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‘Catastrophic’ delays and political favouritism crippling Nigeria’s judiciary — Oditah

  • Warns Nigeria’s justice system is failing investors and the poor

Nigeria’s judiciary is locked in a crisis of delay, technical obsession and misplaced priorities that is choking economic growth, eroding public trust and entrenching inequality, senior lawyer Fidelis Oditah KC, SAN warned on Monday.

Delivering a keynote address at the 40th Call to the Bar anniversary celebration of his 1985 Nigerian law School set at the Oriental Hotel in Lagos, Oditah said Nigeria’s courts have become gridlocked by decades-long litigation, procedural ambushes and what he described as a self-destructive fixation on technicalities over justice.

“The problem in Nigeria is not access to justice,” he said. “It is exit from justice.”

Oditah argued that while the judiciary should be a driver of democracy, economic development and social cohesion, it has instead become a bottleneck that discourages investment, prolongs disputes and denies ordinary Nigerians meaningful remedies.

He cited cases that lasted between 20 and 70 years, including the landmark Okafor v Nweke land dispute, which began in 1955 and ended in 2025 after seven decades of litigation, not on the merits but because court documents were signed in the name of a law firm rather than an individual lawyer.

“This is hyper-technicality at its most destructive,” Oditah said, warning that Nigerian courts increasingly nullify entire proceedings over procedural defects that should be curable.

He traced the gridlock to chronic underfunding, weak case management, outdated infrastructure, political interference in judicial appointments, and what he described as a dangerous conflation of jurisdiction and admissibility.

According to Oditah, Nigerian courts routinely treat procedural irregularities—such as signing errors, filing defects or failure to meet preconditions—as jurisdictional flaws, rendering years of litigation worthless.

“This misunderstanding of jurisdiction is strangling our justice system,” he said, adding that many issues wrongly labelled as jurisdictional should instead be treated as matters of admissibility, which can be waived.

The senior advocate also criticised the culture of endless interlocutory appeals and adjournments, describing them as weapons in an “unending war of attrition” that benefits delay over resolution.

But the most damaging distortion, Oditah said, is the elevation of electoral and political litigation above all other forms of justice.

He noted that constitutional timelines and special tribunals ensure election disputes are resolved within months, while land, commercial, labour and human rights cases languish for years or decades.

“This has created a two-tier justice system,” he said, “where politically connected litigants get fast-track justice and ordinary Nigerians get trapped in procedural quicksand.”

He cited data showing that thousands of judges were diverted to election tribunals during the 2023 general elections, forcing the suspension of regular court business nationwide. In contrast, socio-economic disputes affecting livelihoods, businesses and property rights were left unresolved.

The consequences, Oditah warned, are severe.

Judicial delay discourages domestic and foreign investment, weakens contract enforcement, cripples small and medium-sized businesses and fuels capital flight. He pointed to long-running commercial disputes involving aircraft leases, oil contracts and arbitral awards that have remained unresolved for more than a decade.

International observers have taken notice. Nigerian courts have been described by foreign judges as “catastrophic,” “sclerotic” and “hyper-technical,” damaging the country’s reputation as a place to do business.

Beyond economics, Oditah said the gridlock undermines democracy itself.

“When citizens lose faith in the courts, they turn to self-help, mob justice and violence,” he warned. “That is how the rule of law collapses.”

He also criticised Nigeria’s derisory cost regime, arguing that token cost awards encourage frivolous litigation and penalise successful parties, unlike arbitration where losing parties routinely pay millions in legal costs.

To reverse the crisis, Oditah proposed sweeping reforms, including better funding, zero tolerance for judicial corruption, stronger case management, limits on interlocutory appeals, clearer jurisdictional boundaries between courts, realistic cost awards, and a merit-based judicial appointment system free from political patronage.

He said many of the solutions are “low-hanging fruits” that require judicial courage rather than constitutional amendments.

“Our justice system will not fix itself,” Oditah said. “Credible justice is the product of deliberate choices. Unless we make those choices, no amount of funding will cure the gridlock.”

Ex-Harvard Medical School morgue manager jailed for stealing and trading in human body parts

58-year-old former morgue manager at Harvard Medical School, Cedric Lodge, has been sentenced to eight years in prison for stealing and selling human body parts donated for scientific research, according to the United States Department of Justice.

Lodge was sentenced on Tuesday after pleading guilty in May to trafficking in stolen human remains. 

Prosecutors said the illegal activity occurred from 2018 through at least March 2020 and involved body parts including internal organs, brains, skin, hands, faces and dissected heads, according to CBS News.

The Justice Department said Lodge abused his position at the prestigious medical school, which is located near Boston, to remove donated remains without authorization. 

Harvard University confirmed that Lodge was dismissed from his role in May 2023 following the investigation.

Investigators revealed that Lodge, alongside his wife, Denise Lodge, transported the stolen body parts from the medical school to their residence in Goffstown, New Hampshire, as well as to other locations in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. 

The remains were taken “without the knowledge or permission of his employer, the donor, or the donor’s family” before being shipped to buyers in other states.

Denise Lodge, 65, was sentenced to one year in prison, the Justice Department said. She pleaded guilty in April 2024 for her role in the scheme.

Reacting to the sentencing, Wayne A. Jacobs, special agent in charge of the FBI’s Philadelphia Field Office, said, “Today’s sentencing is another step forward in ensuring those who orchestrated and executed this heinous crime are brought to justice.”

Christopher Nielsen, Inspector in Charge of the Philadelphia Division of the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, also condemned the crimes, saying, “The trafficking of stolen human remains through the US Mail is a disturbing act that victimises already grieving families while also creating a potentially hazardous situation for Postal employees and customers. 

“I hope our efforts, and these sentencings bring some amount of closure to those affected by this terrible crime.”

According to the Justice Department, many of the human remains sold by Cedric Lodge were later resold by buyers at a profit. 

Authorities added that several of those involved in purchasing the stolen remains have already been sentenced to jail terms or are still awaiting sentencing.

SaharaReporters

Ohuabunwa returns to Ajayi Crowther Memorial School for expanded ‘Morning Flight’ outreach

Ten years after an impactful crusade and empowerment programme at Ajayi Crowther Memorial School, Port Harcourt, renowned broadcaster and Group Managing Director of Multimesh, Sir Godfrey Ohuabunwa, is set to return for an even grander initiative.

This time, through his humanitarian organisation, Help Without Boundaries Initiative (HWBI), Sir Godfrey, alongside his wife, Queen Angela Ohuabunwa, will lead the 2025 Morning Flight Soul-Reaching Outreach and Crusade.

The highly anticipated event, scheduled to build upon the success of its predecessor, promises a comprehensive blend of spiritual ministration, fervent prayers, faith-healing sessions, and crucial practical humanitarian services.

HWBI aims to address the multifaceted needs of attendees, offering not just spiritual solace but tangible support for their physical well-being.

Central to the outreach will be a robust medical care programme and a dedicated food bank. These provisions are designed to alleviate immediate burdens for attendees, demonstrating HWBI’s commitment to holistic care.

Furthermore, the initiative will leverage this opportunity to award scholarships and provide empowerment opportunities to deserving individuals, underscoring HWBI’s ongoing mission to foster transformation and break down barriers to progress.

Expectations are running high for the 2025 edition, with organisers confident that it will surpass last year’s significant impact.

The event is poised to leave a lasting positive impression on the Port Harcourt community, serving as a powerful testament to HWBI’s unwavering dedication to its core principles of hope, compassion, and empowerment.

Founded ten years ago by Sir Godfrey Ohuabunwa, HWBI has a proven track record of positively impacting numerous lives.

The initiative’s scholarship programmes, in particular, have been a source of profound change, with many beneficiaries consistently testifying to their academic advancements and personal successes.

These success stories stand as powerful evidence of the programme’s effectiveness in fostering opportunity and enabling upward mobility.

Speaking about his motivation, Sir Godfrey Ohuabunwa has consistently emphasised his deep-seated desire to give back to the community.

He points to the increasing number of indigent individuals who openly attest to the sincerity and transformative impact of his humanitarian work as clear validation of his genuine dedication to service and humanity.

The upcoming Morning Flight outreach is expected to further amplify this commitment and reach even more lives in need.
It would be recalled that Ohuabunwa had last year refurbished and fully restored classroom blocks with school desks and teaching aids at the same school before the Community installed him as a traditional chief.

‘Avoidable Death’: Husband demands probe after wife dies post-delivery in Lagos

The family of Akubo Lovelyn John and the management of Gynescope Specialist Hospital in Lagos are locked in a dispute over her death hours after childbirth.

Lovelyn, who gave birth at the private facility, died in the early hours of December 4, 2025. Her family alleges medical negligence, delayed referral and mishandling during a medical emergency. The hospital strongly denies the claims.

Speaking at a press briefing in Ikeja on Tuesday, her husband, Justice John, described the death as avoidable. He said the couple had been married for less than a year.

John said his wife registered for antenatal care at the hospital in her 13th week of pregnancy. He said they attended all appointments and paid N450,000 for antenatal services, excluding external tests requested by the hospital.

“All tests came back normal,” he said. “My wife had no underlying health condition before or during pregnancy.”

He said concerns were raised during the third trimester about the baby’s size. John said he suggested an elective caesarean section, but the attending consultant dismissed the option and assured them vaginal delivery was safe.

Lovelyn went into labour on December 1 and was admitted the following day. By December 3, she was moved to the labour ward and labour was induced, John said.

She delivered vaginally later that day. The baby weighed 4.2 kilograms, a size classified medically as fetal macrosomia.

John said his wife soon complained of internal fluid movement and began bleeding. He alleged that her condition deteriorated rapidly.

“She became pale and unconscious while the bleeding continued,” he said. “Five pints of blood were infused without identifying the source of the bleeding.”

John alleged there was a 15-hour gap between delivery and his wife’s death. He said the hospital delayed referring her to another facility.

He also alleged that she fell from a stretcher while being moved from the third floor during referral preparations. He demanded the release of CCTV footage from the hospital.

John called on the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria and the Lagos State Government to investigate the incident.

Officials of the Nigerian Bar Association, Lagos Branch, also called for a probe. The NBA chairman, Uchenna Akingbade, said the association would support efforts to establish the facts.

Gynescope Specialist Hospital rejected the allegations.

Speaking by phone, Professor Jude Okohue said the hospital acted appropriately and promptly. He denied claims of delayed referral or negligence.

“It is not true that she was not referred on time,” Okohue said. “Before referral, a patient must be stabilised, and that was what we did.”

He said Lovelyn delivered successfully and was stable for hours afterward. According to him, complications developed later in the evening.

“She even ate pepper soup brought by a relative,” he said. “Then we noticed abnormal bleeding.”

Okohue said two hospital staff donated blood in an effort to save her life. He described the bleeding as unusual and unrelated directly to pregnancy.

He denied claims that she fell from a stretcher. He said she insisted on using the toilet despite being advised otherwise and was assisted by staff.

Okohue said the family requested an autopsy at Lagos State University Teaching Hospital. He welcomed a coroner’s inquest.

“We have nothing to hide,” he said. “We did not commit any infraction.”

He added that he visited the family after the incident and was surprised by the public accusations.

As investigations are awaited, the case has raised fresh concerns over maternal care, emergency response and accountability in private healthcare facilities.

Judgment Against VIO: An end to roadside lawlessness

By Sonnie Ekwowusi

The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja has delivered a landmark judgment that strikes at the heart of one of Nigeria’s most persistent symbols of roadside oppression: the Directorate of Road Traffic Services (DRTS), popularly known as the Vehicle Inspection Office (VIO). In a unanimous decision, a three-member panel of the court affirmed the October 2, 2024, judgment of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which barred the VIO from stopping motorists on the road, impounding or confiscating vehicles, and imposing fines on citizens.

The case that produced this landmark ruling began in 2023, when a legal practitioner and public interest lawyer, Mr. Abubakar Marshall, approached the Federal High Court to challenge what he described as the unlawful seizure of his Honda car by VIO officials in the Jabi District of Abuja. Marshall contended that his vehicle was forcefully impounded on December 12, 2023, without any lawful justification or opportunity for him to be heard by a court of competent jurisdiction. He argued that the action violated his constitutional rights to freedom of movement, presumption of innocence, and fair hearing, as guaranteed by the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

In a decisive judgment delivered on October 2, 2024, Justice Nkeonye Evelyn Maha of the Federal High Court, Abuja  held that there is no law—statutory or otherwise—that empowers the VIO to stop, impound, confiscate, or seize vehicles on the road, or to impose fines on motorists. The court further found that the VIO and its officials, operating under the supervision of the Federal Capital Territory Administration, had acted outside the law. Consequently, Justice Maha granted all the reliefs sought by Marshall and issued a perpetual injunction restraining the VIO and its agents from further violating the fundamental rights of Nigerians.

Dissatisfied with the court decision, the VIO, alongside other officials and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, appealed the decision. That appeal has now been comprehensively dismissed.

Delivering the lead judgment of the Court of Appeal, Justice Oyejoju Oyebiola Oyewumi held unequivocally that the VIO lacks any legal authority to impound or confiscate vehicles or to impose fines on motorists. Such conduct, the court ruled, amounts to a clear breach of the rights to fair hearing, freedom of movement, and presumption of innocence. The appellate court not only affirmed the Federal High Court’s findings but also awarded an additional cost of ₦1 million against the appellants, on top of the ₦2.5 million earlier awarded initially awarded by the Federal High Court, Abuja favour of the respondent.

This Court of Appeal is appluaded. The judgment is lucid, courageous, and firmly anchored in constitutionalism. It sends a powerful message that enforcement agencies must operate within the bounds of the law and that fundamental rights are not privileges to be dispensed or withdrawn at the whim of uniformed officials.

 The claim by the Lagos State Government that the Federal High Court judgment delivered in Abuja does not apply in Lagos is fatally flawed. Under Sections 249 and 287(3) of the 1999 Constitution, the Federal High Court is one indivisible court with jurisdiction across the Federation. Its divisions are administrative conveniences, not separate courts. A judgment delivered in Abuja binds authorities and persons throughout Nigeria. The same principle applies to the Court of Appeal under Sections 237 and 287(2) of the Constitution. The Court of Appeal is one national court, and its decisions are binding across all states, including Lagos.

Beyond the legal clarity, this judgment exposes the deeper rot in the operations of the VIO. For years, the agency has been synonymous with harassment, intimidation, and extortion of motorists. There have been repeated allegations of reckless inspection practices, physical assaults, and unlawful seizures of vehicles. Public memory still recalls incidents in which vehicles allegedly caught fire while in VIO custody, including the widely reported cases involving a painter’s car years ago and the more recent burning of a vehicle impounded over a cracked windscreen.

More importantly, the VIO’s operations also overlap confusingly with those of the Federal Road Safety Corps and state traffic agencies, creating jurisdictional chaos and encouraging abuse. It was against this backdrop that former Lagos State Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, ordered the withdrawal of VIO officials from Lagos roads—a decision widely welcomed by the public.

When enforcement officers prioritise extortion over safety, they undermine the very purpose of regulation. Uniforms should symbolise service and discipline, not unchecked power. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, they too often become tools of oppression, wielded against ordinary citizens struggling to go about their daily lives.

The time has therefore come for decisive action. In light of the Court of Appeal’s judgment, state governments across the country should permanently ban the VIO from road enforcement duties. Traffic management and safety should be entrusted only to properly trained and legally empowered agencies. Any officer—whether a traffic warden, police officer, or soldier—found to have abused their authority must be sanctioned without hesitation.

This judgment offers Nigeria an opportunity to reclaim its roads from arbitrariness and fear. It is a call to end the dictatorship of the uniform and to reaffirm that no agency is above the law. Citizens deserve to move freely, without harassment, in a country governed by the rule of law—not by the whims and caprice of the VIO and roadside abusers.

CONCLUDED

The Legal Corner Kick: How a forgotten constitutional quirk is shaking the foundations of global football

By Kachi Okezie, Esq

The roar of the crowd has faded, the cleats have been hung up, and the dramatic penalty shootout that decided the fate of the 2026 African World Cup qualification slot is supposedly etched in history. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) secured their passage, leaving Nigeria and Cameroon in the ashes of defeat. Yet, in one of the most remarkable turns of events in recent football history, the battlefield has swiftly shifted from the manicured grass pitch to the sterile, wood-paneled hearing rooms of FIFA, and the weapon of choice is not a swift counter-attack but an obscure, fundamental piece of jurisprudence: the DRC’s own constitution.

This profound and bizarre legal drama offers a masterclass in the necessity of legal vigilance, a harsh lesson in the political risks inherent in regulatory compliance, and a crucial test of global governance for the world’s most powerful sporting body.

The genius, or perhaps the sheer, desperate pragmatism, of the Nigerian and Cameroonian petitions lies in their understanding that the game is not over until the rulebook says it is. When talent and tactics failed them in the continental playoffs, they did what any effective entity must do: exploit the regulatory framework to their advantage.

Their challenge pivots on Article 10 of the 2006 DRC Constitution, which strictly prohibits dual nationality. To gain Congolese citizenship, the law dictates a formal, irrevocable renunciation of any other citizenship. The contention, dramatically targeting players like Aaron Wan-Bissaka and at least eight others, is simple: these individuals, having acquired DRC passports while reportedly retaining their European or foreign nationalities, were never, in the eyes of DRC law, legal Congolese citizens. By extension, they were ineligible to represent the national team.

In the blunt, adversarial language of football, the petitioners are alleging that the DRC achieved victory using “mercenaries,” defined here not by pay, but by a legal technicality that cuts to the very core of national identity and representation.
This move underscores a critical lesson for any organization operating on a global stage: due diligence must extend beyond the immediate regulatory horizon.

For years, FIFA’s eligibility rules have relied on a relatively straightforward mechanism: possession of a valid passport issued by the relevant Member Association, coupled with a sporting connection to that nation. The system is designed for speed and simplicity, not for deep, constitutional audits. The DRC football federation, and perhaps the players themselves, assumed this was sufficient. They failed to account for the political risk of their own nation’s foundational laws. This oversight is catastrophic. It transforms what should have been a glorious triumph into a monumental administrative failure, proving that a single, forgotten clause in a distant constitutional text can possess more destructive power than the most potent opposing striker. Any corporation, any individual, any sporting body, must internalise this: success requires not just operational efficiency but absolute legal hygiene. A loophole ignored is a regulatory ticking time bomb.

This brings us to the monumental challenge facing FIFA. The governing body is trapped in a jurisprudential quagmire of its own making. On one hand, the integrity of its competitions demands that all participants adhere to eligibility criteria. On the other hand, FIFA’s historical practice has been to accept the validity of a passport issued by a sovereign state. The petitioners, however, argue that FIFA was either misled or failed to investigate a known conflict. They are not challenging FIFA’s rules; they are challenging the validity of the DRC citizenship itself, based on DRC law.

If FIFA ignores this constitutional provision, they set a dangerous precedent, essentially asserting that their sporting rules can override the foundational laws of a sovereign state—a perilous path that undermines the authority of every national federation they govern. If they uphold the challenge, they must accept that their own clearance mechanisms were insufficient, potentially opening a pandora’s box of similar challenges across multiple teams who rely on players with multiple national ties.

Effective regulatory compliance, therefore, cannot be a passive exercise of simply checking boxes. It requires proactive enforcement, especially by a global body that sets the competitive standard. FIFA must now step up and clarify the interplay between international sports law and the domestic nationality laws of its members. They must establish a robust, centralized mechanism that flags known constitutional prohibitions, particularly in cases of players switching allegiance, to prevent future, integrity-threatening crises.

This crisis forces FIFA to either become a more powerful, probing administrative body, or risk having the results of its marquee tournaments decided by last-minute legal protests rather than on the field. The integrity of the World Cup, the world’s grandest stage, is at stake.

The lessons extend beyond the realm of football. This scenario is a textbook illustration for anyone involved in high-stakes, international competition—whether in sports, finance, or diplomacy. First, the importance of legal literacy is paramount. The Nigerian and Cameroonian lawyers understood that the weakness of their opponent was not tactical, but fundamental. They executed a devastating legal counter-attack that was invisible to the millions of fans watching the game itself.

Second, never concede the battlefield prematurely. Nigeria, often referred to with a blend of affection and exasperation as a “cat with nine lives” in qualification dramas, has again proven that an opportunity, however slim, exists until the final regulatory body has rendered a final, binding decision. The pursuit of the legal path, even when qualification seems mathematically impossible, is the ultimate manifestation of fighting until the absolute end.

How FIFA escapes this predicament will define its governance for a generation. It is facing a zero-sum game: vindicate the constitutional integrity of the DRC and deny the protest, or punish the DRC for an eligibility breach, potentially reinstating Cameroon and Nigeria into a final playoff before the intercontinental one. The irony of amending a constitution too late—as the user noted, a new law cannot apply retroactively—highlights the rigid, unforgiving nature of the law. The rule was on the books when the matches were played, and that is all that matters.

As the football world holds its breath, the real World Cup final is now being played out in a legal chamber, reminding us all that in the modern global arena, the most dangerous, and ultimately decisive, weapons are often contained in a dusty, seldom-read document.

Kachi Okezie, Esq is sports lawyer.

The masquerade who drank palmwine quietly, By Funke Egbemode

This is about politicians and their needless noise.

In the early days, when the boundary between the living and the ancestral was thin as smoke, masquerades descended only at festivals. They came with thunder in their feet and secrets in their costumes, feared not because they were guttural in their voices, but because they did not need to shout.

Among them were masquerades who never danced wildly, never chased children, never raised their whips, never boasted of power. Yet, when they passed, even elders lowered their voices.

It was said they drank palmwine.

But no one ever saw them lift a gourd or a cup.

At night, when the drums had slept and the moon rested on the iroko tree, the masquerades gathered in the sacred grove. There, old palmwine tapped at dawn was poured into calabashes. Each masquerade tilted its head slightly, just enough. The wine slipped beneath the mask—unseen, unspilled. No mask was wet. No secret showed. They drank slowly, patiently, as spirits do.

The younger masquerades wondered and whispered: “How do they drink and remain spirits?”

An elder masker heard them and answered: “They do not drink to be seen. They drink to dominate.”

One season, a new masquerade arrived—loud, restless, drunk on applause. In the marketplace, it lifted its mask high, gulped palmwine before the crowd, and laughed.

The children laughed too; they clapped.

The elders did not. A taboo had been broken. And it was a mortal sin—unforgivable.

By the next festival, the masquerade’s costume had lost its beauty. Aso re ti pon; aso re ti ya. Its mask had become ragged. Its footsteps lost their thunder. When it came out again, no one stepped aside. Dogs barked at it. Children mocked it. It had drunk openly and lost the silence that made it feared.

The quiet masquerades remained.

They drank when no eyes watched. They spoke only through the drum. They never explained themselves. And so, the people continued to believe.

Till today, elders say: “The masquerade that survives is not the one that hides thirst, but the one that hides the cup.”

And that is why true masquerades still drink their palmwine quietly—keeping the mask, keeping the myth, keeping the power that noise cannot buy.

Did you see or hear the APC hold a press conference or organise a summit on how all the governors of the PDP would move their beds to APC? Did you hear a gong or town crier summoning anybody to a village square meeting on how the PDP masquerade would be unmasked and stripped? No. The party knew its target and went right to the roots of the tree with the right armour. The tree did not suspect. PDP stalwarts were shocked to the bones.

Unlike in the days of the Ebora Owu, when EFCC officials flooded a state PDP wanted by fire and force, there were no striped EFCC jackets. DSS did not lay siege to anybody’s compound. Armoured vehicles did not line any street. The only move that looked like an impeachment did not even culminate in one. The APC masquerade chewed silently and drank its palmwine without its mask shifting or shaking. Eégún s’enu jeje muti—that is how the Yoruba describe the APC moves. The opposition governors continue to register at their wards to become APC members.

It is like the sacrifices placed at road junctions, what politicians do. Only the diviner and his client know the ingredients in the calabash and what they want to achieve. The rest of us only know when the akalamagbo bird has done the job and the mothers of the night have accepted the sacrifice. That is what APC did. It made its moves while the opposition was sleeping. It did all the heavy lifting when nobody was looking. It deployed a strategy different from the one used by the ruling party in the past. It achieved its aim and got what it wanted. Every other thing happening now is pouring water on the back of a calabash.

So, is Funke here to pat the APC on the back and rub PDP’s nose in the mud? No. Yes, I am worried about both parties, but this piece is strictly about needless noise and empty noises. Nigerians, Africans—we talk too much and do so little.

Opo oro kò k’agbon; afefe´ ni n gbé lo.

A million words will not fill a basket; it is the wind that blows them all away.

There is something to be learnt from the APC’s quiet move on the opposition parties. It was steady, behind closed doors. There were no statements. So why is it difficult for officials of government, especially federal government agencies, to borrow as many leaves as they can from APC’s ways, after all, they are APC members? Why can’t ministers, permanent secretaries and directors-general do what they are paid to do and announce the results later? Why do they come to the media first, announce the big thing they want to do, and after that the big deals become no deals? Yes, they make front pages the following morning and become talking points on morning television shows. The media benefits from it. We get easy headlines and juicy talking points that attract viewers and followers. But none of that helps the minister or the D-G.

This is also about our children, their exams, and miracle centres. Just last Sunday, the Federal Government, through the Federal Ministry of Education, announced a nationwide ban on the admission and transfer of students into Senior Secondary School Three in both public and private secondary schools across Nigeria. The new policy is aimed at curbing examination malpractices in our secondary schools, including the use of special centres where miracle results are “produced”. Laudable decision, long overdue. I was happy. Then suddenly, the implication of the statement hit me.

The ministry has tipped off the proprietors of the special centres and their corrupt clients. I am sure the ministry knows that these proprietors have registered and unregistered unions. By now, they would have put together ways and means to tackle this policy, which they would have concluded was targeted at putting them out of business. It is, really. If the FG stops the inflow of intakes or candidates into special centres, their taps would dry up. But that won’t happen. I can almost categorically say nothing will change. The special centres will continue to operate and thrive in good health. Why? The Ministry of Education spoke too soon. It deliberately put the cart before the horse. For a policy designed to take off in the 2026/2027 academic session, why are we making this statement now, knowing the FG is going after a mafia?

Yes, it is important to let parents know well ahead of time, but isn’t that the whole point of school administration via Parents-Teachers Associations and similar platforms? Couldn’t this have been done more neatly through the ministries of education in each state? If the Federal Ministry of Education had gone after the miracle centres, hauled their proprietors to court, and arranged speedy arraignments and trials, there would have been a good chance of shutting down the corrupt centres. If principals had been directed to hold PTA meetings to inform parents and students that there would no longer be transfer into SS3, the real stakeholders would have been properly briefed.

Not that I totally agree with the policy in its entirety. What if I am transferred from Oyo State to Akwa Ibom and my daughter is in SS3? Should I leave her behind in Ibadan—with whom?

Anyway, back to the premature announcement angle.

This is not the first time the business of special centres is being threatened, unsuccessfully. Those proprietors know their ways around the ministries of education. By now, they would have held a dozen survival meetings. And they won’t announce their strategies. Only their regulators do that. And so, once again, they will survive and carry on with their miracle business. They know what to do. They have partners in crime that they diligently service. They also almost always get results, which is why they are miracle centres. It is only government agencies that wake an armed, war-tested general first before attempting to disarm him. Who does that? Once again, the Federal Ministry of Education has kicked from the penalty box into the throwing area.

Back to the Alajebanu masquerade who drank and was seen. In later years, the elders began to say without calling names that kingdoms too had their masquerades. Some ruled like spirits, acting quietly, letting results speak, never lifting the mask of power before the crowd. Others, drunk on praise, exposed themselves daily in the marketplace, explaining every move, shouting their strength, drinking palmwine in public to prove they were men and not myths. But the people noticed that the louder a masquerade spoke of power, the faster belief drained from it. For authority, like masqueradehood, survives on restraint. Once the mask is lifted too often, the mystery dies…

My conclusion: there is something beyond politics to be learnt from APC and how it has disarmed the opposition. Do not announce your strategy with a loudspeaker. You cannot kill a tree by removing its leaves; you go for the roots. You cannot go after the special centres by alerting them nine months ahead of the time of trouble. If APC had done that, PDP and LP would have survived the onslaught. If government really wants to do something, it will do it. The civil servants have the knowledge, the experience, and the reach to get things done. I know them. I was once among them.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

‘Extortionate and Illegal’: NBA urges Tinubu to rein in IGP over tinted glass policy

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to intervene and rein in the Inspector General of Police (IGP), warning that the planned resumption of enforcement of the controversial Tinted Glass Permit policy amounts to contempt of court and an unjustified burden on Nigerians.

At a press conference in Abuja, NBA President Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN, condemned the Nigeria Police Force’s announcement that enforcement of the suspended policy would resume on January 2, 2026, describing the move as unlawful, extortionate and reckless while litigation over the policy remains before the courts.

Osigwe said the decision directly contradicts an understanding reached between the NBA and the police, as well as ongoing proceedings at the Federal High Court.

“The planned resumption of enforcement is against the grain of an ongoing court case and an understanding reached between the Nigerian Bar Association and the Nigeria Police Force,” he said.

He accused the police of transforming a law enforcement function into a revenue-generating scheme. “The Nigeria Police Force is not established to generate revenue,” Osigwe said, adding that the policy’s structure raises serious transparency concerns.

According to the NBA, payments for the permit are allegedly being made into a private account rather than a government-approved revenue channel, with no clarity on how funds are managed or what became of previously issued permits.

“If this policy is truly about security, why are earlier permits suddenly invalid?” Osigwe asked. “Why must Nigerians renew them? What this does is empower officers on the roads to extort and harass civilians.”

The NBA also criticised the timing of the announcement, saying it was designed to pressure Nigerians during the festive season.

“Nigerians are already groaning under harsh economic conditions, struggling to travel and provide for their families,” Osigwe said. “Now they are being compelled to submit to an extortionate process to obtain a so-called permit.”

He questioned why, if legitimate, the permit could not be integrated into routine vehicle documentation during registration or renewal, describing the policy as opaque and poorly justified.

The association said the matter is already before the Federal High Court in Abuja, where hearings have been concluded and judgment reserved. It warned that any attempt to enforce the policy before a ruling is delivered could amount to contempt of court.

In a detailed statement, the NBA said its Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL) filed Suit No: FHC/ABJ/CS/1821/2025 on September 2, 2025, challenging the legality of the policy and the police’s authority to impose fees on citizens.

The suit argues that the Motor Tinted Glass (Prohibition) Act of 1991 is a military-era law incompatible with the 1999 Constitution and that its enforcement would trigger widespread extortion, given what the NBA described as the police’s long record of abuse, harassment and misconduct.

The NBA further warned that the levy adds to Nigeria’s growing tax burden, undermines investor confidence and contradicts tax reform measures scheduled to take effect in January 2026.

The association also cited an October 3 order of the Federal High Court in Warri directing parties to maintain the status quo in a related suit, an order it said prompted an agreement with the police to suspend enforcement pending judicial determination.

It described the Force Public Relations Officer’s announcement of a January 2 resumption as “shocking and disturbing” and evidence of “a troubling disregard for the rule of law.”

The NBA warned that it would initiate contempt proceedings against the IGP, Kayode Egbetokun, and police spokesperson CSP Benjamin Hundeyin if enforcement resumes. It also directed its branches and Human Rights Committee to provide immediate legal assistance to any Nigerian harassed or arrested under the policy.

Osigwe stressed that representations made in open court by police counsel constitute binding judicial undertakings, warning that any deviation would amount to overreaching the court, as established by the Supreme Court.

The NBA called on President Tinubu to intervene, warning that resuming enforcement would not only undermine the judiciary but impose fresh economic hardship on Nigerians already under strain.

Dangote drags NMDPRA boss in explosive petition to ICPC

Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, has formally petitioned Nigeria’s anti-graft agency, accusing the head of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) of corruption, abuse of office and illicit enrichment.

In a petition submitted on December 16 to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), Dangote urged the agency to investigate, arrest and prosecute the NMDPRA’s Managing Director, Ahmed Farouk, over allegations that he is living far beyond his legitimate income as a public official.

The petition, written on Dangote’s behalf by senior advocate Ogwu James Onoja, SAN, and addressed to ICPC Chairman Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN, alleges that Farouk spent more than $7 million on the education of his four children in Switzerland over six years—payments Dangote claims are inconsistent with Farouk’s earnings in public service.

According to the petition, the fees were paid upfront and covered tuition at multiple Swiss institutions. Dangote provided the names of the children, their schools and the specific amounts allegedly paid, urging the ICPC to verify the claims through a full financial investigation.

Dangote further alleged that Farouk used his position at the NMDPRA to divert public funds for personal benefit, actions he said have fueled public anger and protests directed at the regulatory authority in recent months.

The industrialist argued that Farouk has spent his entire adult life in Nigeria’s public sector and could not have lawfully accumulated the resources required to fund such expenses.

“It is without doubt that the above facts amount to abuse of office, breach of the Code of Conduct for public officers, corrupt enrichment and embezzlement,” the petition states, adding that such offences fall squarely within the ICPC’s statutory powers under Section 19 of its enabling Act.

The petition noted that a conviction under the Act carries a penalty of up to five years’ imprisonment without an option of a fine.

Dangote urged the ICPC to act decisively, saying the matter has entered the public domain and poses reputational risks to the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu if left unresolved.

“We have no reservation that the Commission, under your leadership, will not close its eyes to these allegations but will act to ensure justice is done,” the petition said.

Dangote also pledged full cooperation with investigators, stating that he is prepared to present documentary and testimonial evidence to support claims of corrupt enrichment, abuse of office and impunity against the NMDPRA chief.

As of the time of filing this report, neither Farouk Ahmed nor the NMDPRA had issued a public response to the allegations.

Nollywood star Tonto Dikeh reveals years-long struggles with smoking addiction, and spiritual turning point

Popular Nollywood actress Tonto Dikeh has publicly shared what she described as a personal transformation after years of addiction and emotional struggles.

Dikeh gave the testimony during a Sunday service at Streams of Joy International Church in Abuja. The account was also broadcast during the New Season Prophetic Prayers and Declarations livestream on Monday, led by Pastor Jerry Eze.

The actress told the congregation she began smoking at age 13 and later struggled with alcohol use and other personal challenges. She said the habits persisted for decades before what she described as a turning point through faith.

“I smoked since I was 13,” Dikeh said, adding that her struggles ended only after seeking spiritual intervention.

She explained that her decision to speak publicly was driven by gratitude rather than publicity. She said she briefly considered staying silent to protect her public image.

“The God who gave me the image can take it away,” she told worshippers.

Dikeh said a major shift followed her attendance at the Ghana Prayer Conference. She described the experience as the end of years of emotional and spiritual turmoil.

She also spoke about long-standing anger issues, which she said affected her relationships and personal life.

“That anger destroyed my life,” she said, adding that sustained prayer brought calm and emotional stability.

Dikeh said the peace she now feels is unfamiliar and deeply personal.

“I am 40 years old, and I have never known peace like this,” she said.

The actress disclosed that her smoking habit lasted nearly three decades. She traced its origins to early exposure at home and warned parents about the long-term impact of such habits on children.

“Something small can affect your children for life,” she said.

She added that she no longer experiences cravings for cigarettes or alcohol.

“My body is rejecting it,” she said. “It is broken.”

During the service, Pastor Eze prayed for the actress, declaring her restored and called to inspire others.

Dikeh later shared photos from the service on Instagram, describing herself as “a living testimony of mercy.”

TIPS