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The kidnapping and brutal murder of Barr. Nwamaka Mediatrix Chigbo in Abuja

By Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq.

Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, conceived as the secure heart of the Nigerian Federation, has, of late, been surrendered to fear, lawlessness, and predatory criminal syndicates operating under the infamous cloak of “one-chance”. While unsuspecting citizens are hunted in broad daylight, the city bleeds quietly, unattended, abandoned.

Tragically emblematic of this descent into chaos is the abduction and gruesome murder of Princess Nwamaka Mediatrix Chigbo, Esq., a brilliant and accomplished legal practitioner based in Abuja, and an active, committed member of the Nigerian Bar Association. Her brutal death is not merely a personal tragedy; it is a damning indictment of a system that has lost its moral and constitutional compass.

Princess Nwamaka was among the fortunate Nigerians who welcomed the New Year with optimism, ambition, and renewed hope. She could not have imagined that on the 5th day of January, fate would strike with such merciless cruelty, simply because she boarded what appeared to be an ordinary commercial taxi. Unknown to her, it was a moving death chamber operated by a heartless criminal syndicate masquerading as public transport.

The full account of her ordeal is far too horrific to reproduce. Suffice it to say that she was tortured, violated, and ultimately hacked to death by soulless predators who now roam Abuja with frightening confidence and impunity.
Even more distressing is the cruel irony of leadership failure that shadows this tragedy. At a time when kidnappers and one-chance syndicates are ravaging the Federal Capital Territory, the Minister of the FCT, constitutionally the Chief Security Officer of Abuja, appears to have abdicated his primary duty.

Rather than confronting the escalating insecurity in the capital, the Minister is conspicuously preoccupied in Rivers State, campaigning with unrestrained zeal in what many reasonably interpret as a third-term political project, cleverly disguised as a “thank-you visit.”

Thus, while Abuja burns, its self-styled Emperor wages political wars elsewhere, reportedly orchestrating power struggles, destabilisation, and legislative conspiracies, while his employers maintain an eerie and troubling silence.

Occasionally, one observes joint task force operatives stationed at strategic junctions, peering into vehicles in a show of muscular vigilance. Yet, this reactive and superficial approach resembles security theatre more than a well-thought-out strategy.

Criminals who live among us, blend with us, and study our routines cannot be defeated by static checkpoints alone. The monsters of the underworld adapt faster than bureaucracy.

❗ WHAT IS “ONE-CHANCE”?
One-chance kidnappers are organised criminal elements who operate using unmarked or deceptively marked vehicles, often posing as commercial taxis. They lure unsuspecting passengers, especially lone commuters, only to abduct, rob, torture, and, increasingly, murder them. Their operations thrive on poor intelligence, weak surveillance, and leadership distraction.

To curb the menace of one-chance kidnappers in Abuja, urgent, discreet, and intelligence-driven measures must replace cosmetic policing. These include:
1. Comprehensive Vehicle Profiling
a. Mandatory registration, digital tagging, and biometric profiling of all commercial transport operators within the FCT.
b. Elimination of unregistered taxis through sustained enforcement.
2. Undercover Intelligence Operations
a. Deployment of plain-clothes operatives to infiltrate known transport corridors and criminal networks.
b. Use of informants within motor parks and transport unions.
3. Technology-Driven Surveillance
a. Expansion of real-time CCTV coverage integrated with AI-based vehicle recognition.
b. Emergency passenger alert systems linked to FCT security command centres.
4. Public Awareness & Passenger Education
a. Massive sensitisation campaigns on identifying suspicious vehicles and safe commuting practices.
b. Encouragement of ride verification culture.
5. Leadership Accountability
a. The FCT Minister must return to Abuja, confront reality, and prioritise security over political adventurism.
b. Abuja deserves governance, not absentee emperors.

🖋️ CONCLUSION
Princess Nwamaka Mediatrix Chigbo must not die in vain. Her blood cries not for rhetoric, but for responsibility. Abuja does not need more convoys, more slogans, or more political theatrics, it needs presence, purpose, and protection.
History is watching. The people are watching. And posterity will record who stood guard, and who looked away.

#AbujaUnderSiege

#JusticeForNwamakaChigbo

#EndOneChanceNow

#SecurityBeforePolitics

#LeadershipOrDereliction

#BarEjioforWrites

Signed:
Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq. (KSC)
January 10, 2026

Questions trail death of Chimamanda Adichie’s toddler as Lagos hospital faces separate negligence claim

Fresh details have emerged surrounding the death of Nkanu Nnamdi, the 21-month-old son of acclaimed writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie and her husband, Dr Ivara Esege, raising renewed concerns about standards of medical care at private hospitals in Lagos.

Sources familiar with the family’s account say the toddler died following a brief illness linked to an infection while the family was in Lagos during the Christmas holidays. According to multiple individuals with knowledge of the matter, the parents had already arranged for a full medical evacuation abroad, with a specialist team scheduled to transfer the child to the United States on January 7, 2026, for advanced treatment.

The child was reportedly taken on January 6 to a private medical facility in Victoria Island, Lagos, primarily to undergo diagnostic tests requested by the overseas medical team. He was said to have arrived at the hospital in stable condition.

However, before the evacuation could take place, the child’s condition allegedly deteriorated rapidly.

People close to the family have since raised concerns about the quality of medical care provided in the critical hours before his death, questioning whether standard clinical protocols were fully followed and whether the response was sufficiently urgent.

“This wasn’t an act of God,” one source said, reflecting the views of those who believe the outcome might have been different. “This was a failure of care. If the right steps had been taken for just a few hours, that child could still be alive.”

The family has not issued a public statement beyond requesting privacy during their period of mourning. Efforts to obtain an official response from the medical facility involved were ongoing at the time of publication.

Separate Negligence Claim Deepens Scrutiny

The tragedy comes as a Lagos hospital—R-Jolad Hospital Nigeria Limited—faces a separate legal claim alleging gross medical negligence, further intensifying scrutiny of patient safety practices in private healthcare facilities.

In a formal pre-action notice, Alfred Ogene, a Lagos-based consultant architect and single father, accused the hospital of negligent treatment that he says resulted in permanent damage to his urinary system, severe physical injury, and psychological trauma.

Ogene, through his solicitors Nojim Tairu & Co., alleged that he was admitted to the hospital in the early hours of November 15, 2025, for treatment following a stroke that caused partial paralysis. According to the claim, a urinary catheter was inserted to assist urination, but complications soon followed.

The memorandum, signed by Joseph Aborisade, alleges that after the catheter was replaced by a nurse, Ogene began experiencing severe groin pain, which he repeatedly reported. The complaints, he claims, were dismissed as normal despite worsening symptoms.

The situation allegedly escalated until his abdomen became dangerously bloated, prompting belated intervention by two doctors. The solicitors claim the catheter was wrongly inserted, leading to prolonged urine retention, internal injury, and significant distress.

According to the filing, medical staff struggled for more than 30 minutes to manage the situation before eventually piercing Ogene’s lower abdomen to drain urine directly from his bladder.

The legal team alleges unprofessional conduct by nursing staff, delayed specialist care, and systemic failures that compounded the injury. Ogene says the incident left him traumatised, humiliated, and unable to resume normal activities, including physiotherapy, professional duties, and pastoral work.

N830 Million in Damages Sought

The claimant is demanding ₦500 million for negligent treatment, ₦100 million for trauma, ₦200 million for loss of enjoyment and amenities of life, and ₦10 million monthly from December 2025 until 2042 for loss of earnings. Additional claims include refunds of hospital bills, legal costs, and damages against the hospital’s management, including its Medical Director.

The solicitors have proposed Alternative Dispute Resolution, warning that failure to engage could result in full litigation.

Hospital Responds

In an emailed response to Saturday PUNCH, signed by Ayomide Olayiwola, the hospital’s Customer Service Officer, the facility said the allegations had been escalated for investigation.

The hospital cited patient confidentiality laws as limiting its ability to comment on specific cases but said it treats all complaints with seriousness.

“All petitions and complaints received are subjected to thorough internal review processes, including clinical audits, professional reviews, and management oversight,” the statement said, adding that the matter was under review and that the hospital remains committed to patient safety and professional ethics.

A Broader Crisis of Trust

Taken together, the death of a globally renowned author’s child and the negligence claim by a Lagos professional have renewed debate about clinical governance, accountability, and emergency care standards in Nigeria’s private healthcare sector, where reputation often substitutes for regulation, and oversight remains limited.

As calls grow for transparency and reform, health advocates say the cases underscore a troubling reality: for many Nigerians, access to private healthcare does not always guarantee safety.

Police arrest two men in disturbing child sexual assault cases in Oyo, Bauchi

Police authorities in Oyo and Bauchi states have arrested two men in separate cases involving the alleged sexual abuse of minors, prompting renewed calls for vigilance and stronger community protection for children.

In Oyo State, the Police Command confirmed the arrest of a 49-year-old man, identified as Peter Adubi, over the alleged defilement of a 13-year-old girl. The arrest followed a report filed on January 8, 2026, by the child’s guardian, according to a statement issued in Ibadan by the Police Public Relations Officer, Olayinka Ayanlade.

Ayanlade said the guardian became alarmed after noticing unusual behavioural changes in the girl and, upon questioning, learned that the alleged abuse occurred in 2022 while the child was living with her mother in the Molade area of the state capital.

Read Also: Rape has federal character in Nigeria!

“Preliminary investigations revealed that the suspect allegedly committed the offence during that period,” Ayanlade said. He added that medical examinations were conducted and confirmed abuse, providing evidence that led to Adubi’s arrest.

The case has been transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department’s Gender Desk for further investigation, the police said.

The Oyo State Police Command urged residents to promptly report cases of sexual abuse, stressing that community cooperation is essential to protecting children and ensuring justice.

In a separate development, the Bauchi State Police Command announced the arrest of a 20-year-old man, Bilal Ya’u, for allegedly raping a six-year-old girl in Alkaleri Local Government Area.

The Bauchi Police Public Relations Officer, SP Nafiu Habibu, said the case was reported on January 6, 2026, by the victim’s father, who alleged that his daughter had been lured by a neighbour into an uncompleted building and assaulted a day earlier.

Detectives were immediately deployed to the scene, and the child was taken to a hospital for medical examination and treatment, Habibu said. The suspect was subsequently arrested.

Police said the suspect admitted to the allegation during interrogation and further investigations indicated that the child may have been previously abused. Habibu said the investigation remains ongoing and that the suspect will be charged to court upon completion of the inquiry.

Both police commands reiterated their commitment to prosecuting offenders and safeguarding children, urging the public to report any suspected cases of abuse without delay.

As Dr Gloria Shajobi-Ibikule once said: “The phenomenon of rape is all over the country, being reported in all the 36 states, including the Federal Capital Territory and the 774 Local Government Areas of the nation.” 

This is an indication that, undoubtedly, rape has federal character in Nigeria! Age limit, tribe, colour, and class are irrelevant to this heinous crime. 

Wike getting awfully close to fighting Tinubu

By Farooq Kperogi

Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike revels in controversies, contentious public disputations, vituperative recriminations, and tensile political stress like a pig exults in mud. Peace and harmony bore him to tears. That is why he has an incrementally lengthening list of political spats with multiple people.

His quarrel with Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his former protégé, is his biggest and most sustained conflict. He is waging an open, ugly battle with his handpicked successor over political control in Rivers State, including public accusations and counter-accusations tied to governance decisions, patronage, and the state’s political machinery.

He remains entangled in the PDP’s internal civil war, including arguments over whether disciplinary actions against him and his allies stand, plus competing claims of authority and legitimacy inside the party structure.

Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed has publicly accused Wike of working to undermine him, with references to intimidation, smear campaigns, and broader PDP turmoil. Wike has responded with derision and counterattacks.

Wike is also slinging mud with Ohanaeze Ndigbo President-General John Azuta-Mbata. In response to Azuta-Mbata’s caution that “there is only one governor in Rivers State,” Wike characterised the former senator as a worthless, opportunistic local champion who was a “senator for eight years but there is nothing you can say you did for your people.”

“Can somebody tell this semi-illiterate, swashbuckling, crisis-loving gentleman that Rivers State belongs to all of us, not him alone?” Azuta-Mbata shot back.

Wike has ensured that his long-running rivalry with Rotimi Amaechi, his predecessor, remains active in public discourse, including his dismissal of Amaechi’s political prospects and recurring jabs tied to Rivers State legacy politics and national ambition.

And he is embroiled in a fresh, high-profile intra-establishment clash with APC national secretary Ajibola Basiru, who is from Osun State, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s real state of origin.

I expect Tinubu to be next on the list. In fact, in fighting Basiru, Wike has inadvertently roped in Tinubu. “Don’t take our support for President Tinubu for granted,” he said to Basiru. “You have to be careful with your statements.”

In other words, Wike is obliquely, nay explicitly, telling Tinubu that his support for a 2027 reelection is not guaranteed. It is conditional. It is contingent on reciprocity. If the president will not let him have Rivers State, he will stall the president’s reelection campaign within his sphere of influence.

To underline this point, he said, “I can challenge anybody (including the president). This state is a no-go area.” In fact, the Tinubu-friendly P.M. News reported on January 5 that Wike “mocked speculations that he would be given instruction from above to allow Gov. Fubara run for second term.”

When you add his threat that his support for President Tinubu should not be taken for granted to his boast that he can “challenge anybody” and his lampooning of suggestions that he could be commanded by “orders from above” (which is mere code for Tinubu) to yield to Fubara, who appears to be very close to Tinubu now, you can tell that it is only a matter of time before Wike’s confrontation with Tinubu blows up in the open.

Again, Vice President Kashim Shettima’s subtle, diplomatically delivered but nonetheless poignant reminder that state governors are, by convention, the leaders of the party in their states, which APC national chairman Nentawe Yilwatda pushed back against, signals a deeper intra-establishment trouble.

It is not clear if Shettima’s sly dig conveyed Tinubu’s message. But the vice president knows a thing or two about the wisdom and political utility of maintaining a respectable distance from, and allowing a wide latitude of independence for, people whose rise to power you facilitated.

As I have pointed out in many previous articles, the VP and Governor Babagana Zulum, his handpicked successor, have a relationship that is almost unexampled in Nigeria. Zulum even led an impassioned physical protest in June 2025 when the VP’s name was excluded from the APC North-East stakeholders’ endorsement for the 2027 presidential election. He led delegates who chanted, “Shettima! Shettima!” “No Shettima, no APC in the North-East!”

I am yet to see that level of loyalty to a predecessor from any governor years after election. Perhaps Kogi State Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo can rival that depth of loyalty, given that so far he has not fallen out with his benefactor and predecessor Yahaya Bello. Wike and several political “godfathers” have a lot to learn from Shettima and Bello.

But why does Wike get his highs from perpetual political crisis? My own sense is that it is the product of Dutch courage, as alcohol-inspired bravado is called. As any casual observer of his histrionics can tell, he always looks like a bibulous reveler.

There is a recent viral video of his media aide slyly handing him a bottle of an alcoholic beverage while he was speaking. Perhaps the aide noticed that Wike was in danger of getting sober and running out of his Dutch courage.

Someone close to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar once confided in me that Wike’s compulsive alcoholism and predilection for disruptive, alcohol-fueled theatrics was the single most important reason he was passed over as a running mate in 2023.

Wike is a great example of why I am a teetotaler, that is, a total abstainer from alcoholic drinks. My father, as many of my readers know, was an Islamic cleric. He was, of course, a scrupulous teetotaler, inspired by his strong Muslim faith.

However, in bringing us up to also be teetotalers, he relied on the resources of logic. He taught us that being drunk deprives one of control over one’s consciousness, and one’s environment, and that such a state can birth many untoward things. He used to call alcohol the mother of sins. Wike is proof positive of this.

In his drunken state, he is fighting everyone and revealing information that normal, sober people keep under wraps. For example, in vituperating APC national secretary Ajibola Basiru, Wike suggested that he helped teleguide the judiciary to secure the court outcome that led to the withholding of Osun State’s local government funds.

One widely circulated version of his remarks, seen in a video of his speech in Port Harcourt, quoted him as implying that the court action did not happen by accident and that powerful actors worked behind the scenes to shape it.

“Today, you are enjoying in Osun. You don’t know those who did the work,” he said. “Anything you see, take it. Anything you see, what? Take it.” No sober person publicly confesses to subverting the course of justice.

Now, he has begun to say things about Tinubu that most sober, self-aware people who are as favoured as he is in this government would recoil from.

In Wike’s bacchanalian braggadocio, he is far too gone to realise just how vulnerable he is. Tinubu can remove him as a minister and take away a huge portion of the symbolic, political, and financial capital he deploys to remain relevant. He can disrupt his legendary hold on the judiciary and use Fubara, his nemesis, against him. Most people will celebrate his downfall.

When a man confuses noise for power and bravado for leverage, he mistakes indulgence for invincibility. Wike will soon discover that in politics, even the loudest drum can be silenced.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

[Video]: Abuja’s ‘One Chance’ Killings: How Nigeria’s capital became a death trap for commuters

Abuja’s grief no longer announces itself with sirens. It waits at bus stops before dawn, slips into unmarked cars, and follows commuters onto expressways that promise arrival—but sometimes deliver only death.

On November 14, 2024, architect and pastor Uche Nwokeke received a call no spouse is prepared for. Police asked him to come and identify a body. Friends intervened first, trying—briefly and unsuccessfully—to cushion the moment.

The body was his wife’s.

Elizabeth Nwokeke, a staff member of the Federal Ministry of Communications, had left home for work and never returned. She was later found dead along the Kubwa Expressway, killed by assailants who remain unidentified more than a year later. No arrests have been made.

“When a reporter reached him over a year after the killing, Uche said only this: ‘Nigeria has failed me.’”

What haunts him most, he said, is his wife’s lifelong belief in justice—an ideal she defended even when similar crimes dominated the news. That justice, he says, has never come.

Uche recalled that a police spokesperson contacted him shortly after the murder and promised a follow-up. Since then, he said, calls have gone unanswered.

His story mirrors a wider terror gripping Nigeria’s capital, where the phrase “one chance”—slang for criminals posing as public transport operators—has become synonymous with abduction, robbery, and murder. These attacks routinely target commuters, especially women, professionals, and low-income workers.

Public rage has occasionally boiled over.

In 2025, along Umaru Musa Yar’Adua Way, Abuja’s Airport Road, two alleged “one chance” suspects were killed by a mob after a struggle with a female passenger drew attention. The men were dragged from a vehicle and set ablaze in daylight. No arrests followed.

The episode underscored a dangerous pattern: when institutions fail repeatedly, citizens resort to vigilante justice—often with fatal consequences.

Professionals Targeted

In January 2026, Abuja recorded two more high-profile killings linked to “one chance” attacks.

Chinemerem Chukwumeziem, a nurse at the Federal Medical Centre, Jabi, was killed on January 3 after boarding public transport home from work.

Days later, Princess Mediatrix Chigbo, a lawyer and former Treasurer of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Abuja Branch, was abducted and murdered. Her body was later found along the Kubwa Expressway.

The International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) has since vowed that the deaths will not fade into statistics.

“At a time when officers of the court and caregivers are abducted and killed on the streets of the nation’s capital,” said Chioma Onyenucheya-Uko, Chairperson of FIDA Abuja, “it sends a chilling message—especially to women and vulnerable commuters navigating public spaces under constant threat.”

FIDA insists the attacks are not isolated incidents but part of a persistent, ignored security failure. The group is demanding a security emergency declaration against “one chance” syndicates, a dedicated multi-agency task force, functional CCTV surveillance, transport sector regulation, and regular public accountability briefings.

Family’s Account Raises Alarms

The family of Princess Chigbo has disputed early official narratives, describing a violent abduction and a failed rescue.

In a statement signed by her sister, Maureen Chigbo, the family said Princess was abducted on January 5, 2026, while on a phone call with another sister. The line went silent after screams were heard. A ransom demand of ₦3 million followed, but no payment details were provided.

Despite reports that suspects were being tracked, the family said no rescue occurred. Princess was later found in critical condition and pronounced dead at a specialist hospital. The family alleged signs of severe abuse.

Police say investigations are ongoing.

Legal and Medical Communities React

Senior Advocate of Nigeria Chief J.S. Okutepa described Princess Chigbo’s killing as a national failure, urging sustained pressure to prevent the case from being “swept under the carpet.”

Human rights lawyer Frank Tietie and the National Association of Nigerian Nurses and Midwives (NANNM) also demanded urgent reforms, warning that nurses and other essential workers are increasingly exposed due to unsafe transport systems.

“When nurses die,” NANNM said, “the nation loses more than caregivers—it loses trust.”

A Capital on Edge

Colleagues remember Princess Chigbo as a committed advocate for justice and women’s rights. Her death has shaken Nigeria’s legal community and intensified calls for action.

Abuja was designed as a symbol of order and safety. Today, residents describe a city where every shared ride feels like a risk, every delayed arrival sparks fear, and justice too often arrives late—or not at all.

For families like the Nwokekes, for Chinemerem, for Mediatrix, and for countless unnamed victims, the roads keep moving.

Whether justice will ever catch up remains the one chance Nigeria keeps missing.

Watch the video below.

Celebrity Crash, Ordinary Deaths: Nigeria’s roads are killing people—and the system keeps looking away

Nigeria breathed a collective sigh of relief when heavyweight boxing champion Anthony Joshua emerged alive from a devastating road crash near Sagamu, Ogun State. But relief quickly gave way to grief: two men in the vehicle—Kevin Latif Ayodele and Sina Ghami, both 36—did not survive.

Their deaths were tragic. But they were also entirely preventable.

The collision with a stationary truck on one of Nigeria’s busiest expressways has reopened a question the country keeps postponing: “Who is accountable for the carnage on Nigerian roads?”

A Deadly Pattern, Not an Isolated Crash

The Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) blamed the Sagamu crash on “excessive speed and wrongful overtaking.” Driver error may have played a role. But that explanation dodges a more uncomfortable truth: why was a broken-down truck left on a major highway for days without removal or warning?

Multiple reports indicate the truck had remained on the roadside for up to three days. No hazard signs. No tow. No intervention.

If routine patrols were active, the danger should have been identified and neutralised long before lives were lost. The FRSC’s post-crash response was swift. Its pre-crash failure was fatal.

This is the defining contradiction of Nigeria’s road safety system: reaction without prevention.

Trailer Parks Built, Then Abandoned

Ogun State is not short of solutions on paper. Trailer parks were built—at high public cost—to keep heavy-duty vehicles off highways. The Gateway Trailer Park at Ogere was commissioned with fanfare. Then it quietly decayed.

By 2015, evacuation notices were being issued for abandoned vehicles inside the facility. By 2019, stakeholders were calling for its “revival.” By 2021, a new federal-state partnership was announced to “resuscitate” it.

The result? Trucks still park on expressway shoulders, turning highways into death traps.

The failure is not infrastructural alone—it is institutional. Truck owners ignore designated parks because there are no consequences. Enforcement agencies look away. Infrastructure becomes a photo opportunity, not a functioning system.

The Numbers Nigeria Refuses to Reckon With

The statistics are brutal.

  • Nearly 3,000 deaths in road crashes in the first half of 2025
  • Over 7,700 crashes and nearly 4,000 deaths by September
  • 5,421 fatalities in 2024, a seven percent increase from the previous year

These are not numbers. They are families erased, futures destroyed, and grief normalised.

Speeding, brake failure, abandoned vehicles, poor roads, and the absence of emergency response remain the dominant causes. Laws exist. Enforcement does not.

Nigeria suffers from an enforcement crisis—rules without consequences, agencies without accountability.

When FRSC Does Not Come

That failure is not theoretical. It is lived.

In Anambra State, Benkingsley Nwashara, a legal practitioner and well-known single father, survived a terrifying crash near Onitsha after another vehicle swerved into his lane at a sharp mountain bend.

Soldiers at the scene contacted the FRSC. The nearest unit was reportedly 13 minutes away.

Help never came.

For two hours, Nwashara waited—injured, shaken, and exposed—before mounting a motorcycle to search for a tow truck himself.

“Imagine if we had plunged down the hill,” he later wrote. “Or were trapped inside the car.”

The corruption did not stop there. As his vehicle was towed into Onitsha, every police checkpoint demanded ₦500 to let him pass.

When journalists contacted the FRSC call centre, officers claimed the crash had not been reported—despite the corps’s advertised 15-minute response time. An officer suggested that some crashes “never reach” the system.

In a recent televised interview, an FRSC official insisted the agency’s emergency line was active. When the number was called live on air, the network provider responded: the number did not exist.

Celebrity Attention, Ordinary Silence

Anthony Joshua’s crash drew presidential calls, diplomatic concern, and real-time monitoring by state governors. That attention was appropriate—but it also exposed an ugly truth.

Ordinary Nigerians die the same way every day, without headlines, without outrage, without reform.

As Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has warned: “Rules without enforcement are meaningless.” Empowerment without accountability, she argues, is equally hollow.

What Must Change—Now

Nigeria does not lack ideas. It lacks urgency.

Experts and advocates say immediate reforms must include:

  • Emergency highway sweeps to remove stationary vehicles within hours
  • Mandatory use of trailer parks, with severe penalties for violators
  • Electronic speed monitoring across federal highways
  • Dedicated highway emergency response teams with ambulances and trauma care
  • Clear accountability for FRSC commanders when preventable deaths occur

The Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, often called the “corridor of death,” is a symbol of the crisis: busy, essential, and lethally mismanaged.

A Test of Political Will

Kevin Latif Ayodele and Sina Ghami cannot be brought back. But their deaths—like the ordeal of Benkingsley Nwashara—can still matter.

If Nigeria allows this moment to pass with only condolences and committee promises, then the verdict is clear: the roads will keep killing, and the system will keep excusing itself.

Anthony Joshua survived. The country must decide whether it will continue to survive on luck—or finally choose accountability.

No Security, No Escape: Kwara communities plead for help as bandits hold 22 hostage, demand ₦400m

More than 22 people remain in captivity across multiple communities in Kwara South, as armed bandits demand over ₦400 million in ransom, alongside food supplies and drinks, exposing widening security gaps in Nigeria’s rural heartland.

The abductees are being held in communities including Adanla, Isapa, Isanlu-Isin, and Owa-Onire—areas largely outside the reach of existing military and police deployments established by the state and federal governments.

Local leaders say the bandits relocated from communities such as Okeode, Babanla, and Eruku, where military bases were previously installed, to softer targets with little or no security presence.

Monarchs, Youth Corps Member Among Captives

Among those still held are nine people abducted in Adanla, including Oba Simeon Olanipekun, the monarch of Afin in the Ile-Ere District, and his son, Olaolu. A youth corps member kidnapped in December is also among the captives.

In Isapa, at least 11 residents remain in captivity, while two people abducted along the Isanlu-Isin highway earlier this year and two more seized in Owa-Onire in December are yet to regain freedom.

The Olowa of Owa-Onire, Oba AbdulRahman Fabiyi, who himself was abducted in 2024 and released after a ₦5 million ransom, told journalists that negotiations for the release of two abductees from his community are ongoing.

“We have paid ₦2 million already,” the monarch said. “The bandits have now reduced their demand to ₦800,000, plus a list of food items and drinks.”

He warned that without a permanent security presence, the attacks will continue.

“They operate freely here. Once they exhaust the ransom and supplies, they return to abduct more people,” he said, urging the state government to urgently establish a police station in Owa-Onire.

‘Forests Are Vast, Routes Are Many’

Oba Olanipekun, recounting his own ordeal in captivity, described why security agencies struggle to dismantle the gangs.

“The forests are extremely large, the routes are many, and they know the terrain because they have lived there for decades,” he said. “That is why they warn captives never to attempt escape.”

Security Officials Cite Terrain, Local Support

The Coordinator of the Joint Security Watch for Kwara South, Zubair Olaitan, acknowledged the challenges.

“The terrain—vast forests, hills, caves, and porous borders—offers safe havens for bandits,” he said, adding that some criminals receive food, shelter, and intelligence from locals.

He noted that weak surveillance infrastructure and limited inter-agency coordination have slowed operations, though recent joint patrols and forest guard deployments have led to arrests and the neutralisation of some suspects.

Despite these efforts, Olaitan confirmed no progress in negotiations for the ₦300 million ransom demanded for the nine victims abducted in Adanla on Boxing Day, December 26, 2025.

The bandits had initially targeted the community’s monarch, Oba David Olarinoye, but abducted nine residents instead when he was away.

Pregnant Woman Forced to Give Birth Near a Stream

In Isapa, the Akeweje of Isapa Land, Chief Idowu Sunday, said bandits are demanding ₦35 million for the release of 11 captives.

He disclosed that a pregnant Hausa woman among the abductees was recently transported by motorcycle to a stream in a neighbouring town when she went into labour.

Chief Sunday added that an earlier attempt to deliver ₦4 million backfired when two emissaries were seized by the bandits, increasing the number of captives.

“They are threatening to kill them and invade the community if we don’t pay,” he said. “We are begging the state government to intervene.”

Violence Spreads Beyond Kwara

The crisis extends beyond Kwara. In neighbouring Niger State, armed men recently stormed Kasuwan-Daji village, killing at least 30 people, looting shops, burning the local market, and abducting residents.

Witnesses told the BBC Hausa service that gunmen arrived on motorcycles from nearby forests and attacked without resistance, citing a total absence of security forces.

The massacre occurred just days after authorities announced the phased reopening of schools, following the abduction of more than 250 students and staff from a Catholic school in November—one of Nigeria’s largest mass kidnappings in recent years.

Although ransom payments are illegal under Nigerian law, communities say survival often leaves them with no choice.

As banditry spreads across western and central Nigeria, residents warn that fear, displacement, and silence are becoming the new normal.

“We are dying like chickens,” one villager said. “The government sees what is happening—but nothing changes.”

$2,000 Extortion Scandal: Lagos police detain Ogudu officers after public outcry

The Lagos State Police Command has launched an internal investigation into allegations that officers attached to the Area H Police Command in Ogudu extorted $2,000—about ₦3.33 million—from a couple they allegedly wrongfully arrested in December 2025.

The state Police Public Relations Officer, SP Abimbola Adebisi, confirmed the probe in a post on X, saying the officers involved had been identified and transferred to the command headquarters for questioning.

“The officers involved in the alleged extortion have been identified and brought to the Command Headquarters,” Adebisi said. “The Commissioner of Police, CP Olohundare Jimoh, has directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of Department ‘A’ to oversee the investigation. The officers have made statements, and we are awaiting the complainant to come forward to present his side of the story.”

The allegations surfaced publicly after details of the incident were shared on social media and later reported by the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ).

According to FIJ, a friend of the couple, identified as Abiodun Alabi (not his real name), said the incident occurred in the early hours of December 18, 2025, as the couple was travelling out of Lagos. Police officers allegedly stopped them, profiled the man, seized his phones and took both husband and wife to the Ogudu Police Station.

Alabi alleged that the woman, who was pregnant at the time, was forced to sit outside while her husband was taken inside and compelled to write an incriminating statement without legal representation.

He said officers initially demanded $5,000 in USDT, a cryptocurrency, but later reduced the amount to $2,000 after negotiations. The money was allegedly transferred to a wallet address provided by the officers, after which traces of the transaction were deleted. FIJ reported that a transfer receipt was preserved because the payment was made through a third party’s wallet.

Following the incident, Alabi said he filed a complaint with the Police Complaints Response Unit (CRU), which referred him to the Station Officer at Area H Command, Olumide Jegede. A meeting was later held at the station on December 23, during which the couple reportedly identified some of the officers involved.

During the meeting, Alabi alleged that the officers attempted to justify their actions and later claimed the money had already been shared among several personnel. He said they offered a partial refund, citing the difficulty of retrieving funds already distributed.

FIJ reported that ₦2.2 million has so far been returned to the victims, with officers allegedly asking to retain about ₦1 million and promising to refund the balance in instalments.

Attempts to reach SP Adebisi to confirm whether the complainant had formally reported to the command headquarters were unsuccessful as of press time. Station Officer Olumide Jegede also declined to comment when contacted, saying the matter could be followed up at his office.

The case adds to growing public scrutiny of police conduct in Lagos, as rights groups and citizens continue to demand accountability, transparency and an end to extortion and unlawful arrests within the force.

Rebellion is not caused by absolute poverty or hardship

Reflections by Chris Kwaja

Across Africa, rebellious tendencies are rising amidst declining state capacity to effectively deliver on good governance (inclusive, just and accountable), security and development.

In his seminal work “Why Men (People) Rebel”, which was published in 1970, Ted Gurr provided us with a psychological and sociological framework for understanding the root causes of rebellion, premised on the theory of relative deprivation – the absence of accountability, equity and Justice.

The point to note is that rebellion is not caused by absolute poverty or hardship, but by a perceived gap between what people believe they deserve and what they get from the elites. In today’s Nigeria, the elites use religion and ethnicity (politicised identities) to disempower the people, by ensuring the quality of education they get limits their individual and collective capacities to think critically as a basis for action.

No wonder religion and ethnicity plays active role in politics, and a far lesser role in ensuring good governance, as long as many of them serve as merchants on pulpits and palaces.

  • Chris Kwaja

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

CLE cracks down on rogue law faculties, clears five universities for law programmes, congratulates new DG

Nigeria’s legal education regulator has approved new law faculties, expanded admission quotas at existing universities, and imposed sanctions on institutions found to have violated regulatory procedures, in a sweeping set of decisions aimed at tightening oversight of legal training in the country.

The Council of Legal Education (CLE) reached the decisions during its first quarterly meeting of 2026, held Wednesday at its headquarters in Abuja and chaired by Chief Emeka Ngige, SAN.

Following facility verification and accreditation exercises, the Council approved the commencement of law programmes at five universities, each with an initial admission quota of 50 students. The newly approved institutions are Azman University in Kano State, Rayhaan University in Kebbi State, Confluence University of Science and Technology in Kogi State, Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe University in Imo State, and Ave-Maria University in Nasarawa State.

The approvals were granted after the Council said it was satisfied with the institutions’ infrastructure, staffing levels and compliance with prescribed academic standards.

At the same time, the CLE approved upward revisions of admission quotas for four universities, allowing Bayero University, Kano, to admit 230 law students, Madonna University, Okija, and Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, to admit 100 each, and the University of Ilorin to raise its quota to 210.

In a clear warning to institutions operating outside the rules, the Council placed three universities—Paul University, Awka; Clifford University, Owerrinta; and the Federal University, Oye-Ekiti—on a two-year moratorium for commencing law programmes without prior approval.

The Council also considered disciplinary matters, approving sanctions against students found guilty of examination misconduct during the July 2025 Bar Final Resit Examination, as well as disciplinary measures for staff involved in misconduct.

In addition, the CLE approved promotions across the Nigerian Law School system, including five staff elevated to the ranks of Deputy Director and Director, 34 academic staff, 136 administrative and technical staff, and 42 personnel converted or promoted across various cadres.

The meeting also marked the final Council appearance of the outgoing Director-General of the Nigerian Law School, Prof. Isa Hayatu Chiroma, SAN, whose eight-year tenure ends on January 9. A valedictory session was held in his honour, with Council members praising what they described as his transformative leadership and institutional reforms.

In a parting gesture, Chiroma announced a ₦5 million endowment to fund an annual cash prize for the Best Student in Corporate Law in future Bar examinations.

The Council formally congratulated Dr. Olugbemisola Titilayo Odusote on her appointment by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the new Director-General of the Nigerian Law School, effective January 10. Members expressed confidence in her ability to consolidate reforms and strengthen legal education under her leadership.

The resolutions underscore the Council’s renewed push to balance expansion of access to legal education with stricter enforcement of standards—an effort likely to shape the future of Nigeria’s legal profession.

TIPS