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Nigeria’s health system is failing—and poor medical training is a key reason, By Louis Koko

Our health system in Nigeria is not topnotch when compared to advanced countries where our political leaders go to for medical tourism.

However, in the past our health facilities in both public and private were far better in terms of right diagnosis, patient care, professionalism, etc than what are obtainable today .

The reasons are not far fetched. The Japa syndrome is the prime cause of the poor quality health and medical care services in Nigeria. Most competent doctors with self confidence are leaving Nigeria in search of greener pastures in foreign countries.

Read Also: Months of Pain, Then Death. Another Preventable Death?  Kano woman allegedly killed by surgical error

The mass exodus of competent doctors, nurses, and other health workers is drastically reducing the number of these professionals available to treat and care for patients. Doctors, pharmacists , nurses to patients ratios are very abysmal and far below WHO recommendations. Hence, these professionals are overworked and majority of the available ones are less competent with low self confidence.

The second factor responsible for poor health and medical outcomes in our health facilities is the quality of medical education in Nigeria, with the advent of private universities, standard are dropping in many colleges of medicine and surgery in Nigeria.

Read Also: Another Medical Tragedy:  Family alleges fatal medical negligence after routine test in Ibadan, says ‘she walked in healthy’

For a private university that run a college of medicine, there must be a breakeven number of students for the college to be self sustaining and contribute to the overall profit margin of the university. Let us not forget that essentially private universities are businesses that must make profit. Hence, the need to maintain at least a minimum threshold that can guarantee a margin of profit. The resultant effect is that standard are compromised for the sake of sustainability and profitability of the medical programmes in the private universities.

Read Also: Medical negligence a national emergency, Agbakoba warns, as calls for health system overhaul grow

The products of the private universities consults in our clinics at both private and public hospitals.

Due to the quality of medical doctors, pharmacists, medical lab scientists that are produced currently in our universities, I am of the opinion that the federal government should enact an Act of the National Assembly making it mandatory for the graduates of these professional courses to write uniform national examinations which only those that passed would be licensed to practice in Nigeria. Just as we have bar 2 examination for law graduates to write in order to be licensed to practice law in Nigeria. The same should be applied to medical doctors, Pharmacists and medical laboratory scientists in Nigeria.

However, both the federal government and subnational should enhance the working conditions of medical and health workers in Nigeria.

If there is a group of professionals that have imbibed Stacy Adams equity theory of motivation unintentionally, it is the Nigerian doctors. They are quick in comparing their conditions of service and remuneration to doctors of other countries. That is why the Japa syndrome is high among them.

Hopefully, the competent and confident doctors will remain in the country if their wages and conditions of service improve radically and positively, comparable to many countries in Europe and America.

With much government investment in modern medical equipment and instruments, good wages and conditions of service, I am optimistic that the country can reverse the current negative trajectories in our health system.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Nigeria’s Protest Paradox: Government negotiates with bandits, arrests students who protest insecurity

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s deepening security crisis has exposed a growing paradox at the heart of governance: while authorities engage in negotiations and amnesty deals with bandits and violent actors, students and civilians who protest insecurity increasingly face arrest, detention and prosecution.

That contradiction came into sharp focus in Edo State this week, following the arrest and remand of 52 students of Ambrose Alli University (AAU), Ekpoma, who were swept up after a protest against kidnapping and violent crime in the university town.

The crackdown has drawn condemnation from across the political spectrum, with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan warning that the state’s response reflects a broader, dangerous intolerance for dissent.

Atiku: Arrest Protesters, Negotiate With Criminals

In a statement posted on X, Atiku condemned the detention of the students, describing it as “high-handedness” under President Bola Tinubu’s administration and a betrayal of constitutional guarantees.

“It is unacceptable that authorities would respond to peaceful protests by arresting and detaining dozens of students,” Atiku said, stressing that the right to protest is explicitly protected under Nigerian law and repeatedly affirmed by the courts.

More pointedly, the former vice president questioned the state’s priorities.

“If the same level of energy used in arresting protesters were applied to tackling terrorism and banditry—rather than negotiating with criminals—communities across the country would be safer,” he said.

The remark taps into a growing national unease: while governments at federal and state levels pursue dialogue, rehabilitation and reintegration programmes for armed groups, citizens who publicly demand security are often treated as threats to public order.

Atiku called for the immediate and unconditional release of all students detained for what he described as the lawful exercise of their constitutional rights.

Students as Suspects, Insecurity as Afterthought

The AAU protest was triggered by repeated kidnappings in Ekpoma, including the abduction of two medical doctors and reports that one was killed in captivity. Residents say fear has become routine in the university town, with attacks on highways and mass abductions compounding anxiety.

Yet instead of decisive action against criminal networks, the state’s immediate response was mass arrests, late-night hostel raids and criminal charges ranging from malicious damage to armed robbery—allegations widely criticised by lawyers and rights groups as disproportionate and unfounded.

For critics, the message is chilling: protest insecurity and risk becoming a suspect.

Akpoti-Uduaghan: ‘Dialogue, Not Detention’

Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, who represents Kogi Central, described the arrests as an “assault on democratic freedoms” and an attempt to silence youth voices.

In a statement, she faulted both security agencies and Edo State authorities for what she called the “unlawful and heavy-handed” treatment of students engaged in civic action.

“Civic engagement, peaceful protest and dissent are fundamental pillars of democracy and must never be criminalised,” she said.

Akpoti-Uduaghan warned that responding to grievances with arrests rather than dialogue risks eroding public trust and deepening alienation, especially among young Nigerians already disillusioned by economic hardship and insecurity.

“Dialogue, not detention, is the pathway to peace and progress,” she said. “A society that silences its young people is one that mortgages its tomorrow.”

A Broader Pattern of Intolerance

Both Atiku and Akpoti-Uduaghan framed the Ekpoma incident as part of a wider national trend in which dissent—particularly by students and young people—is increasingly met with force.

Analysts note that this approach stands in stark contrast to the state’s willingness to negotiate with armed groups responsible for mass kidnappings, killings and displacement across the country.

“The optics are damaging,” said a political analyst in Abuja. “When protesters are treated more harshly than criminals, the state undermines its own moral authority.”

Security or Silence?

As Edo authorities move to review the arrests under pressure, the episode leaves a deeper question unresolved: is Nigeria’s security strategy focused on protecting citizens—or managing their anger?

For many students and residents of Ekpoma, the protest was not an act of defiance but a plea for safety. The response they received, critics argue, signals a government more comfortable negotiating with violence than listening to voices calling for protection.

Army detains Brigadier General over terror financing leak

The Nigerian Army has reportedly arrested and detained a serving Brigadier General following his alleged association with a retired Nigerian Army Major General, Danjuma Hamisu Ali-Keffi.

Sources close to Sahara Reporters expressed the belief that the development is connected to Ali-Keffi’s legal and public confrontation with former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (rtd).

Ali-Keffi, who was appointed in October 2020 by then-President Muhammadu Buhari to head a covert Presidential Task Force, Operation Service Wide (OSW), has repeatedly raised serious allegations concerning the release of terrorism financing suspects while they were under military custody. 

According to Sahara Reporters, OSW, composed of personnel from the military, security and intelligence agencies, as well as legal officers from the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation, was tasked with arresting, investigating, and prosecuting financiers, sponsors, and collaborators of terrorist organisations, as well as capturing or eliminating terrorist leaders.

According to sources, a Brigadier General, identified as Gabriel E. Archibong, was arrested more than 10 days ago and is currently being held at the Army’s Special Investigation Bureau.

SaharaReporters further learnt that Archibong’s arrest was linked to the frequency of his communications with Ali-Keffi and allegations that the officer was “not cooperating” with military authorities.

“He was taken to his house in Lugbe a day after his arrest, where soldiers searched the premises for over three hours,” a military source said. “Nothing incriminating was found, but his phones and laptop were seized.”

Archibong is a serving officer at the Nigerian Army Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) in Minna, Niger State.

Military sources fear that the detention may negatively affect the officer’s career and wellbeing, stressing that Archibong has done nothing wrong.

“We don’t want any harm to happen to the General or to his career,” a source said. “We feel awful that an officer is being treated like this because of Al-Keffi.”

The sources alleged that Buratai is behind the development, claiming that the former army chief has portrayed his actions to the military high command as an attempt to destroy the Nigerian Army by tarnishing its reputation.

“What a shame that the Army now considers that an attempt to bring Buratai to account for his misdeeds is tantamount to shredding the Army,” Ali-Keffi said. “This is a case of ‘Buratai is the Nigerian Army and the Nigerian Army is Buratai.’”

The military sources also suggested that the arrest may be linked to preparations by the Army to defend itself in a suit Ali-Keffi instituted at the National Industrial Court.

Ali-Keffi filed a multi-billion-naira lawsuit at the National Industrial Court in Abuja in December 2025 against the Nigerian Army and the entire top leadership of the military and defence establishment, challenging his arrest, detention and compulsory retirement.

In the suit, he alleges unlawful arrest, 64 days of detention without charge, torture, denial of fair hearing and violations of the Constitution, the Armed Forces Act and military regulations, which he says culminated in a dishonourable compulsory retirement. 

He also claims that all terrorism-financing suspects arrested by the task force he headed, Operation Service Wide (OSW), were later released while he was detained.

Ali-Keffi says he and his family received death threats after his detention and retirement, forcing repeated foreign trips for safety and causing severe financial, emotional and psychological hardship.

He is seeking ₦100 billion in compensatory damages, another ₦100 billion in punitive damages, and ₦120 million in special damages for lost allowances. 

He is also asking the court to nullify his compulsory retirement, recognise him as having retired voluntarily at age 60, and order full payment of his pensions, gratuities and other entitlements with interest.

Terror Financing Probe and Allegations Against Senior Officials

The fresh development comes against the backdrop of explosive disclosures previously made by Ali-Keffi during exclusive interviews with SaharaReporters regarding a counter-terrorism investigation he led while in service.

Ali-Keffi, who headed Operation Service Wide (OSW), a special counter-terrorism task force, revealed that investigations into Boko Haram’s financiers uncovered an alleged network involving senior military officers, top financial officials, and key government figures.

According to documents obtained by SaharaReporters, OSW, working in collaboration with the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), arrested several high-profile suspects in March 2021 based on detailed financial intelligence tracing money flows linked to terrorism financing.

Ali-Keffi stated that some of the suspects were linked to former Chiefs of Army Staff, including Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (rtd) and Lt. Gen. Faruk Yahaya (rtd), former Central Bank of Nigeria Governor Godwin Emefiele, and former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN).

He clarified that he was not directly accusing any of the named individuals of financing terrorism but said investigations connected them to some of the arrested suspects.

Specifically, Ali-Keffi disclosed that two suspects arrested by OSW were linked to Buratai, two others were linked to Malami, one was linked to Emefiele, while one suspect was linked to Yahaya.

He further alleged that Malami interfered with the investigation by orchestrating the removal of a key prosecutor and influencing the handling and eventual release of certain suspects.

Ali-Keffi said the findings of the investigation were formally presented to then-President Muhammadu Buhari in September 2021 under the auspices of the NFIU.

According to him, his disclosures were not based on anonymous sources but on briefings he personally received from the then Director and Chief Executive Officer of the NFIU, Modibbo Hamman-Tukur Ribadu, who worked directly with OSW during the investigation.

Ali-Keffi has since maintained that the backlash he has faced within the military establishment stems from his refusal to suppress the findings of the terror financing probe and his insistence on accountability at the highest levels of the armed forces.

In one of his exclusive interviews with SaharaReporters, Ali-Keffi lamented the release of all terrorism financing suspects in Army custody.

According to him, it occurred under “suspicious circumstances.”

He alleged that former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen.  Yahaya (retd.), allegedly influenced by former Army Chief Lt. Gen. Buratai (retd.), orchestrated his exit from the Army to facilitate the release.

“All the terrorism financing suspects in the custody of the Army were released under suspicious circumstances. Thus, it could be safely deduced that General Yahaya, under the prompting of General Buratai set me up in order to get me out of the Army to pave way for the release of the suspects to cover up their links to some of the terror suspects,” he said.

“It is an open secret that General Buratai influenced the appointment of General Yahaya as the Army Chief following the death of General Attahiru as he wielded considerable influence in the Buhari administration.”

Senator Yari’s second address, By Funke Egbemode

I like laws but not very much. Nigeria has too many laws, all kinds of laws, really, including the ones that arrest goats and sheep if they stray into the streets. Do you see any of them being obeyed by your governor or his Local Government Chairmen and Councillors? What about the law that says if a man who married according to the laws of the land takes a new and second wife, he could go to jail because bigamy is a criminal enterprise? Well, Nigerian men have sneered at the bigamy law and are now full-time polygamists, law be damned.

So, each time, there is a policy, appointment, etc. that is attracting the ‘learned fellows’ and silk wigs, I get all suspicious and lower my glasses further down the bridge of my nose. Once those guys start adjusting their wigs and threatening to approach the Supreme Court for interpretation, I drag their papers to a corner and search out how and where their arguments benefit the ordinary you and I.

They never disappoint, especially when they mix law and politics in the same pot, the ladle is always suspicious. This time as soon as they started mouthing phrases like Rule of Law and Code of Conduct Bureau, I paused the Korean series, ‘Crash Landing on You’ that I was watching on Netflix. Who are they throwing the books at this time? Senator Abdulaziz Yari. Okay, if a politician is being dragged by a politician, what is my own? They deserve one another. I hid a smile as I returned to see how Yoon Seri would survive the North Korean winter night and make it to the South Korean border. Then I heard N1.08 trillion and Femi Otedola’s name. I became interested.

So what is the full story?

Businessman Femi Otedola had decided to divest his 77% stake in Geregu Power Plant, going home with more than N1trillion. Senator Yari, even I did not know he was that rich, decided to grab 25% of what was on display and before you could say Up NEPA, the Senator became the Chairman of Geregu Power Plc. The ownership transfer was finalised in December 2025. Geregu Plant contributes about 12% to the national grid. Its stock is doing well, averaging N20billion in annual dividends.

The bone of contention is should a serving Senator be Board Chairman of a publicly quoted company? The law and lawyers are at each other’s throats.

Did Yari make his money in Nigeria and is keeping it in Nigeria? Yes.

That should count for something.

Do we want our politicians to have second and third addresses?

Definitely.

If all they have is politics, do-or-die will not die, and it must die.

Would the code of this and that and the lawyers have preferred that foreigners had picked up that 25% somehow instead of a Nigerian? Would a failed or a failing enterprise work better with our codes of conduct than where a Nigerian plows back money he made in Nigeria to create jobs for more Nigerians in Nigeria? Come to think of it, Senator Yari could have done all this buying under the table, through a proxy without showing his face or hands? Is it not better that we can now put a face to the success or failure of Geregu? If the share price descends from N1,141.50 that it was yesterday, at least we know a serving senator on the board to hold and berate.

Wait o, could it be the fear of these laws and codes that prevented certain Nigerians from buying stakes in all those companies that have since left Nigeria, and the ones that are on life support? We need to dig up some graves and make the dead walk like James Hardly Chase once prescribed.

Laws and codes are good and needed but when thy get in the way of simple solutions, they make me wonder if laws are made for man or man made for laws.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Makoko After the Bulldozers: Families sleep in canoes as Lagos moves to prosecute community leader

By Johnson Agu

The Criminalisation of Protest

Children now sleep inches above polluted water in Lagos’ Makoko waterfront, curled inside fishing canoes tied together with ropes and planks, after the Lagos State Government demolished large swathes of stilt houses in the historic community—an operation that has displaced thousands, triggered reported deaths, and ignited a fresh clash between urban development and human rights.

In the days following the demolition, families with nowhere else to go have retreated onto the lagoon itself, converting wooden canoes—once their means of livelihood—into makeshift homes. The most vulnerable, children, the elderly and the sick, now live in conditions aid groups describe as dangerous and inhumane.

“This is where we live now,” said Elizabeth Ottom, a 29-year-old mother of three, standing beside a narrow canoe layered with planks and plastic sheets. “We sleep here. This is our house. We don’t even have food.”

Her home, she said, was pulled down without warning, consultation or a resettlement plan. Like many others, she scrambled to salvage belongings as officials and security personnel moved in. Much was lost.

Makoko—often romanticised as the “Venice of Africa”—has long existed on the margins of Lagos’ ambitious megacity vision. For generations, its residents have lived on stilts over the lagoon, surviving through fishing, petty trading and manual labour. That fragile stability has now been shattered.

Children on the Frontline of Displacement

By day, children paddle between canoes, helping to steady boats or retrieve floating debris. By night, families lie awake, fearing that a single wrong movement could tip them into the water.

“There is no safety,” said Jack, a fisherman in his 40s. “If you turn in your sleep, you can fall into the lagoon.”

Parents report skin rashes, coughs and persistent itching among children who spend hours in polluted water. Schooling has effectively stopped; uniforms, books and documents were destroyed.

“How can they go to school like this?” asked Mariam, another mother. “We don’t even know where to bathe.”

Healthcare is largely inaccessible. The sick must be ferried by canoe to distant clinics—an expense many cannot afford. In one boat, an elderly man lay weak and barely responsive.

“We are just praying he survives,” a relative said quietly.

When rain falls, the danger multiplies. Water pours into boats. Families scoop endlessly with bowls. Some still attempt to cook on coal stoves balanced on planks, risking fire or capsizing.

“If heavy rain comes, we can die here by drowning,” said Joseph Effah, whose canoe now shelters his aged parents.

Deaths, Tear Gas and Outrage

Civil society groups say the demolition has already turned deadly. At least three deaths—including two infants and a 70-year-old woman—have been reported since operations began on January 5, according to a joint statement by the Centre for Children’s Health Education, Orientation and Protection (CEEHOPE) Nigeria, the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) and Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA).

The organisations alleged that homes were razed or set ablaze with little or no notice, sometimes while residents were still inside, and that tear gas was fired into the community to disperse resistance.

“Women, children and elderly persons were exposed to tear gas, leaving many injured and hospitalised,” the statement said.

Government Rationale, Community Pushback

The Lagos State Government has said the demolitions target shanties located within 100 metres of power lines, citing safety and urban planning laws. Permanent Secretary in the Office of Urban Development, Gbolahan Oki, said Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu approved a reduced enforcement distance to minimise displacement, but stressed that compliance was non-negotiable.

Residents say they are not opposed to development—but reject being erased.

“If they want to remove us, they should tell us where to go,” Joseph said. “Not throw us into the water.”

Makoko’s history suggests a familiar pattern. Major demolitions in 2005 and 2012 displaced thousands, destroyed homes and sparked international condemnation. Authorities have repeatedly cited environmental hazards and security concerns, while critics argue that waterfront communities are being cleared for elite real-estate interests.

Urban planners and housing experts say informal settlements like Makoko require upgrading—not destruction—through improved housing, sanitation and services. For displaced families now sleeping on water, that argument offers little immediate relief.

Youth Leader Arrest Raises Political Stakes

As humanitarian concerns mount, tensions escalated further with the arrest and planned prosecution of Mr Oluwatobi Aide, a youth leader in Makoko.

The Lagos State Police Command is set to arraign Aide on Wednesday, January 14, 2026, on allegations of breach of public peace—a charge activists describe as false, politically motivated and intended to intimidate the community.

Sources familiar with the case said Aide was arrested on January 11 after protesting attempts by demolition teams to extend operations beyond a 30-metre corridor from an electricity installation, which residents say had previously been agreed upon.

“He was arrested simply for speaking up,” a source said. “Since then, he has been in detention.”

Activists also raised health concerns. Aide had reportedly been hospitalised weeks earlier after inhaling tear gas during protests. On Monday night, he fell ill again in custody at Area F Police Division, Ikeja, and was rushed to the hospital after suffering severe reactions believed to be linked to mosquito bites and poor detention conditions.

According to sources, police initially insisted he pay for his treatment before eventually covering the costs after pressure from activists. He was returned to detention later that night.

On Tuesday, tensions flared again after officers reportedly demanded he apologise to the state government and sign an undertaking never to protest again. When he refused, sources said police moved to prosecute him “to make an example.”

Supporters say legal action is underway to secure his release.

“Shelter is a human right,” an advocate involved in the case said. “No one should be jailed for defending the right to a roof over their head.”

A City at a Crossroads

Makoko today is a study in extremes: luxury high-rise developments rising elsewhere in Lagos, while displaced families sleep on tied canoes under open skies.

For residents, the question is no longer whether development will come—but whether it will include them.

“We are Nigerians too,” Elizabeth said softly. “We are human beings.”

As of press time, the Lagos State Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotoso, had yet to respond to requests for comment.

    Bandits impose ‘farm taxes’ in Kano, Katsina, as deadly attacks underscore security breakdown

    By Johnson Agu

    Armed groups operating across parts of northern Nigeria are increasingly enforcing a parallel system of authority, extorting farmers, regulating agricultural activity and carrying out deadly attacks with little apparent resistance, deepening concerns over the state’s ability to maintain control in key food-producing regions.

    In Kano and Katsina states, bandits have reportedly entrenched themselves within major forest reserves, demanding up to ₦50,000 per acre from sugarcane farmers before harvest, according to multiple local accounts cited by The Guardian. Farmers who refuse to comply are said to face intimidation, destruction of crops and threats of violence, forcing many to abandon their farmlands.

    The armed groups are reportedly operating from the Rugu Forest in Faskari Local Government Area of Katsina State and the Falgore Forest in Doguwa Local Government Area of Kano State—both strategically located within the Kano–Katsina agricultural corridor, a major supplier of sugarcane and maize to large markets such as Dawanau Market in Kano.

    Local activist Bakatsine, who posts under the handle @DanKatsina50 on X, said the forests have effectively become safe havens where armed groups impose illegal levies and dictate economic activity. Sugarcane farmers are the primary targets, though maize production has also been disrupted.

    Security analysts warn that sustained disruption of farming in the region could trigger food shortages and higher prices across northern Nigeria, compounding inflationary pressures already squeezing households.

    Despite the presence of military and police checkpoints along Falgore Road, armed groups are reportedly operating within five kilometres of security positions, raising questions about the effectiveness of existing deployments. Residents describe the situation as a gradual takeover, with bandits enforcing rules, collecting “taxes” and exercising control over daily life without visible resistance.

    As of press time, neither the Kano nor Katsina state governments nor federal security agencies had issued official responses to the allegations.

    Wedding Convoy Attack Deepens Fears

    The growing insecurity was underscored on Sunday when bandits launched a deadly attack on a wedding convoy in Unguwar Nagunda community, Kankara Local Government Area of Katsina State, killing at least two people and injuring several others.

    Among those injured was the bride, according to residents. An unspecified number of wedding guests were also abducted during the assault.

    A security source confirmed the incident on Monday, saying residents fled as heavy gunfire erupted when the attackers stormed the area.

    “As of this morning, families are still trying to confirm how many people were abducted,” the source said.

    Residents said the gunmen arrived suddenly, firing sporadically and creating panic before fleeing with some of the guests to an unknown location. Attempts to obtain official confirmation from the Katsina State Police Command were unsuccessful, as the command’s spokesperson did not respond to calls or messages.

    Controversy Over Planned Release of Suspected Bandits

    The attack comes amid mounting controversy over the Katsina State Government’s plan to release dozens of detained suspected bandits as part of efforts to sustain what it describes as an “existing peace” agreement with armed groups.

    The state government has said such arrangements have previously led to the release of at least 1,000 abducted persons and argued that negotiated settlements are not uncommon in conflict situations globally.

    However, public scrutiny intensified after a classified letter dated January 2, 2026, from the Katsina State Ministry of Justice surfaced. The letter, marked “SECRET” and addressed to the Chief Judge of Katsina State, Justice Musa Abubakar, requested intervention to facilitate the release of suspects facing trial for banditry-related offences.

    Signed by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Abdur-Rahman Umar, the letter disclosed that 48 individuals accused of various banditry offences had been recommended for release as part of conditions tied to the continuation of the peace accord between affected local governments and armed groups. A separate list of 22 inmates facing trial before state high courts was also submitted for similar consideration.

    Critics argue that while peace deals may reduce short-term violence, the continued extortion of farmers and attacks on civilians suggest that armed groups remain emboldened, raising fears that concessions could further weaken the rule of law.

    For many residents, the reality on the ground points to a widening vacuum of authority—one in which armed groups not only terrorise communities but increasingly govern them.

    Nigeria’s security breakdown fuels protests—and a dangerous turn to self-help

    By Ladidi Sabo

    There is an old warning in political theory: when a government fails to provide security, it risks inviting anarchy. In Nigeria, that warning is no longer abstract—it is playing out in real time.

    Across the country, citizens increasingly resort to self-help measures as banditry, kidnapping and terrorism continue largely unchecked. From rural highways to university towns, fear has become routine. In early 2026, insecurity remains one of Nigeria’s most pressing national crises, particularly in the North, where attacks persist despite repeated assurances from authorities.

    Calls for stronger government action have grown louder, coming not only from ordinary citizens but also from traditional rulers, civil society groups and political leaders. Yet for many Nigerians, patience has worn thin—and protests are becoming the language of desperation.

    Edo Protesters Remanded After Anti-Kidnapping Demonstration

    That frustration erupted last weekend in Ekpoma, a university town in Esan West Local Government Area of Edo State, where youths took to the streets to protest rising cases of kidnapping and violent crime. Residents said the situation had become so dire that people now live in constant fear.

    On Monday, the Edo State High Court sitting as Criminal Court 2 ordered the remand of several youths arrested during the protest. The court directed that the suspects be held at the Ubiaja Correctional Centre pending further proceedings.

    The ruling followed an application by the prosecution requesting a 14-day remand to allow security agencies continue investigations into the protest, which disrupted activities across Ekpoma and drew widespread attention throughout Edo State.

    The courtroom scene was emotional. Some of the arrested youths and their relatives broke down in tears as security operatives escorted the protesters into a waiting vehicle under heavy guard.

    Viral Videos, Rising Tensions

    Videos circulating widely on social media showed residents in parts of Edo Central staging demonstrations against alleged kidnappings and killings. In some clips, individuals suspected to be cattle breeders were seen fleeing a market upon sighting the protesters—footage that further inflamed tensions and deepened ethnic and security anxieties.

    The Edo State Police Command said the protest was initially peaceful but was later “hijacked” by hoodlums.

    In a statement signed by Police Public Relations Officer ASP Eno Ikoedem, the command said vandalism and looting occurred, prompting what it described as swift intervention by security agencies. The Commissioner of Police, CP Monday Agbonika, fdc, reportedly deployed additional tactical reinforcements from the state headquarters in Benin, restoring “normalcy” through coordinated crowd-control operations.

    Police also confirmed that a 32-year-old man, identified as Osagie Abraham, was shot during the unrest and is currently receiving medical treatment. According to the statement, the military personnel involved have been identified and reported to the appropriate authorities for disciplinary action.

    While reaffirming that peaceful protest is a constitutional right, the police warned that demonstrations must be conducted responsibly. The command added that intelligence-led operations had been intensified to curb kidnapping and other crimes in Ekpoma and across Edo State.

    Government Promises, Public Scepticism

    The Edo State Government, meanwhile, reiterated its commitment to tackling insecurity. Governor Monday Okpebholo declared that there would be “no hiding place for perpetrators” of kidnapping and violent crime, urging residents to support security agencies with credible information.

    But for many Nigerians, such assurances now ring hollow.

    In late December 2025, a peaceful protest by women in Kwara State against persistent insecurity, abductions and bandit attacks ended violently when suspected thugs reportedly attacked and flogged demonstrators near the Government House in Ilorin, while police officers allegedly stood by.

    A Nation on Edge

    From Edo to Kwara, a troubling pattern is emerging: citizens protest insecurity, the state responds with force or arrests, and the underlying crisis remains unresolved. As trust in official protection erodes, Nigerians are increasingly left to fend for themselves—raising the stakes in a country already stretched by economic hardship and social tension.

    The question now confronting Nigeria is no longer whether insecurity exists, but how long a state can withstand the consequences of failing to stop it.

    The politics of kissing power’s ass, By Josephine Akioyamen

    From Versailles to Abuja: A short lesson on sycophancy

    In the late 1680s, the French king Louis XIV developed a painful anal fistula. It was an embarrassing condition, but more importantly, it exposed something timeless about power.

    At the time, surgery was not a prestigious profession. Physicians diagnosed and theorised. Cutting into the body was considered crude labour, left to barber surgeons who were skilled with sharp instruments. They pulled teeth, drained abscesses, performed bloodletting, and lanced boils. When the Sun King needed surgery, no court physician would touch the task.

    So he turned to a barber named Charles François Félix.

    Félix was terrified. He had never performed such a procedure before, and failure meant more than professional disgrace. If the king died, his life was effectively over. He refused to experiment on the monarch, so preparations were made.

    To rehearse, Félix was given about 75 prisoners who conveniently “volunteered.” Many did not survive. There were no anesthetics, no antiseptics, and no modern surgical tools. Félix designed a custom instrument, refined it through repeated trials, and eventually named it the royal probe.

    Only after months of practice did he operate on Louis XIV.

    The surgery succeeded. The king survived, though he had to wear bandages on his backside and walk awkwardly during recovery. Félix was rewarded with a title, a fortune, and a castle, then retired immediately.

    The medical drama should have ended there. It did not.

    Afterward, courtiers with perfectly healthy bodies began requesting the same operation. Not because they were ill, but because the king had been. When barber surgeons refused, the courtiers improvised. They wrapped bandages around themselves and began walking stiffly, mimicking the king’s gait. The ailment itself became fashionable.

    Louis XIV also famously disliked bathing. He reportedly bathed only 3 times in his life. Contemporary accounts describe his odour as overwhelming. The Duke of Saint Simon wrote that the king “stank like a wild animal.”

    Members of his court responded predictably. They stopped bathing too.

    None of this was about health, hygiene, or logic. It was about proximity to power.

    This is sycophancy in its purest form.

    Sycophancy is not loyalty or admiration. It is a survival strategy in systems where reward flows from pleasing the powerful rather than telling the truth. When power is centralized and unchecked, imitation becomes currency.

    Nigeria understands this instinct intimately.

    In Nigerian politics, power is not merely authority. It is access to contracts, protection, appointments, immunity, relevance, and security. In such an environment, behaviour adjusts accordingly. Aides begin to dress like their principals. Speech patterns converge. Personal quirks turn into institutional culture. Every thought is prefaced with “His Excellency believes” or “Our leader has directed.”

    You can always tell who holds power by watching who is being imitated.

    The most revealing moment comes when power shifts. Yesterday’s praise singers disappear. Yesterday’s “visionary leader” becomes today’s embarrassment. The same people who defended incompetence and cruelty suddenly rediscover conscience when the benefits stop flowing.

    This is not betrayal. It is parasitism.

    Sycophants do not attach themselves to ideas, principles, or outcomes. They attach themselves to hosts. When the host weakens, they migrate.

    This is why leadership failure persists. Leaders are insulated from reality by applause. Honest feedback is punished as disloyalty. Warnings are dismissed as sabotage. Bad decisions go unchallenged because the system rewards flattery and punishes truth.

    Like Louis XIV, many leaders mistake imitation for love and noise for legitimacy. They confuse performance with consent. And surrounded by courtiers limping in unison, they assume all is well.

    Until it is not.

    From Versailles to Abuja, the pattern does not change. Power attracts imitation. Only accountability attracts truth. And any system that rewards sycophancy will eventually collapse under the weight of its own self-deception.

    The bandages will come off. The courtiers will move on. And the damage will already be done.

    ©️Akioyamen Josephine

    Medical negligence a national emergency, Agbakoba warns, as calls for health system overhaul grow

    Nigeria’s healthcare system is facing a deepening crisis of medical negligence that has resulted in repeated, preventable deaths across the country, senior lawyer and medical malpractice specialist Dr Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, has warned, calling for an urgent overhaul of the nation’s health regulatory framework.

    In a strongly worded statement issued on January 12, Agbakoba said the tragic death of Nkanu Nnamdi, the 21-month-old son of acclaimed Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie and her husband, Dr Ivara Esege, has once again exposed what he described as a “systemic collapse” in medical oversight, accountability and professional standards in Nigeria.

    Agbakoba, who said he has spent over two decades handling medical negligence cases, warned that the incident—allegedly involving the administration of Propofol at a Lagos-based private hospital—was not an anomaly but part of a disturbing national pattern.

    “Propofol is a high-risk anaesthetic that requires exceptional care due to its potential to cause cardio-respiratory failure,” Agbakoba said. “An overdose can be fatal, and there appears to be a strong possibility of overdose in this case. Sadly, I am not shocked that a procedure in a supposedly reputable hospital ended this way.”

    While commending the Lagos State Government for ordering an investigation and praising the hospital, Euracare, for agreeing to cooperate, Agbakoba cautioned that such probes must be genuinely independent.

    “I have personally witnessed cases where medical records were altered to avoid culpability,” he said, warning that without independent oversight, investigations risk becoming exercises in damage control rather than accountability.

    A Pattern of Preventable Deaths

    Agbakoba said the Chimamanda case represents only “the visible tip of a much larger crisis,” citing numerous cases his firm has handled, including patients who lost vital organs, mothers who died from delayed emergency responses during childbirth, children subjected to catastrophic surgical errors and patients fatally harmed by routine medical procedures.

    “These are not isolated incidents,” he said. “They are symptoms of a broken system.”

    According to Agbakoba, his practice is currently handling over 25 active medical negligence cases, with more than 20 additional complaints under review—figures that underscore the scale of the problem.

    He also revealed that the issue is deeply personal, recounting his own misdiagnosis and a near-fatal operation suffered by his brother at the hands of a doctor who falsely presented himself as a surgeon.

    Regulatory Collapse at the Core

    At the heart of the crisis, Agbakoba said, is the collapse of Nigeria’s health regulatory architecture.

    “In the past, Chief Medical Officers and Health Inspectors ensured oversight, compliance and accountability,” he said. “Today, that structure no longer exists.”

    He blamed over-centralisation under the National Health Act and state health laws for weakening enforcement, allowing hospitals and practitioners to operate “with alarming impunity.”

    “There are no routine inspections, no mandatory reporting, and no effective sanctions,” Agbakoba said, adding that Ministers and Commissioners of Health have wrongly combined policy-making with regulatory enforcement—“a fundamental governance failure.”

    Calls for Emergency Reforms

    Agbakoba called for immediate legislative and executive action, proposing sweeping reforms including the creation of an independent Health Regulatory Authority, reinstatement of the Office of Chief Medical Officer at federal and state levels, mandatory inspections of all health facilities, and independent investigative mechanisms with powers to preserve medical records.

    “The time for half-measures is over,” he said. “We cannot continue to lose lives to preventable medical errors while our regulatory framework remains in shambles.”

    Describing the situation as a “national emergency,” Agbakoba urged authorities to act decisively to restore trust in Nigeria’s healthcare system.

    “This crisis affects ordinary Nigerians every day,” he said. “The Chimamanda case has simply forced the country to confront what countless families have endured in silence.”

    Months of Pain, Then Death. Another Preventable Death?  Kano woman allegedly killed by surgical error

    A Nigerian family is demanding accountability after a woman died following months of excruciating pain allegedly caused by a pair of surgical scissors left inside her body during an operation at a government hospital in Kano State.

    Aishatu Umar died around 1 a.m. on Monday after enduring what relatives describe as relentless abdominal pain since undergoing surgery in September 2025 at the Abubakar Imam Urology Centre in Kano. She was survived by her husband and five children.

    The allegation surfaced publicly through a Facebook post by Abubakar Mohammed, who identified the deceased as his sister-in-law. According to him, Aishatu fell ill while living in Kano and was admitted for surgery at the state-run facility several months ago.

    “After the operation, she never knew peace again,” Mohammed wrote. “She complained of severe pain for months.”

    Family members say Aishatu repeatedly returned to the hospital following the procedure, reporting worsening pain and discomfort. Instead of being subjected to comprehensive diagnostic tests, they alleged that hospital staff routinely prescribed painkillers and discharged her.

    “She suffered this pain for four months,” Mohammed said.

    It was not until two days before her death, the family said, that doctors finally ordered scans and other medical investigations. The results were devastating.

    “Tests revealed that a pair of scissors had been left inside her body during the surgery in September,” Mohammed disclosed.

    Plans were reportedly made to perform a corrective operation to remove the foreign object, but Umar’s condition deteriorated rapidly.

    “Efforts were being made to operate again yesterday,” Mohammed said. “But her time had already run out.”

    Relatives have described the case as a clear instance of gross medical negligence, questioning how a basic surgical protocol—accounting for instruments before closing a patient—could allegedly be ignored in a modern hospital.

    “Is this not pure negligence?” Mohammed asked. “How can trained doctors forget scissors inside a patient’s body?”

    Beyond the personal tragedy, the family said the incident reflects a deeper crisis within Nigeria’s healthcare system, where preventable errors, delayed diagnosis and institutional indifference continue to cost lives—even in hospitals that charge patients substantial fees.

    Despite Nigeria producing thousands of medical professionals annually, underfunded facilities, poor oversight, exhausted staff and weak accountability mechanisms have turned hospitals into places many Nigerians increasingly fear. Families often shuttle between clinics for months, spending scarce resources on consultations and drugs, only to receive critical diagnoses when it is too late.

    The death of Aishatu Umar has intensified calls for urgent reforms and accountability.

    “We call on the Kano State Government to investigate this matter thoroughly,” the family said in a statement. “We call on health regulatory bodies to act. We demand justice for Aishatu Umar.”

    As of the time of filing this report, neither the management of the Abubakar Imam Urology Centre nor the Kano State health authorities had issued an official response to the allegations.

    The case comes amid growing public outrage over alleged medical negligence across Nigeria. Only days earlier, award-winning author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie accused a Lagos-based hospital, Euracare, of negligence following the death of her 21-month-old son, Nkanu Nnamdi, on January 7, 2026.

    Together, the incidents have reignited national debate over patient safety, hospital accountability and a healthcare system many Nigerians say is failing the very people it is meant to protect.

    From Kano to Ibadan, Lagos and other parts of Nigeria, similar stories of alleged medical negligence, delayed diagnosis, and preventable deaths continue to surface, reinforcing public distrust in a healthcare system many say is failing across regions, income levels and hospital categories.

    Whether in government-owned facilities or expensive private hospitals, families increasingly recount the same pattern: prolonged suffering, repeated hospital visits, dismissive treatment, ballooning medical bills and, ultimately, loss of life that might have been avoided with timely and competent care.

    TIPS