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Three-year-old with rare condition amazes doctors after world-first gene therapy

A three-year-old boy has astounded doctors with his progress after becoming the first person in the world with his devastating disease to receive a ground-breaking gene therapy.

Oliver Chu has a rare, inherited condition called Hunter syndrome – or MPSII – which causes progressive damage to the body and brain.

In the most severe cases, patients with the disease usually die before the age of 20. The effects are sometimes described as a type of childhood dementia.

Due to a faulty gene, before the treatment Oliver was unable to produce an enzyme crucial for keeping cells healthy.

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Iconic reggae legend Jimmy Cliff dies at 81

One of the most prominent and beloved proponents of reggae music, Jimmy Cliff, has died at the age of 81.

A star since the 1960s, he helped to bring the sound of Jamaica to a global audience through hits such as Wonderful World, Beautiful People and You Can Get It If You Really Want.

His lead role as a gun-toting rebel in the 1972 crime drama The Harder They Come is a cornerstone of Jamaican cinema, and was attributed as the movie that brought reggae to America.

Cliff’s wife, Latifa Chambers, announced his death via a statement on Instagram.

“It’s with profound sadness that I share that my husband, Jimmy Cliff, has crossed over due to a seizure followed by pneumonia,” she wrote.

“I am thankful for his family, friends, fellow artists and coworkers who have shared his journey with him.

“To all his fans around the world, please know that your support was his strength throughout his whole career.

“Jimmy, my darling, may you rest in peace. I will follow your wishes.”

Her message was also signed by their children, Lilty and Aken.

Getty Images Jimmy Cliff performing on stage, wearing an orange T-shirt with a black star on it

Born James Chambers in 1944, Cliff grew up as the eighth of nine children in abject poverty in the parish of St. James, Jamaica.

Blessed with a sweet, mellifluous voice, he began singing at his local church at the age of six.

By the time he was 14, he’d moved to Kingston and adopted the surname Cliff to express the heights he intended on reaching.

He recorded several singles before topping the Jamaican charts with his own composition, Hurricane Hattie.

In 1965, he relocated to London to work with Island Records – later the home of Bob Marley – but the label’s attempts to make his sound palatable to rock audiences weren’t entirely successful at first.

He eventually struck gold with the 1969 single Wonderful World, Beautiful People – an upbeat, feelgood anthem; and the more politically-charged Vietnam, which Bob Dylan called “the best protest song ever written”.

Its lyric tells the story of a young soldier who writes from the war, promising his mother he’ll be home soon; only for her to receive a telegram the next day, informing her of his death.

Cliff reflected on the song in 1986, telling reggae archivist Roger Steffens: “The essence of my music is struggle. What gives it the icing is the hope of love.”

Getty Images Jimmy Cliff in The Harder They Come
The Harder They Come had to be subtitled in the US because of the character’s thick Jamaican patois

Cliff became an international star with The Harder They Come, expressly written for the movie of the same name, in which he played Ivan Martin, a young man trying to break into Jamaica’s corrupt music industry.

“The film opened the door for Jamaica,” Cliff recalled. “It said, ‘This is where this music comes from.'”

Cliff contributed four songs to the soundtrack, including the gospel hymn Many Rivers To Cross, which reflected his early days as a struggling artist in the UK.

“I was still in my teens,” he later recalled. “I came full of vigour: I’m going to make it, I’m going to be up there with the Beatles and the Stones.”

“And it wasn’t really going like that, I was touring clubs, not breaking through. I was struggling, with work, life, my identity. I couldn’t find my place. Frustration fuelled the song.”

Instead, the film and its soundtrack won him international acclaim. Rolling Stone magazine even named it one of their top 500 albums of all time.

During the 1980s, he collaborated with the Rolling Stones on their Dirty Work album, and he returned to the US charts in 1993 with his cover of I Can See Clearly Now, from the soundtrack for Cool Runnings, which followed the escapades of Jamaica’s bobsled team.

His other recordings included the Grammy Award-winning albums Cliff Hanger (1985) and Rebirth (2012), a nostalgic return to form.

Cliff entered the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2010, calling it “a great thrill and an honour”.

Inducting him, Fugees star Wyclef Jean said he’d been inspired by Cliff’s success as a young boy growing up in Haiti.

“When we saw Jimmy Cliff, we saw ourselves,” he said.

Cliff continued to tour late into his life, playing Glastonbury’s legends slot in 2003; and winning over a new generation of fans at the 2010 Coachella Festival.

His contributions to Jamaican music and culture were recognised in October 2003 when he was awarded the country’s prestigious Order of Merit.

But the singer said his connection to fans was more important than any of the other honours bestowed upon him.

Speaking to US radio station NPR in 2012, he reflected: “When someone comes up to me and says, ‘I was a dropout in school and I heard your song You Can Get It If You Really Want, and that song made me go back to school, and now I am a teacher and I use your song with my students’ – that, for me, is a big success.”

BBC

Outrage as celebrated bandit-fighter Musa Nura Aljan faces 45-year jail term

A group under the aegis of the Arewa Youth Ambassadors (AYA) has called for the immediate and unconditional release of Musa Nura Aljan, a civilian widely commended across Northern Nigeria for assisting security agencies in the fight against banditry, kidnapping, and other armed criminal networks.

In a statement issued on Monday and signed by Comrade Yahaya M. Abdullahi, the group expressed deep concern over Aljan’s continued incarceration and the 45-year prison sentence he is serving—an outcome that has sparked widespread shock among residents and community leaders.

According to AYA, Aljan spent several years working closely with security operatives, gathering intelligence, tracking criminal hideouts, and helping in the arrest of notorious suspects who terrorised communities across multiple northern states. His activities, often undertaken at significant personal risk, reportedly disrupted violent criminal networks and restored relative calm to some of the most affected rural regions.

The group recalled several documented cases highlighting Aljan’s contributions. In December 2019, he reportedly pursued bandits operating along the Kaduna–Abuja highway, arresting suspects and recovering more than 1,000 stolen cattle around the Rijana area. Operating under the Aljan Network, he entered the Rijana forest—known as a major criminal hideout—where he was said to have confronted well-known faces within communities bordering the highway.

Widely described as an exceptional crime-tracker, Aljan also recovered multiple weapons, including AK-47 and AK-49 rifles, double-barreled guns, and thousands of rounds of ammunition. According to a Daily Trust report, he once rejected a N2 million bribe offered by bandits seeking safe passage across the Kaduna bridge with stolen cattle.

He also publicly opposed government negotiations with bandits, arguing that such groups could not be trusted unless they surrendered their weapons and released all captives. In another report published by the Nigerian Tribune in December 2019, Aljan stated that he had rescued numerous victims and animals from kidnappers, consistently returning recovered livestock to their rightful owners.

His efforts even earned him praise from the National President of the Peace Revival and Reconciliation Foundation of Nigeria, Pastor Yohanna Buru, who once called for national recognition for Aljan and appealed to well-meaning individuals and organisations to support his work.

AYA Demands Justice

In its Monday statement, AYA argued that Aljan had become a symbol of resistance against banditry.

“Bandits feared the name ‘Aljan’ not because he compromised with them, but because he confronted them,” the group said, describing him as one of the North’s “bravest civilian contributors to the fight against insecurity.”

AYA said Aljan’s imprisonment raised “serious questions,” especially after reports surfaced that his legal troubles began shortly after he assisted in the arrest of suspected bandits in Bauchi State. Community leaders and individuals familiar with the matter reportedly told the group that Aljan handed over the suspects and their weapons to the appropriate authorities. However, the narrative allegedly changed soon afterward, leading to his arrest and eventual conviction.

“Rather than being commended for his bravery, the narrative surrounding the incident reportedly shifted,” AYA stated. “The same man who had spent years putting his life on the line was suddenly treated as a criminal. His prolonged detention has left many confused and deeply troubled.”

While refraining from accusing any individual or security institution, the group insisted that the circumstances surrounding his case require urgent scrutiny. They lamented that a man who risked his life to protect society is now “languishing behind bars” instead of being honoured.

“It is painful to see a man who saved lives and restored hope in communities now treated as a criminal,” the statement read. “Instead of being celebrated for these sacrifices, he has been silenced and forgotten.”

Demands and Warnings

AYA called for Aljan’s immediate and unconditional release pending an independent review of his case. The group also demanded a public inquiry into the events leading to his arrest, prosecution, and sentencing, as well as protections for whistleblowers and civilian collaborators who support security agencies in combating crime.

The group warned that Nigeria risks discouraging patriotic citizens if those who assist in the fight against insecurity end up punished or abandoned.
“The North cannot remain silent when one of its bravest sons now suffers under questionable conditions. Positions of authority are temporary, but justice, fairness, and accountability are eternal,” the statement added.

AYA reaffirmed its commitment to peace, justice, and the protection of citizens, contributing to national security efforts.

Although Aljan’s 45-year sentence does not directly relate to his cattle-rescue operations, the controversy surrounding his case has fueled public concern over whether civilian partners in security operations are sufficiently protected.

ISWAP kidnaps 13 teenage girls in Borno, as bandits mow down five policemen in Bauchi ambush

Members of the Islamic State West African Province (ISWAP) have snatched several teenage girls in Askira-Uba Local Government Area of Borno State.

The Deputy Speaker of the Borno State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Abdullahi Askira confirmed the incident, saying the attackers seized the victims while they were working on communal farmlands in the Mussa district, Daily Trust reports.

According to Askira, the 13 abducted girls—aged between 15 and 20—had gone to harvest crops when the insurgents struck.

In a related development, the Bauchi State Police Command has confirmed the killing of five of its officers by bandits in Sabon Sara village, Darazo Local Government Area of the State.

The Command Public Relations Officer, CSP Ahmed Wakil, who disclosed this in a statement, said five officers paid the supreme price, two were injured, while a certain number of bandits were neutralised.

Wakil narrated, “On 22nd November, 2025 at about 1240hrs, an intelligence at the command disposal from a Good Samaritan disclosing that on the same day at about 1130hrs, a team of Tactical Team personnel comprising Rapid Response Squad (RRS), Mobile Police 10PMF Bauchi, Anti-Kidnapping Unit (AKU), and State Intelligence Department (SID) were ambushed by unidentified youths, while on visibility policing patrol to prevent, mitigate and manage farmer–herder conflict within and around Sabon Sara Village via Darazo.

“Sadly, the ambush attack resulted in the death of the following officers; DSP Ahmad Muhammad (SID), ASP Mustapha Muhammad (10 PMF), Inspector Amarhel Yunusa (10 PMF), Inspector Idris Ahmed (10 PMF) and Corporal Isah Muazu (AKU).”

He said the following officers sustained various degrees of injuries; Inspector Isah Musa (SID) and Inspector Yusuf Gambo (SID)

Wakil said upon receiving the report, the Divisional Police Officer (DPO), SP Auwalu Ilu, led a team of reinforcements to the scene, rescued and evacuated both the injured and deceased personnel to the General Hospital in Darazo for medical treatment, and deposited remains of the deceased at the morgue.

“Intense efforts are ongoing to track down and arrest the perpetrators within and around the area; meanwhile, the Command is fully committed to ensuring that the criminals responsible for this heinous act are brought to justice,” he stated according to a report by Trust newspaper.

Sexual Misconduct Claims: Paystack sacks co-founder Ezra Olubi

Nigeria’s leading fintech company, Paystack, has terminated the appointment of its Co-Founder and Chief Technology Officer, Ezra Olubi, over sexual misconduct allegations.

Olubi confirmed the sacking in a personal blog post  https://browndroppings.co/terminated- at the weekend, stating that the company had dismissed him before concluding its internal investigation into the matter.

He insisted he was not given a hearing or the opportunity to respond to the allegations prior to termination.

He noted that the decision was communicated without a meeting and appears inconsistent with the terms of his suspension and the company’s policies.

“On Saturday, 22 November 2025, I was informed that my employment had been terminated. This decision was taken before the supposed investigation was concluded, and without any meeting, hearing, or opportunity for me to respond to the issues raised, in clear contravention of the terms of the suspension and Paystack’s own internal policies,” he said.

“As co-founder, technical leader and long-serving Board member, I have been part of instituting the systems and processes that underpin Paystack’s internal operations. I engaged with this investigation in good faith and cooperated fully with the Board’s directives on that basis.”

“My legal team is now reviewing the process that led to my purported termination, including its consistency with internal policies. They will take the steps they consider appropriate, and I will not be commenting further on this matter at this time,” he added.

The scandal erupted in mid-November after a social media user accused the Paystack executive of abusive behaviour.

The post went viral instantly, prompting thousands to resurface a trove of explicit and controversial tweets authored by Olubi between 2009 and 2013.

One tweet from May 23, 2011, stated: “Monday will be more fun with an ‘a’ in it. Touch a coworker today. Inappropriately.”

The old posts, made years before he co-founded Paystack, recently resurfaced and rapidly spread across X, triggering renewed outrage.

Paystack, in its earlier response, confirmed that Olubi had been suspended and that a formal investigation had commenced.

The company said it had established a review process and intended to appoint an independent investigator to assess the allegations.

But Olubi’s claim that he was fired before that process concluded has raised fresh questions about internal governance, accountability procedures, and whether external pressure influenced Paystack’s decision.

Acquired in 2020 by global payments giant Stripe, in one of Africa’s most celebrated tech exits, Paystack now faces intense scrutiny as critics demand transparency.

Neither Paystack nor Stripe has issued any fresh public statement following Olubi’s post.

The terrorists are winning

By Lasisi Olagunju

“There were many famous warriors in the village during the pillaging by the Fulani and yet the village was swept off almost completely by the invading warriors. This was not because they (the enemies) were stronger but due to their trickery, the people of Eruku became susceptible (vulnerable). When the invaders came, they would besiege only one quarter at a time and they would send a message to the other quarters not to worry as they were not their intended target. Unfortunately, other quarters would stand by while one quarter was invaded. This same trickery continued and many of the inhabitants were captured and sold to the white slave traders until the whole village was reduced to only ten people and one dog at the end of the last war.”

That is an excerpt from a short history of the Kwara town, Eruku, that was ravaged in broad daylight by Fulani bandits last week. The account is credited to a 1956 publication by the late educationist and a leader of the community, Dr Alexander Omotosho Obateru. I got it on the Internet.

What is described in that history happened about 200 years ago (circa 1820-1825). In January last year (2024), there was uproar online over the installation of a Fulani ‘king’ in that town (see Facebook post by Trust Bethnews/ Eruku Descendants Union on 26 January, 2024). In 1905, Spanish-born American philosopher, George Santayana, published ‘The Life of Reason, or The Phases of Human Progress’. In the twelfth chapter entitled ‘Flux and Constancy in Human Nature’, he writes that “when experience is not retained, as among savages, infancy is perpetual. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

I took time to read most of the eighty-eight comments which the Eruku chieftaincy post and the attached four photos attracted. A particular comment there foretells today: “We came home for the new year and our observation was what you posted. I noticed they have actually infiltrated our village. You see them everywhere with no manner at all, behaving like omo onile.” ‘Omo onile’ means child of the owner of the land.

The city of Nineveh was promised that “affliction shall not arise the second time.” For that Kwara ‘city’ and many more across northern Nigeria, affliction coming in repeated times has become destiny. The attackers of two centuries ago have reincarnated. They are back; deadlier than they were during their earlier incarnation.

Last Friday, overwhelmed by bandits and banditry, the Federal Government closed down 47 federal secondary schools across the North, and some in the South, particularly in Ekiti. Same day, Plateau and Katsina states did the same; Yobe at the weekend. Niger State did its own before Friday; Kwara did in some local government areas; Taraba closed dormitories. The picture is scary. From the derived savannah of Kwara and Kogi, through the montane forest of the Jos Plateau, to the Sahel of the far North, a canopy of tragedy has enveloped the country.

The terrorists are winning – or they have won.

Where I come from, proverbs are connecting rods; they bind generations and experiences; they carry the weight of morality and memory; they code meaning. Because big misfortunes assault Nigeria, miserable ones squat to shit into its mouth. As we grappled with this crisis, President Donald Trump of the United States doubled down on his verbal intervention in our affairs; he told Fox News at the weekend that Nigeria remained a disgrace:

“I think Nigeria’s a disgrace, the whole thing is a disgrace. They’re killing people by the thousands. It’s a genocide, and I’m really angry about it. And we pay, you know, we give a lot of subsidy to Nigeria. We’re going to end up stopping. The government’s done nothing. They are very ineffective. They’re killing Christians at will. And you know until I got involved in it two weeks ago, nobody even talked about it!” Trump said all this at a time Nigerian top shots were hopping from one elevator to another in US high-rise buildings, begging to be heard. They are still there scrambling to extinguish the fire of global outrage at what we do to ourselves. Indeed, when bad luck chooses a man as a companion, even a ripe banana will knock out his teeth. Our ancestors were right.

What does it mean to be a disgrace? David Lurie, the protagonist in J. M. Coetzee’s 1999 novel, ‘Disgrace’, loves Lucifer. He describes him as “a being who chooses his own path, who lives dangerously, even creating danger for himself.” Nigeria is that fallen angel; every word in the ‘Disgrace’ quote speaks to the ways of Nigeria. Choices have consequences; some of them eternal. The consequence of the path we chose is a nation cast into the furnace of disgracefully unremitting insecurity.

We closed schools and closed life. American philosopher, John Dewey (1859-1952) said, “Education is not preparation for life; education is life itself.” He was right. Closure of schools pauses the life and future of learners. Whether students are locked out of school or schools are locked out of learning and teaching, it is a catastrophe to all of humanity. Tragically, both experiences are happening right now in northern Nigeria. The enemy is winning, wining and happy. I pray this flu of banditry and terrorism does not become COVID-2025/26 locking down the whole country. The cloud is heavy.

In ‘Getting Ready for the Dark Ages?’ Kajsa Friedman and Jonathan Friedman say, “When things get bad, we get worse.” They speak about the “polarisation that increases to near hysteria when elites lose control”, and the “interminable decline” and “internal self-destruction” that follow. Internal self-destruction is the poor stealing children of the poor like fish eating fish to get fat. The Nigerian elite have lost control of the steering wheel; the polarisation is galling, the decline is real and unstoppable; it looks like an irreversible teeter towards the apocalypse.

To the victims of the rounds of havoc, there is no government, there is no state. Their state is helplessness. The people wreaking havoc all over the country are extremists of the worst order. They operate without masks and damn the state to cough, catch or caution them. They think the truth of their criminal existence is the truth we must all abide with. Ghanaian writer, Ayi Kwei Armah, writes in ‘Two Thousand Seasons’ that destroyers come always chanting one extreme truth. They always come to “turn earth to desert.” They are a people “whose spirit is itself the seed of death.” The destroyers came for Nigerians, and Nigeria looked away in complicit criminality. That is why they keep coming. And that exactly is why our government is panting and the reason Nigeria is “a disgrace.”

Government said the mass closure of schools was a temporary safety measure. But how brief is that temporary? When ‘temporary’ ends, will the destroyers not renew their coming and we close again? This fall is a free-fall.

There is a country called Afghanistan; its own madness was thought temporary, it is now permanent. And the world has abandoned the madman with his mother’s corpse. It is having a good meal of the cadaver. Northern Nigeria has Afghanistan as a model of what its future could be.

“They are in a very bad situation… the only thing they had was education, but right now they do not have it.” This quote is about the female children of Afghanistan where secondary education for girls was outlawed four years ago by the ruling Taliban. The reign of the Taliban was thought a joke; it is now permanent. Some people in this country covet what Afghanistan does. And they are working very hard to have it.

Two months ago, the United Nations published an interview with activist Fatima Amiri, a victim of Afghanistan’s peculiar regime of repression. The voice in the quote above is hers; and she says more. She says: “It has been four years that people in Afghanistan are having these problems…There are no changes in Afghanistan; still schools are closed, still universities are closed, still a woman cannot go outside alone.”

The lady speaks about Afghan girls who continue to learn “in secret, in the dark, online, through whispers, through books that are like precious treasures.” Some people here earnestly yearn for this experience. And they are winning.

Sixty-two-year-old Dauda Chekula told The Associated Press news agency at the weekend that four of his grandchildren, aged seven to 10, were taken at the Catholic school in Niger State where over 300 school children were abducted on Friday. “We don’t know what is happening now, because we have not heard anything since this morning,” he said. That was on Saturday. Today is Monday, the question is still: What is happening?

Now, you watched the horror of that Kwara church attack: Old women who wanted to run from danger but could not run because old age refused to let them; children wailing and wondering why it must be some people’s job to hunt them like rabbits; pastors asking God why it was that moment of triumph that defeat walked in. The worshippers’ voices were shrill, high-pitched, in victory over calamities when they were shut up by gunshots followed quickly by the boots of the unwanted visitors.

Do criminals reincarnate? I read somewhere a New York prison physician who wrote in 1903 that “few indeed are the criminals who come to our prison at Sing Sing with minds that were at birth tabula rasa, whose mental powers at birth were not already thickly sown with seeds of crime.” What is the difference between what we saw in the Christ Apostolic Church video, the agony of the aged and the cries of children, and the scene described by Samuel Ajayi Crowther on his own capture by bandits in March 1821?

I reproduce Crowther’s banditry and abduction story:

“I suppose sometime about the commencement of the year 1821, I was in my native country, enjoying the comforts of father and mother, and affectionate love of brothers and sisters. From this period I must date the unhappy…day, which I shall never forget in my life.

“I call it an unhappy day, because it was the day in which I was violently turned out of my father’s house, and separated from relations; … and which I was made to experience what is called slavery…

“For some years, war had been carried on in my Eyo (Oyo) country, which was always attended with much devastation and bloodshed; The enemies were principally the Oyo Mahomedans, with the Foulahs (Fulbe), and such foreign slaves as had escaped from their owners. Joined together, making a formidable force of about 20,000, they had no other employment but selling slaves to the Spaniards and Portuguese on the coast.

“The morning in which my town, Ocho-gu (Osogun), shared the same fate was fair and delightful; when, about 9 o’clock a.m. a rumour was spread in the town that the enemies had approached. It was not long after when they had almost surrounded the town; the men being surprised, the enemies entered the town after about three or four hours’ resistance.

“Women, some with three, four, six children clinging to their arms, running through prickly shrubs, which, hooking their loads, drew them down. While they found it impossible to go along with their loads, they endeavoured only to save themselves and their children, they were overtaken and caught, with a noose of rope thrown over the neck of every individual, to be led in the manner of goats. In many cases, a family was violently divided, each led his away, to see one another no more.

“Your humble servant was thus caught — with his mother, two sisters (one an infant about ten months old), and a cousin — while endeavouring to escape. My load consisted of nothing else than my bow, and five arrows in the quiver, the bow I had lost in the shrub while I was extricating myself, before I could think of making any use of it. The last view I had of my father was when he came to give us the signal to flee. He entered into our house which was burnt. Hence, I never saw him more. Here I must take thy leave, unhappy, comfortless father! I learned, some time afterward, that he was killed in another battle.”

If this 204-year-old story is told in some villages in today’s northern Nigeria, it will easily pass as their current experience. Nigeria’s terrorists come in our history as Shakespeare’s “twice-told tale.” G. R. S. Mead in 1912 thoroughly examined life beyond “the cribbed, cabined, and confined area of one short earth-life.” If the dead are gone forever, why do we have descendants of bandits of 200 years ago re-enacting the crimes of their forebears today with gripping exactitude? Why are the crimes committed today done with the same cold-blooded barbarity as they were done two, three centuries ago? And if we know terrorists will always come back, even after now, why are we negotiating peace with them? Why are we not thinking of permanently shredding and flushing them into the Atlantic, soul and all? A dubious Masai proverb says, “If your enemies poison the well, you don’t purify the well, you invent a sharper poison.” Nigeria’s terrorists need that “sharper poison” not accommodation.

Besides, politicians love it when their enemy is served poisoned dinner. Is that why today’s power is getting the George Floyd treatment from northern Nigeria? Some people are happy that the blistering insecurity wracking the country will sink their enemies who are in power. They think terror will help them defeat this government in 2027. They are mistaken. Unless we all rise up and find a quick way out of this hole, these contrived, horrendous landslides will bury all of us before 2027. That is if we are not defeated already. May all the captured across the country not die in captivity.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Legendary actor Dharmendra dies at 89, India pays emotional tribute

Dharam Singh Deol, the iconic Bollywood actor widely known as Dharmendra, has died in Mumbai at 89. His passing has sparked an outpouring of tributes across India, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi describing his death as “the end of an era in Indian cinema.”

Celebrated for his versatility and charm, Dharmendra often described himself as “a simple man”, yet he commanded immense loyalty from millions of fans. 

Best known for playing Veeru in the 1975 blockbuster Sholay, he appeared in more than 300 films over several decades, becoming one of Bollywood’s most recognisable stars.

He gained further fame through hit songs, as well as his widely publicised romance and eventual marriage to actress Hema Malini. Referred to as the “original He-Man of Bollywood” and “Garam (hot) Dharam”, he frequently featured on global lists of the “most handsome men” of his era. 

Admirers included Bollywood colleagues: actress Madhuri Dixit once called him “one of the most handsome people I have seen on screen”, Salman Khan described him as “most beautiful looking man”, and Jaya Bachchan referred to him as “a Greek God”.

Dharmendra often said he was “embarrassed” by such praise, crediting his looks to “nature, my parents and my genes”.

Born on 8 December 1935 in Nasrali village in Punjab’s Ludhiana district, he was named Dharam Singh Deol by his schoolteacher father. 

Although his father hoped he would focus on his studies, Dharmendra fell in love with cinema early. He recalled watching his first film in ninth standard, saying: “I watched my first film when I was in the ninth standard and I was hooked… I thought I must find my way there.”

His family initially disapproved, but after he entered and unexpectedly won the Filmfare All India Talent Contest, he moved to Bombay to pursue acting.

He made his debut in 1960 with Dil Bhi Tera, Hum Bhi Tere and went on to dominate Bollywood for three decades. He rose to prominence with Bimal Roy’s Bandini in 1963 and became a leading romantic star, pairing with top actresses including Nutan, Meena Kumari, Mala Sinha and Saira Banu. 

His transition to action films began with Phool Aur Patthar in 1966, with Mera Gaon Mera Desh in 1971 cementing his status as an action hero known for performing his own stunts.

He also excelled in comedy and thrillers, earning praise “for his impeccable comic timing” in the 1975 hit Chupke Chupke.

Although he starred alongside 70 heroines, his most iconic on-screen partnership was with Hema Malini, who later became his second wife. Their romance began in the 1970s during films such as Seeta Aur Geeta, Raja Jani, and Sholay. Malini recounted in her 2017 biography that she once heard him tell Shashi Kapoor, “Kudi badi changi hai (The girl is quite pretty)”.

Their relationship faced media scrutiny, especially as Dharmendra was already married with grown children, and reports of family resistance circulated before they married in 1980. Claims that the couple converted to Islam to wed, permitted under Islamic law, were later denied by Dharmendra.

He briefly entered politics, serving one term as BJP MP for Bikaner from 2005 to 2009, but was criticised for poor attendance in parliament. Reflecting on the experience in Aap Ki Adalat, he said: “Politics is not for emotional people, it’s for the thick-skinned… These five years were very tough for me; they were difficult.”

Dharmendra continued acting almost until his final years, appearing in films with his sons Sunny and Bobby Deol, judging reality shows, and staying active on social media to engage with fans.

BBC

Nigeria’s Return to the 2014 Nightmare

By Farooq A. Kperogi

The events and atmospherics of the past few days in Nigeria feel eerily and frighteningly familiar. They are redolent of the disabling instability and helplessness (and more) of 2014 and 2015 when Goodluck Jonathan was president. 

Three crises are unfolding in near synchrony. One, there’s a resurgence of Boko Haram activities. Two, there’s an alarming escalation of mass kidnappings in the northwest and north central zones. And three, we’re seeing more coordinated banditry along major travel corridors in most parts of the country. 

Each one has appeared before, but they almost never spike simultaneously unless something systemic has shifted. That alone raises alarms.

We have gone back to counting stolen children, watching shaky videos of terrified pupils, hearing anguished parents on television, and listening to federal officials who seem permanently shocked into inertia. The déjà vu is unsettling.

This week, armed outlaws stormed a school in Kebbi State and abducted scores of girls in an attack that jolted the national conscience. Only days later, another gang invaded Papiri village in Niger State and snatched schoolchildren who were preparing for early morning classes. 

The Niger State raid struck me with personal force because the village head of Papiri is my paternal second cousin. His mother is my father’s first cousin. In Borgu tradition, we’re considered cross cousins and therefore “joking mates.” I have tried to call him since news of the abduction broke without success.

At the same time, Jihadist violence in the northeast has recrudesced with chilling familiarity and renewed virulence. Islamic State West Africa Province and remnants of Boko Haram have regrouped around the Lake Chad basin. They attack civilian communities and security installations with renewed vigor. 

 From Bama to Marte, villagers describe nightly fear as if nothing has changed since the peak of Boko Haram’s reign a decade ago.

 I earned the concentrated wrath of late president Muhammadu Buhari’s devotees in early 2018 when, in a February 24, 2018, column titled “Bursting the Myth of Buhari’s Boko Haram ‘Success’,” I pointed out that Boko Haram appeared to be defeated not because the government had done anything but because the group had been “weakened by an enervatingly bitter and sanguinary internal schism.”

It appears like the group has been able to overcome its internal dissension enough to be able to coordinate attacks on its targets.

Parallel to this resurgence is the evolution of kidnapping into a national business. What started as an insurgent tactic has been copied, refined and monetized by criminal gangs across the northwest and north central then exported to the south. 

Independent trackers show that billions of naira have circulated through ransom payments over the past decade with recent reports describing a structured kidnap economy complete with financiers, logistics networks, informants, negotiators and money launderers. What Nigeria once called banditry has now matured into a rational industry with predictable revenue streams and diversified risks.

So, yes, the national atmosphere today resembles the Jonathan years. But this time the crisis is deeper and more dispersed.

The national mood of despair, helplessness and anger is a replay of the late Jonathan era when Boko Haram hoisted its flags over swathes of Borno and Yobe. Chibok became a global shorthand for Nigerian dysfunction. Now, the factually incorrect but emotionally resonant narrative of an exclusively targeted “Christian genocide” that spares Muslims has become the rallying cry to galvanize global attention to Nigeria’s growing insecurity. 

Back in 2014, Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the most potent voice of the opposition. He excoriated Goodluck Jonathan for incompetence and indecisiveness, demanded his resignation and insisted that a president who allowed any part of Nigeria to fall under insurgent control had forfeited his legitimacy. 

He was not alone. The opposition constructed a political identity around Jonathan’s inability to contain insecurity and many Nigerians embraced that narrative.

Fast-forward to 2025 and the roles have reversed. Tinubu is now president. Yet armed groups have carved out de facto fiefdoms from Sokoto to Zamfara to parts of Niger and Kwara. 

Mass abductions of schoolchildren that once symbolized Jonathan’s collapse now occur with increasingly terrifying regularity on Tinubu’s watch. 

The same constitutional structure that prevented Jonathan from responding with agility still binds Tinubu. The same centralized federal police that Jonathan could not reform remains unreformed. The same chorus of political rivals calling for resignation is back, this time directed at Tinubu.

To understand why Nigeria is once again trapped in this cycle one must follow the incentives. In 2014 Boko Haram sustained itself through robbery, looting, cattle rustling, bank raids and forced taxation of communities under its control. 

Over time, the insurgency splintered. Islamic State West Africa Province emerged as a faction that taxed traders, herders and fishermen around the Lake Chad basin with a degree of predictable order. Boko Haram’s faction retained a chaotic violence that relied on spectacle and terror. Their internal war weakened both sides but did not erase the insurgent social structures that had taken root in northeast Nigeria.

In the northwest a different conflict economy germinated. What began as local clashes between armed herders and farming communities evolved into a sprawling banditry complex. Criminal groups discovered that kidnapping offered more lucrative returns than cattle rustling or territorial raids. 

In time, the operations became systematized. Negotiators emerged. Safe houses and holding camps were erected. Ransom payments moved through informal financial channels. Corrupt intermediaries took commissions. A web of collaborators, enablers and silent beneficiaries flourished.

By 2020 analysts described Nigeria’s kidnap economy as a mature market with predictable seasonal variations. When cash became scarce, criminal groups shifted to looting harvests or taxing miners. When security forces pressured one corridor, criminals migrated to neighboring states. When the public grew desensitized to individual abductions, gangs resorted to mass kidnappings to restore bargaining power. The crisis became self-sustaining.

What sustains this national theatre of insecurity is not mysterious. A centralized and lethargic security structure leaves governors unable to respond to emergencies in their own states. Corruption drains operational resources and incentivizes some actors to prolong insecurity. 

Youth unemployment in rural belts produces endless recruits for jihadist and bandit networks. Weak intelligence systems and politicized law enforcement create impunity. Communities that cooperate with the state face revenge attacks without reliable protection. Simplistic narratives, whether religious or ethnic, prevent honest diagnosis.

Yet this cycle is not irreversible. Nigeria needs genuine devolution of policing powers so that states can create accountable and competent security forces to supplement federal agencies. The kidnap economy must be treated as a financial crime problem that requires surveillance of ransom flows, rigorous enforcement of anti-money laundering statutes and prosecution of urban collaborators. 

The military must purge procurement fraud and prioritize intelligence-driven operations that protect civilians rather than advertise body counts. Schools need real protective infrastructure, not empty safe school pledges. The state must rebuild trust with communities through accountability for abuses and consistent presence rather than episodic raids.

Nigeria also continues to avoid hard but necessary options. One example is the use of foreign military contractors to support counterinsurgency operations. In 2015 Goodluck Jonathan hired South African and Eastern European mercenaries who helped achieve some of the most significant territorial gains against Boko Haram in years.

 Muhammadu Buhari cancelled the arrangement out of vain nationalist pride, and the momentum evaporated. Given the scale of today’s threats, Nigeria should reconsider specialized external support with proper oversight. What matters is saving lives, not protecting political egos.

Ten years ago, Nigerians rallied around the simple demand that their children should be safe in school and their villages safe from predation. A decade later, they are repeating the same plea. If it was fair for Tinubu to say in 2014 that no leader should preside over the occupation of Nigerian communities by non-state armed groups, it is fair to say the same to him now.

Nigerians want what they have always deserved, which is a country where sending a child to school is not an act of faith in divine mercy. They want a government that treats mass abduction not as an inconvenient blemish but as an intolerable crisis. They want an end to a nightmare that feels scripted to repeat itself every decade.

This is a pattern that can be broken. Whether it will be is the question that hangs over the republic.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Arewa at a crossroads as Jibrin Ibrahim warns of looming regional collapse

Arewa leaders heard a stark message in Kaduna during the ACF 25th anniversary event.
Jibrin Ibrahim, a senior fellow at the Centre for Democracy and Development, warned that current trends point to regional collapse.

Ibrahim pointed out that future analysis shows a pathway that leads Arewa toward annihilation if nothing changes.

He stressed that trend analysis is not prophecy but a scientific method for anticipating outcomes.

He noted that Arewa’s biggest threat is bad governance fuelled by corruption and self-interest.

He added that leaders have failed to provide security, welfare and essential public goods, urging that citizens also lack the power to force accountability despite rising anger.

Ibrahim outlined grim projections for the next decade.
He warned that ACF may soon avoid Kaduna for fear of violence and kidnappings.

He predicted rising separatist agitation in other regions, creating intense external pressure.
He said Arewa may struggle with internal fractures among its major zones.
He warned that millions of armed civilians could become the biggest winners in the chaos.

He stated that futures studies aim to prevent the worst outcomes.
He urged Arewa leaders to rethink their trajectory and confront reality with honesty.
He referenced the Grazing Reserve Law of 1965 as an example of early foresight.
He lamented that governance knowledge was later lost after political upheavals.

Ibrahim recalled a 1990s study predicting today’s crises.
He said the warnings covered population growth, youth joblessness and collapsing education.

He noted that governments ignored these alerts for decades.
He stated that Nigeria now faces consequences on every front.

He also referenced a recent trend analysis projecting deeper instability by 2050.
He said the North is hit hardest by poverty, illiteracy and insecurity.
He added that unemployment and a growing youth bulge fuel violent precarity.

He described how armed groups now dominate large rural territories.
He cited millions of illegal weapons circulating nationwide.
He said communities live under constant fear and displacement.
He argued that Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces keep expanding daily.

Turning to leadership failure, Ibrahim recalled that early Northern leaders valued discipline, service and integrity.

He contrasted them with today’s leaders who prioritise wealth and comfort over governance.

He stressed that leadership must involve sacrifice, vision and discipline.
He said Nigeria suffers because public office holders do not understand these duties.

He proposed new leadership criteria for Arewa and emphasised integrity and competence as non-negotiable requirements.

He urged communities to help credible individuals enter public service and stressed minimum education standards and age limits for leadership roles.

He added that leaders must respect democracy, the rule of law and civic culture.

Ibrahim closed with a warning that Arewa must embrace foresight or face deeper instability.

He urged the ACF to commission a full futures study and concluded that Nigeria still has hope if leaders act with urgency and vision.

TikTok Cracks Down: 2.3 million live sessions sanctioned as sexual content surges

  • Nigeria tops West Africa list

For the first time, TikTok has released detailed data on how it enforces its Live Monetization guidelines, following a surge in users livestreaming while engaged in sexual activity. The disclosure came during the platform’s West Africa Safety Summit held in Dakar, Senegal, in partnership with AfricTivistes.

    According to TikTok, between April and June 2025 the platform issued warnings and demonetization penalties against 2,321,813 Live sessions and 1,040,356 creators for breaching its Live Monetization rules.

    In Nigeria alone, 49,512 Live streams were taken down within the same period.

    The Summit brought together senior government officials, policy experts, regulators, NGOs, media stakeholders, and digital industry leaders from across West Africa — including Nigeria, Senegal, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Ethiopia — to discuss stronger approaches to user protection and regional content moderation.

    Positioned as a major milestone in TikTok’s safety strategy for Africa, the event showcased the platform’s renewed focus on enforcing global safety standards across Sub-Saharan markets. Sessions featured expert insights, discussions on emerging risks, and collaborative pathways under TikTok’s #SaferTogether initiative.

    TikTok’s Outreach and Partnerships Manager for Sub-Saharan Africa, Duduzile Mkhize, said the company’s strategy relies heavily on localization and cooperation with regional stakeholders.

    “While global, we remain hyper-local in our day-to-day efforts,” Mkhize said. “The dialogue at this Summit is invaluable because only through insights-sharing and collaboration with policymakers and local partners across West Africa can we prevent a fragmented and insecure digital environment. United action can help us guarantee a safe space for our community to discover, create, and connect responsibly.”

    One of TikTok’s key regional partners, Dr. Akinola Olojo of the Sub-Saharan Africa Safety Advisory Council, stressed the importance of proactive measures.

    “The convening of various stakeholders in Dakar proves that the work we do alongside TikTok is not in vain,” he said. “We must move beyond reactive measures and continue to build proactive systems that empower communities to resist radicalization and leverage online spaces for positive social impact.”

    Globally, TikTok took down more than 189 million videos in the same quarter — accounting for just 0.7% of all uploads. The platform reported that 163.9 million of these removals were triggered by its AI moderation technology. Notably, 99.1% of all takedowns were detected proactively, with 94.4% removed within 24 hours. TikTok also removed 76,991,660 fake accounts and 25,904,708 accounts suspected to belong to children under 13.

    In Nigeria, TikTok removed 3,780,426 videos during the quarter for violating Community Guidelines. An impressive 98.7% of the content was taken down before attracting any views, while 91.9% was removed within the first day.

    The data — published in TikTok’s Q2 2025 Community Guidelines Enforcement Report — highlights the company’s continued effort to build a safer and more accountable digital environment for users across the world.

    TIPS