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Katsina State: The inversion of justice, morality and sovereignty through amnesty for terrorists

By Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor Esq

The recent release of seventy (70) confirmed bandits and jihadist terrorists by the Katsina State Government, under the euphemistic cloak of a so-called “peace accord,” ought to send cold shivers down the spine of every conscientious Nigerian. This development is not merely troubling; it is an ominous signal of a perilous policy trajectory, one that, if unchecked, is capable of igniting the entire Northern region and, by extension, imperilling the already fragile stability of the Nigerian state.

A government that elects to negotiate with terror, reward violence with legitimacy, and substitute justice with expediency is not brokering peace; it is institutionalising insecurity. The message is unmistakable: arms, bloodshed, and lawlessness have now become viable bargaining instruments in dealings with the Nigerian state.

Nigerians are therefore entitled, indeed compelled, to ask, and to ask loudly, whether this aberration enjoys the tacit blessing or silent acquiescence of the Federal Government and the national security agencies. The absence of a firm and unequivocal repudiation lends disturbing credence to the inference that an official imprimatur may well hover over this reckless enterprise. The Federal Government owes Nigerians not platitudes, but a clear, candid, and constitutionally grounded explanation.

The Cruel Irony: Freedom For Bandits, Chains For The Innocent

While armed insurgents, whose hands drip with the blood of security personnel and defenceless civilians, are serenaded with negotiations and ushered back into society, thousands of innocent Igbo youths, mothers, and sisters remain unlawfully detained across Nigeria.

Their crime? None known to law, save for the misfortune of wrongful ethnic labelling and prejudicial categorisation.

Only days ago, it was officially reported that the State Security Services confirmed the death of Mrs. Calista Ifedi, while in detention at the notorious Wawa Barracks detention facility in Niger State. She had been arrested on 23rd November 2021, alongside her husband, not for any offence known to law, but merely on the allegation that they sold food to persons labelled as IPOB members.

Throughout the entirety of their unlawful detention, neither Mrs. Ifedi nor her husband was ever arraigned before any court of competent jurisdiction. Instead, they were detained at the unfettered discretion of one of the most notoriously brutal Directors-General the Service has known, Alhaji Yusuf Magaji Bichi, alongside numerous other innocent Igbo citizens.

This egregious violation of human rights was conceived, endorsed, and executed under the despotic regime of the late Muhammadu Buhari, whose state governor is today, ironically, unleashing deadly jihadists onto the streets of Nigeria under the guise of a “peace deal.” It was further consummated by the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, SAN, who is now confronting allegations of monumental corruption he perpetrated during that infamous era.

It took the more humane and enlightened administrative reforms of the current Director-General of the State Security Service, Mr. Tosin A. Ajayi, particularly the initiative to profile detainees with a view to releasing those illegally held without trial, before Mr. Ifedi eventually regained his freedom. Tragically, he was informed only two days ago that his wife had died during their incarceration. One can scarcely imagine a more harrowing injustice, nor a more broken man.

For years, I have persistently raised alarm over the fate of hundreds of innocent Igbo citizens incarcerated at Wawa Barracks, Kainji, Niger State, subjected not to open and transparent trials, but to secretive, pseudo-judicial processes that mock every tenet of constitutional democracy and the rule of law.

Yet, in the face of this manifest injustice, a deafening silence prevails. Our so-called political leaders from the South-East appear far more animated by the permutations of 2027 electoral arithmetic than by the immediate agony of their unlawfully detained kinsmen. While they calculate future ambitions, the architects and sponsors of real terror are rewarded with peace deals, handshakes, and freedom.

I hereby call, with utmost urgency, on Igbo political leaders, particularly the Governors of the South-East states, to rise above lethargy and the complicity of silence. They must investigate, interrogate, and demand accountability concerning the continued detention of their people: men and women whose only offence is wrongful labelling, unlawful detention, and punishment without trial.
Let it be stated without equivocation: where culpability is established, prosecution must follow; openly, transparently, and before a duly constituted court of law. Anything short of this amounts to executive lawlessness thinly disguised as security policy.

The Implications: A State Surrendering Itself

The implications of the Katsina State Government’s actions are stark and deeply unsettling. A state that negotiates with terrorists from a posture of fear rather than authority is conceding its sovereignty. It signals an effective surrender of governance to marauders and indicts the capacity of the national security architecture to safeguard lives, property, and democratic order.

History teaches, often cruelly, that appeasement of terror does not extinguish it; it emboldens it. A day may come, sooner than anticipated, when these same terrorists, having tasted power and legitimacy, will overrun state institutions and assume de facto control of governance. When that day arrives, no peace accord will save us.

Most chillingly, reports now suggest that further negotiations are underway for the release of additional incarcerated terrorists. As the elders would say: “Ụka agwụla.”

Nigeria today sits precariously upon a keg of gunpowder. If this perilous initiative is not promptly halted by the Federal Government, the grim prospect looms of entire swathes of the federation being ceded, piecemeal, to jihadist terror.
Time, as ever, will be the final arbiter.

Ejiofor, first lawyer to Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, writes from Abuja.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Nigeria: 60 years after the First military coup

By Jeff Godwin Doki Ph.D

As a country, Nigeria shall be 66 years old come October this year. On January 15, 1966, six years after political independence, the military led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogu seized power from the democratically elected government of Alhaji Tafawa Balewa. The reasons the soldiers advanced for the coup were many and varied. Among other things they include: the need to arrest the drifting of the politicians into political violence; to end the corruption which had become pervasive in the country; to end the insecurity consequent upon the clash between Chief Obafemi Awolowo (Action Group) and Chief Akintola (Nigerian National Democratic Party) which eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the Western Region; the disagreement that arose from the result of the National Census of 1962/3; the resort to the use of thugs and election-rigging by the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) during the 1965 Federal elections in Western Nigeria and also Tiv area in present day Benue state. It was all these reasons that prompted the first military intervention on January 15, 1966.

For 13 years the military held sway.
Again, in 1983 the military led by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari seized power from the democratically elected government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari citing socio-economic anomie, corruption, bankruptcy, growing external debt and the collapse of social services as reasons. One may state with considerable justification that since independence in 1960, Nigeria has witnessed only two successful coups that dethroned elected governments namely that of Major Nzeogu in 1966 and that of Major Buhari in 1983. While some commentators argue that out of these two coups that of 1966 was more popular because it aimed at arresting the drift into political insecurity at the time, others hold that the Buhari coup of 1983 aimed at sustaining the Hausa control of the government and the country. But let’s reserve that discussion for another time and place.

All students of Nigerian history know that military rule is an aberration because the military has no business in politics and they can only be involved in non-constitutional ways. Lamentably, the military since 1966 has used the gun forcefully to seize power from elected governments. But take note of this: there have been three military coups against military governments. The first was that of July 29, 1966 which led to the death of General Aguiyi Ironsi (an Ibo man) and the emergence of General Yakubu Gowon, the second was that of Gen Murtala Mohammed which overthrew Gen Yakubu Gowon on July 29, 1975. Murtala Mohammed was assassinated by Lt. Col. Bukar Suka Dimka on February, 13, 1976. The third led to the emergence of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida after the overthrow of Gen Buhari in August 1985. But apart from these three coups against military regimes, there have been many unsuccessful ones especially the failed one led by Major Gideon Orkar on April, 22, 1990.

The obvious implication is that the several coups of the military against the military points to only one direction: the desire of the military to wield political power in order to advance their interest as individuals and as a group. The sum of it all is that since independence the military has ruled Nigeria longer than the civilians and this is evident in the coups and counter coups. Needless to state that it is this factor more than anything else which has led to the politicization of the armed forces. It could be perceived that the entire Nigerian nation is trapped not just in a vicious cycle of human stupidity but also in an inescapable web: the politicians used their ill-gotten money to debase the electoral process and wield political power, the soldiers use their guns to seize power from our unconscionable breed of unscrupulous politicians.

More damaging and destructive is the fact that military rule which is anchored on the instruments of coercion and force in the control of states, agencies and resources has caused irremediable harm on the psyche of the entire nation. This has bred a culture of fear, opportunity and sycophancy in Nigerian society. The most critical implication of this forceful control and dominance is the entrenchment of dictatorship in the administration of the country. It was the military regime that introduced the militarization and mismanagement of the economy. It was the first military coup that introduced ethnic inequality in Nigeria. During coups and counter coups, the military group that had more people in the Army wielded uncontrolled powers that give them a sense of superiority over others. The obvious and tragic consequence is that this has given rise to the politicization of governance in Nigeria.

Nigeria is a pluralistic society and in such a society when rights are not distributed on the principles of justice, hard work, merit, fair play and excellence, the door is automatically open for ethnic and religious strife which also has the potential of opening a wider door for banditry and terrorism. Furthermore, the military attitude of appointment of officers based on ethnicity and religion and not on competence or merit is one of the problems that has retarded our growth as a nation. It has further entrenched the to-hell-with-merit and man-know-man syndrome. Our students and children are fully aware of this syndrome and it forbodes danger for the nation. It was the military that planted and watered this seed. Now it has germinated and flowered.

Besides, the military especially under Babangida embarked on a systematic program of the pauperization of the ordinary Nigerian citizen through its obnoxious economic reforms in the mid- 1980s. The immediate consequence was that the Gen. Ibrahim Babangida regime accepted foreign Neo-liberal policies which gave rise to heavy external debt burdens, economic stagnation conjoined with rampant inflation, the material impoverishment of educational infrastructure, the massive demoralization of university teachers, skill flight etc. The Babangida regime had zero tolerance for dissenting voices. It proscribed ASUU, arrested, tortured and detained it leaders especially Attahiru Jega and Festus Iyayi. It was the same military under Babangida that annulled the 1993 elections, an election that was adjudged to be very free and fair. And the reasons trumped off for the annulment were so contradictory, so insulting to the intelligence that the entire Nigerian nation seemed to have degenerated into a theater of the absurd. The Nigerian military can be accused of almost all the crimes in the calender.

The consequence of prolonged military rule is that today, Nigeria beckons on China, UAE, France and many other foreign countries and multinationals to come into the country and make money by exploiting our rich natural resources. Today, Chinese companies are everywhere in Nigeria constructing roads while at the same time carting away our mineral resources and engaging in illegal mining of minerals in states like Nasarawa, Plateau, Adamawa and Zamfara. Besides, the oil in the Southern part of the country is exploited on a daily basis by American and Chinese companies. They exploit all these resources and go free because Nigerian citizens are not united. There is a huge connivance between the rulers and the victims. The Nigerian government has completely abandoned the agro-based sector. All attention is on the oil sector. Apart from oil, our leaders think only about political power because to control political power in Nigeria means to be in charge of the treasury and to be in charge of the treasury means to become a multi-billionaire; to set up business ventures in all city capitals of the world. The political class is obsessed with winning the forthcoming 2027 elections, no more, no less.

With the return to civil rule in 1999, Nigerian citizens are yet to cleanse the militaristic cobwebs in their psyche and thinking. For example, Obasanjo and (late) Gen. Buhari who have both ruled Nigeria for eight years each as civilians were all former men of war. They share the unique distinction of being the only two Nigerians (for now) who have ruled Nigeria both as military heads of states and as democratically elected presidents. Both are retired Generals in the Nigerian Army. Both rose to power promising to tackle corruption. Well, we all know the judgement of history over their promises. The uneasy implication is this: what could be more violent than the imposition of military rule with soldiers, guns and jackboots to clamp down on dissenting voices? To fritter away the nation’s resources in the most cynical undertaking that has reduced a potentially great country to beggary and debt? To entrench a culture of ethnic identities that polarize the entire citizenry into tribal cocoons?

Is it a surprise that most civilian regimes in Nigeria are simply a direct offshoot of their military counterparts? What could be more violent in a Democracy than the arbitrarily removal of fuel subsidy and the introduction of new tax reforms whose making you are never part of but which binds your life with an iron grip? Do recall that this is the land built by the military. The military has bred all the civilian dictators in Nigeria. It is left to said that the military still has the opportunity to redeem its battered image. This it can do by fighting and defeating bandits and terrorists who have turned the lives of Nigerian citizens into their playthings. I nearly forgot to pay deserving tributes to our fallen heroes who fought for and died for our dear country, Nigeria. May their souls and that of the faithful departed rest in peace.

Jeff Godwin Doki is a Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Jos (UNIJOS), Nigeria

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Nigeria’s Escalating Violence: A gendered human rights emergency

The devastating news of an entire family brutally murdered in their home in Kano. This horrific act is not an isolated incident it is part of an escalating pattern of violence that reflects a deepening security failure and a dangerous moral collapse in Nigeria.

For years, I have consistently spoken out about the increasing brutal killings of girls and women and the widening spectrum of gender-based violence across the country human trafficking, sexual and gender-based violence, labour exploitation, political exclusion, and economic violence against women. The killing of a young Barr. Princess Nwamaka Chigbo, pushed out of a moving vehicle in Abuja by individuals widely referred to as “one-chance operators,” remains a chilling reminder that in today’s Nigeria, being a woman has become increasingly unsafe.

When these killings are viewed alongside the surge in kidnappings for ransom, the unprovoked attacks by unknown gunmen, and violent raids on communities that leave families wiped out in their homes, a disturbing truth emerges: violence has become normalised, accountability has weakened, and human life especially the lives of women and girls has been dangerously devalued.

This is not merely a security crisis. It is a gendered human rights emergency. A society where women cannot commute safely, work safely, participate in politics freely, or live without fear is a society that is failing at its most basic duty protecting life and dignity.

As a human rights and gender advocacy organisation, Adinya Arise Foundation unequivocally condemns this heinous killing and the persistent culture of violence and impunity that enables it. The failure to decisively address these crimes sends a clear and dangerous signal: that violence pays, that justice is optional, and that women’s lives are expendable.

Let it be stated clearly: no nation can claim democratic progress, economic growth, or political stability while women are routinely brutalised and families are unsafe in their homes. The erosion of moral values, integrity, and accountability is pushing Nigeria toward a place where brutality replaces conscience and fear replaces hope.

We therefore call on the Federal and State Governments, security agencies, and relevant institutions to rise immediately and responsibly to this moment by:

Ensuring swift, transparent, and credible investigations into all killings and gender-based crimes

Ending the culture of impunity by prosecuting perpetrators without delay or exception

Prioritising the protection of women and girls in security planning and response

Strengthening community intelligence, survivor-centered justice mechanisms, and institutional accountability

Reasserting moral and political leadership that places human dignity, justice, and the sanctity of life at the core of governance

Security is not defined by force alone. It is defined by justice, accountability, moral leadership, and the protection of the most vulnerable. A nation that cannot protect its women, children, and families risks losing not only its credibility, but its soul.

Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads. The continued escalation of violence, if left unchecked, spells grave danger for our collective future. This moment must serve as a national reckoning and a wake-up call.

We must urgently reclaim our humanity, restore justice, and reaffirm the values that uphold the worth of every life.

Enough must truly become enough.

Mabel Adinya Ade is the founder and Executive Director of the Adinya Arise Foundation (AAF) and a long-standing human rights and gender advocate.

Food, Memory & Healing Monthly Series

By Kirsten Okenwa

About this series

Food, Memory & Healing is a monthly storytelling series exploring how indigenous foods support health, dignity, and cultural continuity. Drawing from lived testimonies, ancestral food knowledge, and contemporary food science, the series reflects on healing not as a miracle or trend, but as a return to foods shaped by land, memory, and community.

Food and Healing: When Indigenous Foods Remember Our Bodies

There was a time when food did not need translation. It was not labelled organic, functional, or clean. It was known by the land that grew it, by the hands that prepared it, and by the bodies that received it.

Today, many of us eat in abundance yet live in quiet nutritional distress. We manage conditions we did not grow up seeing so frequently: diabetes, hypertension, digestive disorders, and chronic fatigue. In response, we often look outward, to imported superfoods, complex supplements, and unfamiliar eating systems. Yet healing, for many, has begun not with discovery, but with return to roots.

This series, Food, Memory & Healing, looks at how indigenous foods often dismissed as “local,” “poor,” or old-fashioned, are quietly supporting health in today’s world. These foods are not cures or shortcuts. They are part of longer relationships between people, culture, and nourishment.

One such story begins with okpa, a traditional Nigerian dish from the Igbo people. Ask anyone from Enugu about it, and watch their face light up as they describe the warm, savoury pudding wrapped in banana leaves that fueled their childhood mornings. It’s made by steaming a batter of ground Bambara nuts until it sets into a firm, protein-rich pudding; simple in concept, but rich with memory.

I remember travelling to my home state, Enugu, with my mum after a long absence. The first meal I asked for at breakfast was okpa, the wholesome kind made with banana leaves, not the current trend of cooking the pudding in small polythene bags. That request said everything about what I needed from this trip: I was going to eat only local; local grains, local fruits, local vegetables. I was going home in the truest sense.

In eastern Nigeria, a middle-aged man living with diabetes spoke quietly about a change that did not come from a clinic. He did not describe a cure, only steadier days. After returning to regular consumption of okpa, his blood sugar levels became easier to manage, his appetite more predictable. Okpa had been part of his childhood diet, prepared without instruction or health claims. Its return was not a prescription, but a remembering.

Okpa is not fashionable. It isn’t packaged for export or promoted as a health trend. Yet Bambara groundnut is among Africa’s most nutritionally balanced legumes, rich in protein, fibre, and slow-releasing carbohydrates.

Many of our indigenous foods have developed through generations of observation, shaped by climate, soil conditions, scarcity, and care. Millet grew where wheat could not. Bitter leaf endured where sweetness was unreliable. Fermentation emerged not by accident, but through patient attention to preservation and digestion. These foods adapted alongside our people that depended on them.

In Kano, northern Nigeria, a young mother told her story of how she struggled with prolonged fatigue and anaemia after childbirth. Supplements helped, but her recovery felt incomplete. Her family reintroduced foods once central to postpartum care: millet pap, kunu, lightly fermented grains, and vegetable-rich soups. Millet, naturally high in iron and made more bioavailable through fermentation, became a steady source of nourishment. Her strength returned gradually, without drama. Healing, in this case, was not an individual effort. It was shared.

In Minna, Niger state, an elderly civil servant shared his struggle with managing hypertension. Like many others, he reduced salt and avoided processed foods, especially his favourite smoked meat “suya” which usually had high-salt, high-fat seasonings. He struggled with consistency, but his wife returned to cooking bitter leaf soup regularly, prepared traditionally with minimal palm oil. Bitter leaf (Vernonia amygdalina), long known for its antihypertensive and antioxidant properties, became part of a routine, not a prescription. Food became discipline for him, without punishment.

Modern diets tend to favour speed, sweetness, and convenience. Indigenous diets approached balance differently. They valued texture, fermentation, satiety, and restraint. They accepted that not everything nourishing would be immediately pleasant.

A university student dealing with chronic bloating and gluten sensitivity found relief through fonio, an ancient West African grain called acha in northern Nigeria. Light and quick to prepare; courtesy some YouTube videos he downloaded, the meals were easy to digest. Acha (fonio) replaced wheat-based meals that caused discomfort. What surprised him most was not just the physical relief but the sense of familiarity. Acha (fonio) had been his grandmother’s grain, one he had left behind without thinking much about it.

Sometimes, the body recognises what the mind has forgotten. These stories are not a rejection of modern medicine. Clinical care, medication, and nutritional science remain essential. But health is layered. Culture, memory, and continuity also matter. Indigenous foods carry not only nutrients, but practical knowledge shaped by the same environments and histories that shaped our bodies. When these foods are dismissed as outdated, something important is lost.

This series does not argue for nostalgia or a return to the past. It suggests integration, where indigenous foods stand alongside modern knowledge, not beneath it. Where food is understood not as a trend but as a relationship. Indigenous foods do not ask to be rediscovered. They ask to be remembered. Not as miracle cures or nostalgic symbols, but as systems of care shaped by land, labour, and lived experience. In returning to them, carefully and with context, we are not moving backwards. We are restoring continuity in a world that has learned to eat without listening.

Across these essays, we will examine grains, leaves, soups, fermentation, and communal eating. We will listen to lived experiences, refer to science where helpful, and avoid exaggeration. Much of this knowledge has been preserved by women who fed families long before nutrition labels existed.

Healing is rarely sudden. It accumulates over time. It often begins when the body is met in a language it recognises.

Sometimes, that language is food.

Kirsten Okenwa is a writer, industrial chemist, and food systems–peacebuilding practitioner working with rural communities, documenting indigenous foods as memory, medicine, and community knowledge.

Protest Under Siege: NBA-SPIDEL, Global Rights, others confront detention and torture

NBA-SPIDEL in Partnership with IRCT, OMCT, Global Rights & House of Justice

Online Workshop on Protest, Detention, Torture and Shrinking Civic Spaces

Date: Tuesday, 20th January 2026
Time: 4:00 pm – 6:00 pm (WAT)
Platform: Online (Zoom / MS Teams)

Learning Outcomes

At the conclusion of this Continuing Legal Education (CLE) programme, participants will be able to:
1. Identify and explain the constitutional, statutory, regional, and international legal frameworks governing the right to peaceful protest, freedom of assembly, and expression in Nigeria.
2. Analyse the legal implications of shrinking civic spaces and assess their impact on democratic governance, access to justice, and the rule of law.
3. Apply due process standards relating to arrest and detention, particularly in protest-related contexts, and recognise common violations requiring legal intervention.
4. Recognise and document acts of torture and ill-treatment in accordance with domestic law and international documentation standards.
5. Evaluate available accountability mechanisms and remedies for unlawful detention and torture, including strategic litigation options and engagement with regional and international human rights bodies.
6. Demonstrate enhanced professional competence in providing legal representation, advocacy, and victim-centred responses in cases involving protest, detention, torture, and civic space restrictions.

Programme Schedule

4:00 pm – 4:10 pm

Opening and Welcome Remarks
• Welcome address by Ntufam Mba Ukweni SAN, Chairman – Public Interest Litigation Committee, NBA-SPIDEL
• Special Remarks &
Introduction of partner organisations
Associate Professor Uju Agomoh, NBA-SPIDEL

4:10 pm – 4:30 pm

Session 1: Right to Protest and Shrinking Civic Spaces
• Legal framework for peaceful protest under the Nigerian Constitution
• International and regional human rights standards
• Trends in restriction of civic spaces
Speaker:
Abiodun Bayeiwu, Executive Director – Global Rights, Abuja

4:30 pm – 4:50 pm

Session 2: Arrest, Detention and Due Process Guarantees
• Lawful arrest and detention standards
• Protest-related arrests and detention challenges
• Role of legal practitioners in safeguarding detainees’ rights
Speaker:
Gloria Mabeiam Ballason – Founder, House of Justice Kaduna

4:50 pm – 5:15 pm

Session 3: Torture, Ill-Treatment and Documentation Standards
• Prohibition of torture under international law
• Identification and documentation of torture
• Rehabilitation and victim support mechanisms
Speaker:
Maeva Rene-Barry
UN Program Manager, International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRCT),
Copenhagen/Belgium/Geneva

5:15 pm – 5:35 pm

Session 4: Accountability, Strategic Litigation and International Mechanisms
• Domestic remedies and accountability pathways
• Strategic litigation in detention and torture cases
• Engagement with regional and international human rights mechanisms
Speaker:
Dr Isidore NGUEULEU,
Head, Africa Office – OMCT, Geneva

5:35 pm – 5:45pm

Interactive Session: Questions, Case Reflections and Practical Insights
• Participant engagement and practical case discussions
• Professional best practices for lawyers

5:45pm – 6:00 pm

Closing Session:

•   Summary of key learning points:

Dr Lilian Ojimma – Assistant Secretary, NBA-SPIDEL Public Interest Litigation Committee

  • Closing Remarks:
    Paul Daudu SAN, Vice Chairman, NBA-SPIDEL • CLE compliance reminders and attendance confirmation
    SPIDEL Admin Officer • Vote of thanks
    Vincent Adodo – Secretary, NBA-SPIDEL Public Interest Litigation Committee & Assistant Secretary, NBA-SPIDEL

Moderator:
Bulus Atsen fsi
Vice Chair, NBA-SPIDEL Public Interest Litigation Committee

Enome J. Amatey
Secretary, NBA-SPIDEL

Click on the Link Below to register: https://us06web.zoom.us/meeting/register/ryzB1uWkS1iCeOh9e0pvtA

Two Cities, Two Nightmares: Family of six found dead in rivers as police arrest relative in kano family massacre

Nigeria’s deepening crisis of violent deaths took a grim turn this week as two separate family tragedies—hundreds of kilometres apart—exposed the nation’s fragile security and the dangers of rushing to conclusions in cases involving mass fatalities.

In Rivers State, an entire family of six was found dead overnight in their home in Ogale, Eleme Local Government Area, under circumstances that have triggered public outrage and competing narratives between the police and the victims’ relatives. Meanwhile, in Kano State, police have arrested three suspects—including a close relative—over the brutal killing of a woman and her six children, a case authorities now say was a calculated act of murder.

Together, the incidents have intensified public fears and renewed demands for thorough investigations rather than premature official explanations.

Rivers Tragedy: Six Slept, None Woke Up

In Ogale, sorrow and disbelief enveloped the Obele family compound after Theophilus Obele, 49; his wife Eunice, 35; their children—Saka, 18, Peace, 14, and Nyimenka, 7—and Eunice’s younger brother, Abel Nwaka, 25, were found lifeless on Sunday morning, January 11.

The family had returned from Port Harcourt on January 1 for the holidays and were preparing to head back to the city on Sunday morning. Theophilus was expected to resume work at Onne Port the next day, while the children were due back in school.

They never made the trip.

After repeated phone calls went unanswered, relatives forced their way into the house and discovered the bodies in different positions—some in the master bedroom, others elsewhere in the apartment.

Police Blame Generator Fumes, Family Pushes Back

The Rivers State Police Command said preliminary findings pointed to carbon monoxide poisoning from a generator allegedly left running.

But relatives have strongly rejected the explanation, insisting the generator was placed on a rear balcony, far from the bedrooms, and had been used in the same location for days without incident.

“What we saw does not look like people who simply inhaled fumes,” said Godwill Ogoso, the younger brother of Theophilus, who helped discover the bodies.

He described disturbing details, including foam and saliva from victims’ mouths, bleeding from the nose and ears, and signs suggesting a struggle before death.

“These people were healthy the night before. We were together till midnight. Something is wrong,” he said.

The family has called for a full forensic investigation, saying no autopsy report has yet been released to support the police claim.

Kano Horror: Relative Arrested in Family Massacre

As questions swirled in Rivers, police in Kano announced a chilling breakthrough in a separate case that has shaken the northern city.

The Kano State Police Command confirmed the arrest of three suspects over the killing of a woman and her six children in the Dorayi Chiranchi area of the metropolis. The prime suspect, identified as Umar Auwalu, a 23-year-old nephew of the deceased woman, allegedly confessed to planning and executing the murders.

Police said the arrests followed an intelligence-led overnight operation carried out on the directive of the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, and supervised by the Kano State Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Adamu Bakori.

Two other suspects—Isyaku Yakubu, also known as “Chebe,” 40, and Yakubu Abdulaziz, popularly called “Wawo,” 21—were also taken into custody.

According to police spokesperson Abdullahi Haruna Kiyawa, the principal suspect reportedly admitted involvement in other violent killings across parts of Kano, raising concerns about an organised pattern of crime.

Items recovered from the suspects include bloodstained clothing, mobile phones belonging to the victims, weapons, and cash believed to have been taken from the crime scene.

Why the Kano Case Deepens Rivers’ Fears

For the Obele family in Rivers, the Kano arrests have heightened anxiety that authorities may be too quick to rule out foul play in mass-death cases.

“Look at Kano,” a family member said. “At first, people were confused too. Now it’s clear it was murder.”

Local government officials in Eleme have promised a comprehensive probe. The Chairman of Eleme Local Government Area, Chief Obarilomate Ollor, said the investigation would involve the Rivers State Ministry of Health and include medical examinations and an autopsy to establish the true cause of death.

A Nation on Edge

From Kano to Rivers, the twin tragedies underscore a grim reality: families are dying in clusters, explanations are contested, and public trust hinges on transparency and evidence.

In Kano, police say justice is underway. In Rivers, a grieving family and an anxious community are still waiting for answers.

Until forensic results are made public, the question remains unanswered—did the Obele family die from a tragic accident, or is Nigeria staring at another unresolved case of violent death hidden behind premature conclusions?

Ifeanyi Ubah and the awe-inspiring Nnewi Catholic cathedral

By Tony Eluemunor

The dedication or inauguration of Our Lady of Assumption Cathedral, Nnewi, Anambra State, on Wednesday, 14th January, was supposed to celebrate its completion after 12 years of construction.

Instead, a nasty controversy ensued as a man got so disappointed that the Bishop of Nnewi Diocese didn’t credit the late Senator Ifeanyi Patrick Ubah adequately for his role in building that expansive cathedral that he openly announced his exit from the Catholic church. “Ifeanyi ndoo”, (sorry, Ifeanyi) he intoned. Then he added, “Akacharam” (I’m done with the church).

That was it; like flies to a carcass, the social media zoomed in. A feast was on. The hapless average Nigerian did not know what to believe. Did the Bishop remember Ubah at that church service? Yes, he did, tersely; he appreciated the other members of the church,
“including Ifeanyi Ubah, who also contributed” to turning the church dream into reality. Was that enough recognition? That answer will always blow in the wind. The event’s brochure also mentioned Ubah in greater detail. Actually, the Priest who served as Master of Ceremony mentioned about 10 persons and their contributions; the Altar, Grotto, Ciborium, air tickets for the Bishops, etc.

Even when he said one of them elected to remain anonymous, he still mentioned the man’s town. Perhaps that was where Ubah’s name and contributions could have been elaborated on. Yet, we could still make an excuse for that Priest; he actually acknowledged those who were present and not those who had died. So, we could magnanimously ascribe the oversight to the Igbo saying that “Onwu di Njo” (death is an unmitigated tragedy) because
the passage of time wipes clean the memory of the dead from the minds of the living – leaving only a few person’s names to be remembered. We call such people heroes.

If heroism is the yardstick, Ifeanyi Ubah was a hero. Yet, the major problem is with our Nigerianness; we don’t keep records. That is why we will never know what exactly or to what level Ifeanyi Ubah built up that cathedral before others stepped in to help.

How big is that cathedral? What are its outstanding features? Unfortunately, no report about that church mentioned that the central sitting area of that expansive church has
no pillars. Big and ugly pillars abound in big churches, obstructing worshippers’ views. Ubah didn’t want those pillars in his Nnewi cathedral. He wanted a building with a soul-stirring design. That was why he didn’t bother with continuing with the contractor who was
handling the project when he opted to build that cathedral for God and for Nnewi. How to support that expansive roof without numerous pillars was the challenge he wanted Architects and Structural Engineers to solve. And if something turned out wrong, Ubah would tear it down and begin afresh. And time ticked away as he would build, tear down and rebuild without counting the cost.

In 2013 or 2015, Ubah took Mr. Afam Ilounoh, a lawyer, and I to the cathedral site. He told us he sincerely wanted to build a church for God who had lavished blessings upon him and he wanted to take the burden of monetary contributions off the people of his beloved Nnewi town and the other towns that comprise the Nnewi Diocese. A cathedral is the seat of the local bishop and is the center of Christian worship and pastoral administration for a district or diocese. Katedra is Greek for seat, the Bishop’s Throne and Ubah opted to lift the monetary burden off the peoples’ shoulders.

It took all of 12 years to complete the cathedral. In comparison, Pastor David Ibiyeomie’s Salvation Ministries constructed its Hand of God Cathedral in 15 years – 2010 to 2025.
Unfortunately, it is most difficult to compare cathedrals. Ibiyeomi’s is a 120,000-seat temple designed like the palm of a hand with five fingers, and it sits a larger number of people than St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome. Yet, that does not mean that it could hold a candle to the pride of the Catholic Church, the Basilica of St. Peter, Rome. Its construction started 18 April 1506 and ended on 18 November 1626 – over a hundred years later. While Ibiyeomie’s have five buildings, St. Peter’s stands alone, massive and glorious. Length: 220 metres (720 ft). Capacity: 60,000 standing; and 20,000 seated. It is the largest church
in the world by interior measure. It’s dome alone, one of the biggest in the world, dominates Rome’s skyline.

Some social media commentators couldn’t imagine such altruism, that is not an ego trip, for a businessman and politician to singlehandedly attempt to build a cathedral for his people. But Ubah exhibited such altruism before – for the benefit of all Nigerians. As General Muhammadu Buhari’s savoured his victory at the 2015 presidential polls, oil
marketers in the country began to grumble over alleged unpaid subsidy claims. On Saturday, May 16, 2015, the association of oil marketers issued a directive to its members, ordering the suspension of loading activities in all depots from Monday, May 18, 2015. As the May 29 handover date drew closer the situation began to bite harder. Nigerians began to spend nights and long hours at petrol stations. Some radio stations shut down, telecommunications companies had announced an impending shutdownn while homes, offices, and key facilities nationwide were experiencing blackouts. In some parts of the country, petrol was selling at an all-time high of N1,000 per litre. As many left their homes to be sleeping in fuel stations, they faced the possibility of robbery attacks and other attendant risks.

Ilounoh and I decided to request Ubah to break the strike for the sake of the suffering Nigerians and to save Nigeria from shame as the world was preparing to attend Buhari’s inauguration. We wrote a memo stating reasons why Ubah should reach out to a few oil marketers and convince them to join him in breaking the strike. It was on a Saturday night so we advised Ubah to act on Monday.

Ubah read the memo and asked Barr Ilounoh and I to draft a statement in which he announced that Capital Oil’s tank farm facility with a combined storage capacity of 190 million litres with the capacity to load over 13 million litres of product per day be immediately opened to start loading immediately. The company affirmed that it had storage of over 79 million litres of petrol as at the day of the strike. The company called on other petroleum marketers to follow suit and save the nation from an impending economic and social crisis. Dr. Ubah stressed the importance of sacrifice, especially as the nation was preparing to have a new government. He said: “This is a period that requires patriotism and service to fatherland. Let’s join hands to help our fellow citizens and save Nigeria. We also call on the striking bodies to call off the strike action. Let us work together
for the betterment of our people.”

True to his promise, his company commenced distribution of over 13 million litres per day of petroleum products from its tank farm in Apapa, Lagos, that night. This came to approximately 400 trucks of products per day. Ilounoh and I spent that Saturday night monitoring the effect of Ubah’s patriotic and heroic move. Lagos didn’t sleep that night as motorists thronged Ubah’s petrol stations. As the sun rose on Sunday morning, the strike was over as petrol stations came alive.

In some places, Capital Oil reduced the pump price of petrol from N200 to N100 per litre in order to compel other marketers to follow suit. Nnewi and Onitsha in Anambra State as well as some other parts of the country were test cases for this patriotic intervention. Unfortunately, the Buhari administration never wrote Ubah a thank you note!

Even now, many Nigerians have forgotten that heroic act from Ubah. Yes, our national memory holds no score with Ifeanyi Ubah’s contributions; petrol tankers ferried 33,000 litres until Ubah arrived and introduced the 60, 000 versions. At his death, his Capital Oil had a jetty capable of berthing 4 shuttle vessels simultaneously, a tank farm with a storage capacity of over 190 million litres, 32 arm loading gantry capable of discharging up to 55 million litres of petroleum products which exceeds the nation’s daily consumption need.
Capital Oil had a fleet of over 400 trucks for distribution of petroleum products nationwide.

So, Ifeanyi Ubah wanted the Nnewi Cathedral to be special because Ifeanyi’s things were always superlative. And he was right because a cathedral is always more than a mere house but a prayer in stones, a poetry or hymn to God cast in marble, a thanksgiving wrought in concrete and twisted steel, soaring spires and summits that rise to the heavens as though directing prayers towards God.

St Peter’s is regarded as one of the holiest Catholic shrines. It has been described as “holding a unique position in the Christian world”, and as “the greatest of all churches of Christendom”. The American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson described St. Peter’s as “an ornament of the earth … the sublime of the beautiful.” Ubah wanted such wondrous edifice at Nnewi…to the glory of God

In this, the Nnewi Cathedral of the Our Lady of Assumption, shares some aspects with the St. Peter’s Basilica. Ubah told me and Mr. Afam Iluonoh that Bishops and certain priests would love to be buried near their cathedrals, and as Nnewi lacked open spaces for graveyards, there will be underneath the Cathedral, facilities for 140 tombs. I don’t know whether he realized that dream or not. I mentioned this to tell people that there may be a lot in the Cathedral that the public may not know about – such as underground halls for meetings. Also, we don’t fully understand the economic headwinds that buffeted Ubah when the General Mohammadu Buhari’s administration came into power in 2015.

DSS arrested him for months. I can never forget that because from the DSS detention a defiant Ifeanyi sent his lawyers to ask Tony Eluemunor to tell his version of the story to the world. So, we will never know how much his business suffered and how much money he lost and how much that contributed to his delay in completing the cathedral. Hey, I’m still telling his story. I never set eyes on him since 2019…years before he died. Yes, I don’t let friends down.

Now, to the angry man who said he was leaving the church; he could have felt that Ifeanyi Ubah deserved more recognition than he got. He would not have known why Ubah’s wife or family was not invited; whether they were invited but turned down the invitation, after all, Ubah himself survived a nasty assassination attempt once in Anambra state. He could have noted all the politicians that were invited that day and could have heard Governor Soludo thanking Nnewi people, for allowing for the first time, his political party, APGA, to sweep Nnewi polling units.

That was a political statement right inside a church. That APGA victory happened because Ubah was in the grave during that election. Unfortunately, we will never know how much Ubah spent bringing up the Cathedral from its new design, foundation, underground level, the Architects and Structural Engineers he imported from Italy, the profound enterprise which banished ghastly pillars from the Church Hall and yet keeping the vast roof over almost a ten thousand capacity church in place, etc, etc and raised it to 80 or 90 percent completion by most accounts before the new Bishop took it over.

Everybody who contributed towards building that cathedral built for God. The controversy was over nothing. May God redirect the steps of the brother Knight back to the Church. His Lordship, Most Rev. Jonas Benson Okoye, might even go out of his way to look for his prodigal spiritual son, remembering the good shepherd who would go in search of the straying sheep. And for Ifeanyi Ubah, may his soul and the souls of all the faithful departed, through the mercy of God, rest in peace.

Tony Eluemunor is a prominent Nigerian journalist, columnist, and author known for his sharp political commentary on issues like governance, insecurity, and social development in Nigeria.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Fr. Joseph: A shepherd who walked gently with his flock

By Sonnie Ekwowusi

The death of Fr. Joseph Tormo Ederra hit us hard. In fact, when the news of his passing broke, many of us who knew him were devastated. His death was unexpected. As you and I know very well, death is a thief: it strikes at the most inauspicious time. Before death struck, Fr. Joseph, a priest of the Catholic Prelature of Opus Dei, died on January 5, 2026, aged 73.

A Spaniard by birth, Fr. Joseph came to Nigeria in 1986 at the age of 33, barely six years after his ordination to the priesthood, and he never left Nigeria until death came calling. Thus, Fr. Joseph spent a gargantuan 40 years in Nigeria serving the Church and all mankind in different pastoral capacities in Ijebu-Ode, Ibadan, Enugu, and Lagos. Fr. Joseph had an unpretentious love for Nigeria. He loved Nigeria. He loved Nigerians. He ate Nigerian native food and relished Nigerian cultural heritage. He particularly liked Nigerian pepper and enjoyed plenty of it in his food.

Fr. Joseph, for me, will be most remembered for his calmness, humility, and tireless dedication to his pastoral work and service to others. He was a Catholic priest whose life, like that of St. Joseph, spouse of the Blessed Virgin Mary, spoke more loudly than his words. Humble to the core, he never sought recognition or applause, content to serve quietly in the background. He carried himself without airs—unassuming in manner and simple in taste—comfortable among the poor and the learned alike, never drawing attention to himself.

Serenity was Fr. Joseph’s natural disposition. In moments of tension or disagreement, his presence brought a quiet steadiness, as though peace followed him wherever he went. He listened more than he spoke, and when he did speak, his words were measured, gentle, and thoughtful. There was no harshness in him, no impatience—only a reassuring serenity that put troubled hearts at ease.

If you went for spiritual direction with Fr. Joseph and laid before him the most worrying spiritual problem, he would first look at you with reassuring serenity and peace, after which he would likely tell you: “Do everything with Jesus. When you have something worrying you, bring it up with Our Lord. He listens to you. He sees you. He loves you.” This is quintessential Fr. Joseph—a priest who gave cheerfulness, serenity, and peace to all souls.

His humility was not feigned but deeply rooted in his understanding of priesthood as service. He saw himself as an instrument, not the centre; as a shepherd walking with his flock, not above it. He carried his priestly duties—celebrating the sacraments, visiting the sick, comforting the grieving, guiding the faithful—with a quiet faithfulness that never drew attention yet left a lasting impression.

Peace marked his entire life. He bore difficulties without complaint and accepted suffering with trust in God’s will.

For years, Fr. Joseph suffered from many illnesses which inflicted severe pain on him, yet he never complained about his numerous ailments. In those painful situations, you would always see him clutching his Rosary, praying it as he paced up and down. Shortly before his death, he suffered from an illness that caused sleepless nights, uncontrollable coughing, and excruciating pain. Yet he bore his illness with peace and Christian equanimity.

Those who encountered Fr. Joseph often left feeling lighter, consoled, and closer to God, even if they could not explain why. In his simplicity, calm spirit, and humble service, he embodied the Gospel he preached, leaving behind not noise or controversy, but a legacy of gentle holiness.

It was genuinely difficult to see him upset by anything. Even in situations that would ordinarily provoke anger, frustration, or anxiety, he remained composed and untroubled. Life’s pressures, misunderstandings, and setbacks seemed unable to disturb his inner peace. He faced problems with quiet acceptance, as though he had already entrusted every outcome to God. When others were agitated, he was calm.

When voices were raised, his remained gentle. He did not dismiss difficulties, but approached them with patience and trust rather than agitation. His serenity was not indifference; it was the fruit of deep faith and self-mastery. He understood that many things lay beyond human control and saw no value in anger or agitation.

Those who knew him often remarked that they could hardly recall a moment when he lost his temper or showed irritation. Even under pressure, his demeanour was steady, reassuring, and peaceful. In this way, his life became a silent lesson: that true strength lies in calmness, and that a heart anchored in God is not easily shaken.

Fr. Joseph was the first priest put in charge of Iroto Conference Centre, Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State. Those who attended spiritual retreats at Iroto Conference Centre and received spiritual direction from Fr. Joseph often felt very close to God, because Fr. Joseph himself quietly reflected God’s presence in the way he related to people. His friendliness and unassuming manner put souls at ease. In his presence, people did not feel judged, hurried, or overpowered by authority; instead, they felt welcomed and listened to. This openness allowed them to speak honestly about their struggles, hopes, and doubts—essential for genuine spiritual growth.

Fr. Joseph did not draw attention to himself or his own importance. Rather, his humility created space for God to act. By listening patiently and speaking gently, he helped direct hearts away from himself and toward God. His calmness and simplicity made it clear that spiritual direction was not about clever words or dramatic gestures, but about quietly discerning God’s will in everyday life.

Because he lived what he taught, his counsel carried a quiet authenticity. His peaceful spirit, faith, and trust in God communicated—often without many words—that God is near, loving, and attentive. In such an atmosphere, those who sought his guidance naturally experienced a deeper sense of God’s closeness, not because the priest imposed it, but because his life and demeanour pointed consistently and transparently to God.

Fr. Joseph was a diehard football supporter of Valencia FC. I often wondered why he continued supporting Valencia even when they lost most of their matches. Being a Barcelona fan, I often said to Fr. Joseph: “Fr. Joseph, why can’t you stop supporting Valencia and join us at Barcelona FC, the winning team?” To which he would respond: “Valencia forever.”

In his eulogy, someone who had lived with Fr. Joseph commented that he had a great capacity for work and carried out each task with dedication and precision, finishing everything down to the last detail. His was a life of silent, meticulous work and repair in the house where he lived.

Fr. Joseph’s life could clearly be seen as a reflection of his deep trust in God and his constant conversation with Him. This trust was not expressed in dramatic claims or outward displays, but in the quiet consistency of his daily life. He lived with a calm assurance that God was in charge, and this confidence shaped his reactions to difficulties, misunderstandings, and disappointments. Because he entrusted everything to God, little seemed capable of disturbing his inner peace.

His regular conversation with God—through prayer, silence, and faithful celebration of the sacraments—formed the foundation of his character. Prayer was not an occasional activity for him, but the atmosphere in which he lived. This habitual turning to God refined his thoughts, softened his words, and purified his intentions. As a result, his actions flowed naturally from a heart attuned to God’s will. Those who lived with him testify that in his free moments he was always seen with his Rosary beads, reciting the Rosary.

What most people encountered in Fr. Joseph was not merely a learned priest or a skilled spiritual guide, but a man whose life had been shaped by continual dialogue with God. His trust made him humble, his prayer made him attentive, and his closeness to God made others feel that God Himself was near. In this way, his life became a quiet testimony that a priest who truly lives in conversation with God inevitably leads others to trust Him more deeply as well.

I believe Fr. Joseph continues to live in the hearts and minds of many people whose spiritual lives were enriched through their dealings with him. He lives in the great ideals which he lived for and died for.

Eternal rest grant unto Fr. Joseph, O Lord.

Sonnie Ekwowusi is a Member of the Editorial Board of The Guardian Newspaper

In AFCON 2025, an enchanting story begins its final journey

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

The last time Morocco hosted the African Cup of Nations (AFCON) in 1988, it lost by a single goal in the semi-finals to eventual winners, Cameroon, who advanced to the final where they overcame Nigeria to emerge as champions. Eight years earlier, at the same stage, Nigeria defeated Morocco by the same margin on its way to winning the tournament at the expense of Algeria.

On Sunday, 18 January 2025, Morocco confronts Senegal in the finals of the AFCON 2025 tournament having avenged historic semi-final losses to both Cameroon and Nigeria in the quarter and semi-finals of the competition. The final match will be staged at the stadium in the capital city, Rabat, named in memory of the brother of Morocco’s penultimate King Hassan II and uncle of current King Mohammed VI, Moulay Abdallah ben Ali Alaoui, who died of cancer in December 1983 at the untimely age of 48.

David Goldblatt begins his magisterial book, The Age of Football: The Global Game in the Twenty-First Century, with the observation that despite its colonial origins, football in Africa has “served widely as an instrument of the independence movement and, later, in the shape of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) and the continental tournaments it created, a practical example of pan-African co-operation and identity.” Reflecting this history, African football has been called “the rebellious game.”

Amidst the football spectacle that will unfold in the match, the AFCON finals in Rabat on 18 January 2025 will symbolize an underlying narrative in African football that it hitched closely with the narratives of Africa’s history and its politics. It will pit two countries with some of the oldest traditions of organized football in Africa under the watch of a man from the first country to play the game on the continent.

164 years after the first official game of football on the African continent, a black billionaire from the country where the game made its African landfall, Patrice Motsepe, will orchestrate the ceremonies of the AFCON finals as the president of the CAF. His elder sister, Dr. Tshepo, happens also to be the spouse of South Africa’s current president, Cyril Ramaphosa. Few, if any, among the Cape colonists who brought the beautiful game to the continent could have divined the trajectory or symbolism of this moment.

Africa’s earliest documented football match reportedly occurred in 1862 between “white colonial bureaucrats and soldiers in Port Elizabeth and Cape Town, South Africa.” It did not involve any natives. In a symbolism of the journey to the right of Africa’s populations to participate in a kickabout, the two teams that will line up in the finals will represent two of the countries with the more established traditions of organized football on the continent.

Association Sportive et Culturelle (ASC) Jeanne d’Arc, Senegal’s oldest football club, was founded 103 years ago in 1923 in capital city, Dakar. It has existed continually since then and beside cross-city rivals, ASC Diaraf, remains one of the two most successful football clubs in the country. The club was originally founded by French Catholic missionaries in pursuit of the legend of colonial civilizing mission of creating fit young men of character. Interestingly for an institution dedicated to promoting a colonial vision of masculinity, they named it after France’s patroness saint, Joan of Arc, in a symbolism of faith, strength and colonial domination. In doing so, they also created the first seeds of indigenous resistance.

Those seeds were sown earlier in Africa’s Maghrebine coast. In 1906, the first Earl of Cromer and long-serving British Consul-General in Egypt, Evelyn Baring, oversaw in what has become known as the Denshawai Incident the unfair trial and brutal execution of four Egyptians accused of causing the death by heatstroke of a British official, whom they prevented from feasting on their pigeons. The backlash from Egypt’s population ultimately led to the resignation of Lord Cromer in 1907 and inspired a fierce nationalist movement.

While the elite politicians bickered as to how to organize, Egypt’s student movement founded Al Ahly (National Club) in Cairo, a football club rooted in the idea of national pride and unity and with a mission to resist British colonial oppression. Five years later, cross-city rivals, Zamalek Sporting Club was founded as the team of the elite or middle class.

According to World Football, the contest between Al-Ahly and Zamalek is one of the greatest rivalries in world football. Football journal, FourFourTwo, warns that it is “more than a game.” Having begun as a contest between nationalism and colonial collaboration, it has evolved to be defined by status and ideology. In reference to this rivalry, French journalist, Laurent Campistron reports a supporter of one of these clubs as having told him: “in this country, you can eventually change your religion or your wife, but never your club.”

If Egypt was an early model of the nationalist possibilities in football, Algeria was the place that crystallized the insurgent character of the beautiful game in Africa. Nine years before the formation of Al-Ahly, in June 1898, Club Sportif (CS) Constantinois was founded in Algeria. David Goldblatt recalls that Algeria’s “football clubs served as clandestine cells for growing nationalism”.

In the middle of the murderous War of Independence, Algeria’s Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) founded its own national football team in 1958, persuading 30 established stars of French football of Algerian origin to abscond to Tunis where they founded Le Onze de l’Indépendance (the Independence Eleven). That team helped to establish the diplomatic credentials of the FLN long before independence in 1962 and the admission of the country into the ranks of FIFA two years later in 1964.

A leading member of the eleven was Rachid Mekhloufi, St-Etienne’s star striker who was to be a member of France’s team to the 1958 World Cup. At his death in 2024, it was said of Mekhloufi that “he was more than a footballer who mesmerised fans on the pitch, he was a symbol of resistance to many Algerians.”

The Beautiful Game took nearly two decades to travel from Algeria to its neighbour, Morocco. When it landed in 1917 at the waning of the First World War, it was through French colonial enthusiasts in the form of Racing Athletic Club (RAC) of Casablanca. The game was later to find an insurgent home in Morocco’s most populous city, leading to the foundation in May 1937 of Wydad Club by an elite group of Moroccan resistance to French occupation led by Mohamed Benjelloun Touimi, who would later become a leading member of the International Olympic Committee. 11 years later, in March 1949, a group of working-class youth equally resisting French colonial rule founded cross-city rivals, Raja Club Athletic. Raja’s proletarian origins would later earn it the sobriquet, “The People’s Club“.

These long traditions of community formation and nation building are what give the AFCON its unique place in the hearts of Africans everywhere and in the firmament of world football. These are not traditions that engage the blinkers of the denizens of the world game in the FIFA.

Committed to extracting every penny of profit from the game, they have decided to kill the competition in its current biennial format. Morocco will be the penultimate in this format. The joint hosting by the countries of East Africa in 2028 will be the last. When it resurrects in 2032, it will be held every four years. AFCON-winning manager, Claude Leroy, has described the decision as “stupid”.

Many see “colonial overtones” in FIFA’s underlying reason for the change in the calendar of the AFCON which is mostly to suit the convenience of the European game. The irony should ring quite potent that the African game – rooted as it is in anti-colonial history – will be forced to play vassal to the interests whom it had to fight for the oxygen of its own existence.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]  

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Why is the Ministry of Works budgeting ₦500m for hairdressers, grinding machines and motorcycles?

The Federal Ministry of Works, under the leadership of Minister Dave Umahi, has earmarked over ₦500 million in its 2026 budget for a series of empowerment and social intervention programmes, including training for hairdressers and make-up artists, the distribution of grinding machines, motorcycles and mini-vans, as well as anti–drug abuse awareness campaigns across selected states.

Details of the proposed expenditures are contained in the 2026 Appropriation Bill published on the Budget Office of the Federation’s website, which was reviewed on Thursday.

A breakdown of the budget shows that the projects are spread across multiple geopolitical zones, largely structured as constituency-level interventions.

Under budget item code ERGP 12234747, the ministry plans to spend ₦35 million on the provision of an unspecified number of grinding machines for women in Ndokwa/Ukwani Federal Constituency in the South-South.

Another ₦35 million has been allocated for the training and empowerment of women in hairdressing, make-up artistry and soap production in Mikang/Shandam/Qua’an Pan Federal Constituency of Plateau State, in the North-Central zone.

The budget further proposes ₦70 million for skills acquisition and the provision of trade equipment to youths, women and seven retirees in the Inyamaltu/Deba area of Gombe State, located in the North-East.

In the South-East, the ministry intends to spend ₦70 million on the supply of mini pick-up vans, mini shuttle buses and motorcycles to beneficiaries in Abakaliki Federal Constituency, Ebonyi State.

Another allocation covers training, sensitisation, advocacy and youth empowerment programmes against drug abuse in Zamfara State, in the North-West, alongside several other constituency-specific projects listed in the budget.

The inclusion of these empowerment initiatives in the Federal Ministry of Works’ 2026 budget has triggered debate and raised fresh questions about alignment with the ministry’s core mandate, which traditionally centres on road construction, rehabilitation and infrastructure delivery.

Critics argue that while empowerment and social interventions are important, such programmes are more typically associated with ministries and agencies specifically designed for social development, youth empowerment and poverty alleviation, prompting renewed scrutiny over budget prioritisation, institutional roles and fiscal discipline.

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