental to public trust in law enforcement and justice in Nigeria.

    It is against this background that we, the undersigned, jointly submit this petition to draw urgent attention to the alarming allegations of human rights abuses and corruption involving the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command at Tiger Base, Owerri. The troubling accounts from victims—including unlawful detention, torture, coercion, and extortion—reflect a disturbing pattern of misconduct that must be addressed swiftly and decisively.

    The grave concerns regarding the Anti-Kidnapping Unit include but are not limited to:

    1. Arbitrary Arrests and Unlawful Detention

    Members of the unit are known to carry out arrests without due process, detaining individuals incommunicado and in inhumane conditions.

    1. Trumped-Up Charges and Extortion

    Suspects are often presented with fabricated allegations, of which they are coerced into complying with extortion demands.

    1. Torture and Extrajudicial Killings

    There are disturbing reports of torture inflicted upon those in custody, as well as credible allegations of extrajudicial killings and disappearances of individuals detained by this unit.

    1. Rape, gender-based and other forms of sexual abuse

    Some female detainees report being subjected to sexual abuse and being tuned to cleaners and laundry workers

    1. Political Persecution

    The unit has been utilized as a tool for political vendetta, targeting dissenters and opposition figures while operating with a blatant disregard for the law.

    1. Impunity and Lack of Accountability

    Numerous complaints levied against this notorious unit have been ignored by police authorities. This unit seemingly answers more to the Governor of Imo State than to the Commissioner of Police, further entrenching a culture of impunity.

    It is clear that the Anti-Kidnapping Unit operates above the law, largely unchecked and emboldened to engage in oppressive practices that infringe upon the rights of the citizens of Imo State

    We urge the Senate to take immediate and decisive action by conducting a thorough, impartial, and exhaustive investigation into the activities of the Anti-Kidnapping Unit.

    The time for accountability is now. The integrity of the Nigerian policing system and the trust of the citizens hinge on your commitment to uphold human rights and the rule of law. We appeal for your prompt attention to this pressing matter to restore justice and safeguard the rights of all Nigerians.

    Former Detainees share their stories

    A cloud of fear hangs over the people of Imo State, particularly those who have encountered the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command, widely known as Tiger Base Police.

    Survivors of the unit’s detention recount horrifying experiences, describing their ordeal as akin to “walking through the valley of the shadow of death.”

    Many former detainees refuse to speak, fearing rearrest or retaliation. However, those who have come forward reveal disturbing details of alleged torture, extortion, and extrajudicial killings, according to a report done by Juliana Francis and facilitated by the Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC).

    Disturbing Accounts

    Chinonso, one of the few brave survivors, shared her harrowing experience: “I was detained for three months. My brother repeatedly tried to bail me out, but the police told him that they wouldn’t release me until I confessed. I didn’t know what they wanted me to confess to.”

    She continued: “I was locked up in a room without ventilation. The heat was too much, and most of us in detention had rashes all over our bodies. There were women I met in the cell, and even though I spent three months there, I still left them behind.”

    Chinonso was arrested in 2024 after her phone was stolen while charging.

    “They said my stolen phone and SIM had to do with a murder case,” she recalled.

    “I was not allowed to write a statement for three months. My mother, a widow, wrote a petition to a human rights organisation, and that was when my case turned around.”

    Another victim, Reverend Onyekwere Elemuwa, lost his 34-year-old nephew, Ekene Francis Elemuwa, in Tiger Base custody.

    “Ekene was hale and healthy when he was arrested, but he was later brought out in a body bag,” Onyekwere said.

    He detailed the events: “On the 28th of August 2023, at about 8:00 pm, Ekene went out with his friend, Ikemba. They were taken to Tiger Base.

    “The following day, Ekene asked to contact his family, but the police refused. On September 4, he died. His cellmates insisted that it was his corpse that the police carried out.”

    Onyekwere further lamented: “The police seized his phone and did not allow him to contact his family. They did not arraign him in court. We still do not know his offence or why he was arrested and detained.”

    Ekene’s family only learned of his death through a former detainee who had been released. When they approached the police, they were initially denied information.

    “Inspector Moses, Ekene’s IPO, refused to answer questions about his case file or offence. Even now, we do not know where his corpse is,” Onyekwere stated.

    Despite petitions to the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, the family still has no clear answers.

    “The police said he became sick in detention, was taken to the hospital, and then died,” Onyekwere recounted.

    “But when I asked if he died inside the police cell, the police vehicle, or the hospital, they did not answer.”

    Investigations reveal that Tiger Base Police continue to operate with impunity, violating both national and international human rights laws.

    Survivors recount stories of starvation, forced confessions, and threats to keep silent. Many remain too afraid to share their stories, fearing that speaking out will cost them their lives.

    Opara was bewildered when he found himself at Tiger Base Police Station over a mere landlord-tenant dispute.

    He said, “I never imagined that a civil matter like this would land me in a notorious police unit known for handling violent crimes.

    “My lawyer was already handling the case in court, so why was I being arrested?”

    Upon arrival at Tiger Base, Opara was immediately thrown into a filthy cell without being informed of any charges. He spent three nights in detention, during which he witnessed horrific acts of brutality.

    “People with gunshot wounds were writhing in pain. Some detainees whispered to me that they had been in custody for months without any court hearing. Others recounted tales of torture and forced confessions,” he narrated.

    ‘Police Extortion’

    Opara recalled how officers repeatedly pressured him to pay a hefty sum for his release.

    “At first, they asked for N500,000, but when I told them I didn’t have such an amount of money, they reduced it to N300,000.

    “Eventually, after several negotiations, my family managed to secure my release with N200,000,” he said.

    According to Opara, the way police officers at Tiger Base operate is a direct violation of human rights.

    “I saw innocent people suffering for crimes they did not commit,” he lamented.

    “Some were arrested simply because they couldn’t afford bail, and they remained there indefinitely. If a person is declared wanted, rather than investigate the matter, they go after his relatives. It’s a lawless place,” he lamented.

    According to the report, further investigations revealed that several individuals arrested at Tiger Base had simply vanished without a trace. Families of some detainees have spent months searching for their loved ones, only to be met with silence from the authorities.

    A relative of one such detainee, Mr. Chukwudi, narrated his ordeal.

    “My younger brother was picked up on his way back from work. For weeks, we searched every police station in Owerri until someone whispered to us that he was taken to Tiger Base.

    “When we got there, the officers denied having him in their custody. To this day, we don’t know if he is alive or dead,” he said, tears streaming down his face.

    A human rights lawyer, Barrister Nduka, explained that Tiger Base operates like a rogue unit.

    “It is an illegal detention facility where people are held incommunicado. Many detainees are tortured until they confess to crimes they never committed. Some do not make it out alive,” he asserted.

    The horrifying accounts from former detainees, families, and activists have sparked renewed calls for urgent reforms in the Nigeria Police Force. Human rights groups, including Amnesty International and the National Human Rights Commission, have condemned the extrajudicial killings, torture, and extortion rampant at Tiger Base.

    Barrister Nduka emphasised the need for immediate action.

    “The Nigerian government must dismantle Tiger Base and prosecute officers involved in human rights violations. A legal system should uphold justice, not oppress innocent citizens,” he stated.

    As the pressure mounts, the big question remains: will the Nigerian authorities take decisive action to shut down Tiger Base and hold those responsible accountable? For now, victims like Opara and countless others continue to live with the trauma inflicted upon them by the very institution meant to protect them.

    The legal implications of these actions by Tiger Base Police Personnel are profound. Human rights advocates argue that the continued detention and alleged torture of individuals at the Tiger Base facility violate multiple provisions of Nigerian and international law.

    Legal experts have pointed out that arbitrary arrests, detentions without trial, and excessive use of force are all breaches of Nigeria’s constitutional provisions. Section 34(1) of the Nigerian Constitution states that “every individual is entitled to respect for the dignity of his person,” which includes the right not to be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment. Furthermore, Section 35(1) guarantees the right to personal liberty, making unlawful detentions a clear violation.

    Despite these legal safeguards, multiple testimonies from victims indicate that Tiger Base Police Personnel operate with impunity, using their position to detain and abuse individuals without accountability. Civil society groups have repeatedly called for the disbandment of this unit, citing its numerous human rights abuses and unlawful detention practices.

    Meanwhile, RULAAC has documented numerous cases of alleged extortion, illegal detentions, and torture attributed to Tiger Base Police.

    RULAAC’s Executive Director, Okechukwu Nwanguma, stated: “There is a culture of impunity that allows these atrocities to persist. The Nigerian police have an obligation to uphold the law, not violate it. The government must act swiftly to investigate these allegations and hold those responsible accountable.”

    In light of these revelations, several legal practitioners and human rights organisations have called for an independent investigation into the activities of Tiger Base Police Personnel. They argue that a transparent probe is necessary to determine the extent of human rights violations and to ensure justice for the victims.

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has also weighed in on the matter, emphasising the need for police reforms. The NBA’s Human Rights Committee has demanded that all detainees held at Tiger Base without charge be immediately released or presented before a competent court.

    International bodies such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also expressed concerns over the reports emerging from Tiger Base. They have urged the Nigerian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, including the prohibition of torture and unlawful detentions.

    As public outcry grows, stakeholders are urging the federal government to take decisive action. The call for accountability extends beyond Tiger Base to the entire policing system in Nigeria, which has faced longstanding accusations of corruption and abuse of power.

    For victims like Mr. Promise and Mrs. Excel Ihekweme, justice remains elusive. However, with sustained advocacy and legal pressure, there is hope that reforms can be enacted to prevent further abuses and ensure that law enforcement agencies operate within the bounds of the law.

    Victims and human rights organisations have accused the unit of unlawful detentions, extrajudicial killings, and torture, raising serious concerns over law enforcement practices in the region.

    Families of victims have recounted harrowing experiences, with many claiming their loved ones were arrested without charge and never seen again. “We have been searching for my brother for over a year now,” one relative stated. “The police have refused to give us any information on his whereabouts.”

    Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have demanded urgent government intervention, insisting that the Tiger Base unit operates with impunity.

    “There must be accountability for these violations,” an Amnesty spokesperson said. “The Nigerian authorities must ensure justice for victims and their families.”

    Eyewitnesses have also shared accounts of severe torture methods allegedly used within the detention facility. One former detainee, who was released after months in custody, described being subjected to beatings and electric shocks. “They wanted me to confess to a crime I didn’t commit,” he recalled.

    Legal practitioners in Rivers State have joined the outcry, calling for a thorough review of the unit’s operations. Barrister Chinedu Okeke, a human rights lawyer, argued that the lack of oversight has led to gross misconduct. “This unit has become a law unto itself. There must be reforms to prevent further abuses,” he said.

    The Rivers State Police Command has denied the allegations, insisting that its officers operate within the bounds of the law.

    “We take human rights seriously and will investigate any credible claims of misconduct,” a spokesperson stated. However, activists remain sceptical, pointing out that past allegations against the unit have not led to meaningful action.

    Local activists have begun staging protests to demand justice for victims. On Monday, demonstrators gathered outside government offices, holding placards that read “End Police Brutality” and “Justice for the Missing.”

    Amid growing pressure, lawmakers in the state assembly have called for a legislative probe into the Tiger Base operations. “The safety of our citizens is paramount. We cannot ignore these troubling reports,” one legislator stated.

    With public anger rising, many Nigerians are calling on the federal government to step in. “If the state authorities fail to act, we will take our case to international bodies,” a victim’s family member warned.

    The outcome of these calls for investigation remains uncertain, but the demands for justice continue to grow louder.

    The Former Detainees Expose was culled from SaharaReporters

    FIDA Abuja seeks Justice Ministry’s collaboration to train judicial officers, other stakeholders on gender-sensitive approaches to justice delivery

    The International Federation of Women Lawyers, FIDA Nigeria, Abuja branch, has asked the Federal Ministry of Justice to partner with it to train judicial officers, law enforcement agencies, and other stakeholders on gender-sensitive approaches to justice delivery.

    The request was made during a recent courtesy call on the Solicitor-General of the Federation and Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Justice, Beatrice Jedy-Agba, by FIDA Abuja members led by its Chairperson, Chioma Onyenucheya-Uko.

    Before tabling several requests, Onyenucheya-Uko, in the course of the visit, shared FIDA Abuja’s ongoing initiatives aimed at advancing justice, including the establishment of student chapters, training of community paralegals, and the production of legal materials for the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV).

    The FIDA Abuja Chairperson stressed the importance of continued collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Justice, noting the key role it plays in expanding access to justice across Nigeria.

    She equally expressed gratitude for the Ministry’s support, including the provision of office space for FIDA Abuja and a venue for the branch’s monthly meetings.

    The group which sought the issuance of a fiat enabling FIDA to prosecute gender-based violence (GBV) cases to expedite justice delivery also called for stronger collaboration with the Department of Public Prosecution and the Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) Unit to improve access to justice for victims and survivors.

    The delegation requested approval for the continued use of the Ministry’s auditorium for FIDA’s monthly meetings and training sessions, as well as an additional office or conference room for the branch.

    They further urged the Ministry to encourage more female State Counsel to register as FIDA members, with a special appeal to the Solicitor-General to renew her membership as a motivation for others.

    Again, the delegation sought to enhance collaborative initiatives and training between FIDA and the Ministry to strengthen the branch’s capacity.

    They proposed joint initiatives to train judicial officers, law enforcement agencies, and stakeholders on gender-sensitive approaches to justice delivery.

    In response, Jedy-Agba commended FIDA for its continuous efforts in advocating for the rights of women, children, and vulnerable groups. She reaffirmed that gender-related issues remain central to the mandate of the Attorney General of the Federation and acknowledged FIDA’s significant contributions. She clarified that fiats are granted to individuals rather than organizations and advised FIDA to apply to the Honourable Attorney General of the Federation for consideration on a case-by-case basis.

    Regarding the use of the Ministry’s auditorium, she assured the delegation that applications from FIDA would be approved monthly, subject to availability.

    She also pledged to consider the request for additional office space, approving the shared use of the conference room upon request to the Director of General Administration.

    The Solicitor General went on to encourage all female Directorate-level lawyers present at the meeting, as well as female State Counsel in the Ministry, to join FIDA.

    Balling with Bola Tinubu at 73

    By Lasisi Olagunju

    The Nigerian presidency is an energizing elixir. It has proven to be very effective in breathing life into dry bones. To old creaky engines, it gives deep cleaning; it replaces worn parts and upgrades the lubrication system. Olusegun Obasanjo went in there and got transformed from an imprisoned stork to a clean-shaven ladies’ egret. The Balogun Owu has since refused to age. Muhammadu Buhari entered the Villa peaky, ill and ailing. He left the place with his engine and chassis reinvented. His successor, super rich Lion of Bourdillon, broke the Internet with gaffes, slips and falls during the 2023 campaigns. He hasn’t yet spent two years in the Villa but he has also had a dramatic TAM (Turn Around Maintenance). The rough idling, vibrations and engine misfires are all gone. His cooling system is now cool and steady. These and many more are what the man celebrated two days ago as he officially turned 73, robust and rounded. He had many nice things said of him by those who seek (or already have) his mercy and favours.

    Where life expectancy is less than 50, netting seventy years plus is a boon. William Shakespeare rejects the withering properties of age and cuddles the vibrancy of youth. In his ‘The Passionate Pilgrim’, Shakespeare leaves lines of contrasts on ageing for us to read and ponder. He writes that “crabbed age and youth cannot live together.” And he explains why: “Youth is full of pleasure, age is full of care; Youth like summer morn, age like winter weather; Youth like summer brave, age like winter bare. Youth is full sport, age’s breath is short; Youth is nimble, age is lame; Youth is hot and bold, age is weak and cold; Youth is wild, age is tame.” Shakespeare ends those parallels with a yell of rejection and acceptance: “Age, I do abhor thee; youth, I do adore thee.”

    Now, who is old, who is young?

    People in the sciences say every person has two ages. They call one chronological age (number of years a person has lived); the other they say is biological, a person’s functional age. The Yoruba have a third category; they call it Atubotan (the after-death years). Short or long, the first is guaranteed for all; the second is a factor of luck and choice; the third is largely determined by how we spend the first two. Very few are blessed with all three.
    Less than two minutes from a town called Iragbiji in Osun State is another called Ikirun. It is about ten minutes from my own Eripa. Long gone Oba Lawani Adeyemi was Akinrun of Ikirun. The oba gathered fame across Yorubaland for the audacity of his longevity. He thought it was his right to live long and he loudly claimed it. When courtiers and all who courted his mercy wished him long life, Oba Adeyemi’s standard response was “Ó di dandan” (it is compulsory). At well over 70 years, Adeyemi’s people made him oba in 1945. His enemies thought him already at the departure lounge. They said he would soon vacate the space for them to take. There are legends that say with every rumour of his death came the actual death of the rumour mongers. Soon, no one warned no one again before they stopped wishing the oba dead. As years rolled into decades, the oba’s enemies dried out, the ones still alive became his friends. They had to; Ó di dandan.

    Adeyemi stayed put on that throne until 1989 when he bowed out quietly. His people still celebrate the years in his reign not because they were unusually long, but because they were largely positive in the life of the community. He had the years, he was functional. More importantly, he had Atubotan. The oba had many children; he did not spoil them with palace spoils. They do not need unmerited honorary doctorate degrees from backwater universities to remain tall. The oba trained all his children such that the late king continues to live long after his death. His grandson was a Head of Service of the Federation; another is one of the richest in 2025 Ibadan. The rich needed no paternal imposition before he got to the top of his trade. President Tinubu very well knows Crystal Hospital at Akowonjo in Alimoso Local Government area of Lagos, it belongs to one of the eldest of Oba Adeyemi’s children. One of the youngest is a veteran in Osun State House of Assembly.

    Where I come from, we rejoice with the joyous which is why I join in congratulating our president on his 73rd birthday. But as he celebrated that occasion with pomp on 29th March – a day to Villa’s sumptuous Sallah, I hope he reflected on what his presidency has meant to the Nigerian outside official powers. Many are stranded on the rough, dusty road to survival. They trace their misery to the leader’s mirth; their poverty to the president’s pleasure. They think their agony is power’s easement. It is not funny.

    A democracy that repairs only the leaders is roguish and immoral. Yet, as we tell all these things, wisdom dictates that we march seven steps near the king, and six steps in nuanced back off. In Alex Danchev’s ‘Waltzing with Winston (Churchill),’ we are told that “the loyalties which centre upon number one are enormous. If he trips, he must be sustained. If he makes mistakes, they must be covered. If he sleeps, he must not be wantonly disturbed. (But) if he is no good, he must be pole-axed.” Literally, to pole-axe is to attack, strike, or fell with or as if with a poleaxe. That is the price all who claim “number one” must pay when they are not acting good.

    The president preached sacrifice on his birthday but his birthday table showed assorted, sumptuous surplus, everything. His wrongheaded policies he described as “the right thing to do for our nation’s future.” His wife is a pastor, she should blow into his ear the saying that only the living praises the Lord. Can a leader whose subjects wallow in want get blessed with their prayers? Among the Bantu of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa are a people called the Mashona. Anthropologist Denys Shropshire in a 1931 journal article tells us that in that place is a bird called Mukaranga wa Mambo. The storyteller says this bird “begins by making excited, shrill, chattering cries until she is attended to, after which, flying with contented chirps from branch to branch, she brings the traveller to the promised nest of honey.” A starved, marginalised citizenry has neither honey nor applause for unfeeling, feasting rulers.

    The vulture is Yoruba’s totem of longevity; a symbol of death and rebirth. The Yoruba say igúnnugún (vulture) would not die unless it is old. But they celebrate more than the years. What a man put in his age is more important than the years. Which is why I find Yoruba’s view of ageing and old age somewhat intriguing. There is an ambivalence here. They despise the ugliness of vulture but they covet vulture’s enduring agedness. They say because the vulture does not die young, they too must live longer than life. But they qualify it: The years must be years of peace and plenty. They covet what they see as vulture’s longevity but not its unsightly totality. They want long life but not ageing with the debilities it connotes. They ask if you’ve ever seen a nestled sick bird. They want life without its co-morbidities.

    Nigerians see their government as a colony of vultures. In ageing and eating, the vulture is a bird of patience. It does not nurse the sick back to health. Instead, it waits for the hungry to die; it insists that rotten flesh is good food. Vulture is also a bird of opportunity. Nigeria is a vultures’ field. You ask why? I wonder too and I ask vulture biologists (ornithologists). They tell me that vultures approach dead or dying beings from openings – mouth, eyes, nostrils etc. And, Nigeria has many of such loopholes. Our vultures start the gutting from the guts, they then go to other inner organs for lunch. They move to the muscles and tear at the tissues. For supper, they access smaller spaces for tendons, they chew at other body parts; they clean out the carcass and move on to the next meal. When their earth completes its yearly revolution, they roll out the drums in celebration of their victory over their own people and land.

    When vultures surround you, make sure you stay alive, do not die. Nigerians have really tried not to die for the vultures of power to rejoice over them. Now, if food avoids Vulture, what will Vulture eat? The human being called Yoruba says in a proverb that when what is edible is not available, what is not edible becomes edible. Vultures feed on vultures if that is the only available carrion. What you feel in Rivers and Lagos and Kano are hungry vultures circling weak vultures for food.

    We celebrate the president at 73. He will live life longer than his presidential tenure. But we must tell him that his government retains its painfulness; the NYSC corps member’s description of his reign as terrible was apt. The town is bitter; the city is unpleasant.

    How then do we take back our country – if we ever had one? I am not the only person asking this question. But I am going to risk adding that if you are not satisfied with where your feet have taken you, the rational direction is to walk for change. Ask those who know the ways of vultures. If you do not want vultures around you, the effective way is to show them that which scares them: The effigy of a dead vulture.

    Comrade in arms

    By Sonnie Ekwowusi

    He was one of the few unapologetic and unwavering conversationalists I have ever met. He was a big man, both in stature and in ideas. He walked big. He talked big, in consonance with his surname, Okwuosa (the people’s speaker). In fact, he was such an unstoppable and passionate speaker that he could go on speaking, unmindful that all his listeners had walked away.

    Although he sometimes fell quiet, seemingly in deep recollection, it was only to wake up faster and roar once again like a lion pouncing upon ideas. That was Jerry for you.

    Jerry, unarguably, easily fits the estimation of many as a Renaissance man. First and foremost, there is the sheer scope of Jerry’s intellectual kingdom. Politics, science, the war against children, marriage counseling, the sexualization of school pupils, abortion, contraceptives, and community building—Jerry roamed large, navigating these territories with confidence and authority. And even more.

    The sudden death of Jerry hits us hard. For us, his comrades-in-arms at the Project for Human Development (PHD), which he co-founded, as well as his professional colleagues and friends, this is the kind of loss that tilts the world off its balance. So many things that defined our world will never be the same. We have not only lost a great friend but also one of the great warriors in the epic battle between the culture of life and the culture of death.

    The loss of Jerry has created a void in our world; we cannot see how anyone could fill it. How could it that we’ll never have those seemingly unending conversations in the public square on how abortion has killed so many uncountable babies more than those killed in any war and the corruption of Nigeria’s secondary school curricula to include teaching our children how to do abortion, how to do masturbation, breast enlargement, how to do permanent sterilization, how to engage in so-called safe-sex , how to touch their genitals and say: “ love you” all an open classroom, all in the name of Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) and other variegated issues, at times, conversations embellished with wounding innuendoes and sophism, with Jerry moderating with gravitas and fraternal affection. And then there were those variegated issues—at times, conversations embellished with wounding innuendoes and sophistry—with Jerry moderating with gravitas and fraternal affection.

    Jerry possessed a somewhat missionary zeal—a fervor for argument and conversation in defense of the sanctity of human life from birth to natural death. Most knew him as a retired Nigerian Tobacco Company engineer, but only a few had witnessed him in his full extempore glory. He spoke passionately about the value of the unborn child, created in the image of God. He effortlessly pulled together all the threads he had carefully spun over decades of traveling to advocate for the imperative of saving the lives of the unborn.

    For years, Jerry and I had traveled across the South, speaking in public secondary schools, Catholic seminaries, tertiary institutions, rural communities, and public places where abortion was being promoted. I remember the lectures we delivered at SS Peter & Paul Major Seminary in Ibadan and how, afterward, many seminarians—thrilled by our presentations—gathered around us, reluctant to let us leave. I also recall our trip to Osun State, where we spoke to a large number of secondary school boys and girls, much to the delight of their teachers.

    We were also invited by several banks to speak to their staff. One day, a man visited our office and confided in us that he had committed incest—that he had impregnated his own daughter. Jerry took him aside and gently told him that, although what he had done was shameful, he still could not ask his daughter to abort the child, as every child that comes into the world is destined by God for something great. Even though the man did not take the advice well, we did not believe he ultimately allowed his daughter to have an abortion.

    I remember our memorable visit to Abuja by road. An international abortion conference was taking place at the then Sheraton Hotel, Abuja. For obvious reasons, we were not invited, but we vowed to attend. Because we did not have money to travel by air, we traveled by road.

    Upon arriving in Abuja, we slept at the motor park because we had no money for food, let alone lodging in a hotel. As I said, we slept at the motor park. The next morning, we went to Sheraton Hotel, the venue of the conference. Seeing the array of distinguished attendees, including many professors of law from different parts of the world, we initially thought our presence at the conference would not have any meaningful impact. But we prayed. After praying, we proceeded to the magnificent hall where the conference was in progress.

    All the dignitaries were seated. The Honorable Minister of Health and other resource persons were on the high table. I don’t know what came over me, but I remember walking slowly to the high table through the aisle, picking up the microphone placed on the table, and incoherently shouting, “This abortion conference will fail! Abortion is illegal in Nigeria!”

    When I finished speaking, Jerry also walked up to the high table, took the microphone, and said something similar. All eyes were on us amid the heavy silence that enveloped the hall. We were nobodies. We were not even invited to the conference. They could have easily instructed the police present to arrest us for disrupting their event.

    The interesting part was that, during lunch, they sent a lady to invite us to eat with them, but we told her that we would not dine with abortionists.

    Anyway, to cut the long story short, the three-day international abortion conference ended abruptly without a communiqué, meaning that the conference was a massive failure. On the last day of the event, there was an altercation between me and one of the organizers, which escalated into a minor scuffle, forcing the chairman to order the conference closed. Enraged that we had ruined their international gathering, the organizers wanted to deal with us, but some pro-life Muslims at Sheraton Hotel threatened that if they dared touch us, they would set Sheraton Hotel, Abuja, on fire. That was how we escaped being beaten or even arrested and handed over to the police.

    That was the kind of audacity and courage that fueled our struggle to promote fundamental values. Jerry had a great capacity to argue in defense of the truth. I remember him tirelessly and painstakingly explaining to a young girl that any pill a woman takes to stop pregnancy has fifty adverse effects on her body.

    The last public lecture Jerry and I delivered before his passing was at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Idi-Araba, Lagos. We were invited to LUTH to speak to medical students about why they must not perform abortions after graduating from medical school. As usual, Jerry masterfully and professionally delivered the lecture.

    Jerry loved pro-life advocacy and being counted among the anti-abortion crusaders. It pained him that uncountable innocent babies were murdered in their mothers’ wombs. The public square can be a dangerous and forbidding place for people like Jerry, who sought to protect the lives of the unborn. Even though ROE V WADE has been struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court, the day when every unborn child is protected by law and welcomed in life is still far off.

    For example, here in Nigeria, even though abortion is illegal, the crime is committed mindlessly every minute. Sad. But we shall not be weary. We shall not rest.

    In St. John’s Gospel, St. Martha professes her faith in Jesus Christ as “the Resurrection and the Life.” We, too, profess that faith, and we eagerly long to hear from our Lord Jesus Christ the words He said to Martha: “Your brother will rise again.” We need to be consoled by those words. Only those divine words allow us to live with joy and hope amid the sorrow and anguish of losing a loved one.

    We close the eyes of our brother Jerry. Already, our own eyes are blurred with tears. We close his as we set out for the grave. We pray that his eyes may open in heaven, amid the joy of countless unborn children whom he had saved in his anti-abortion crusades, upon the glory of the Lord Jesus, the eternal Son of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the great eternal bliss where there is unending peace, joy, and fellowship.