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Tinubu must address rising mass massacres now

By Farooq Kperogi

Recent events show a widening pattern of killings, abductions and reprisals stretching from Borno to Zamfara, Kebbi, Niger, Kwara and elsewhere. The scale of fatalities alone demands sustained national attention. But the Bola Ahmed Tinubu government’s muted presence in the public response raises troubling questions about its priorities and its appreciation of the fierce urgency of the moment.

Start with Borno State, long regarded as the epicenter of Boko Haram’s insurgency. International media outlets reported last Friday that Boko Haram militants attacked a Nigerian military formation, killing at least eight soldiers and leaving dozens wounded. Casualty figures varied across accounts, but the deaths of eight soldiers were consistently reported.

Incidents of this nature once triggered nationwide debate and highly visible federal reaction. They now pass with limited public engagement outside specialist security coverage. That shift in attention probably reflects outrage fatigue, but it does not reduce the severity of the threat.

In the northwest and north central zones, mass casualty attacks have become distressingly frequent. Reports from Kebbi and Zamfara States describe repeated bandit raids, civilian deaths and abductions. Again, an Associated Press dispatch from last Friday documented coordinated assaults in Kebbi resulting in at least 33 fatalities. That number alone represents a catastrophic loss for rural communities, yet the federal government hasn’t even acknowledged these tragedies much less comfort victims. This is increasingly becoming a pattern.

The Borgu region, where I am from, illustrates how violence transcends state boundaries while policy responses remain fragmented. Borgu’s communities span Kebbi, Niger and Kwara States. They share historical and cultural ties but operate under different administrative authorities. Armed groups exploit this fragmentation. Attacks in one area of the region reverberate across others and reshape daily behavior far beyond the immediate site of violence.

In Tungan Makeri, Konkoso and Pissa in Borgu Local Government Area of Niger State, news reports and police statements from this week confirmed deadly pre-dawn raids by gunmen. Initial figures indicated about 32 civilians killed across the affected settlements. Specific breakdowns varied, with six deaths reported in Tungan Makeri and as many as 26 in Konkoso, according to local accounts cited in early coverage. These numbers represent entire families extinguished within hours. They also underscore the persistent vulnerability of communities repeatedly targeted by armed groups.

Earlier in the year, Borgu recorded another mass casualty episode at Kasuwan Daji market. Credible reporting placed the death toll at 30 or more people killed, with several others abducted. Shops were burned. Civilians were shot. Survivors described chaos, devastation and disorientation.

The recurrence of large-scale lethal attacks within the same geographic zone should have triggered an unmistakable escalation in federal visibility. That response has not been evident at the level many residents consider commensurate with the losses.

Across the Kwara axis of Borgu, the psychological impact of nearby massacres is now frighteningly noticeable. In Baruten, formerly part of the historical Borgu configuration, fear recently overwhelmed a weekly market day.

A vehicle passed through town. Someone suspected it might be transporting terrorists. The reaction was immediate and visceral. Traders and buyers fled. Goods were abandoned. People ran without coordination, and injuries followed. Some residents reportedly broke limbs in the stampede. Elderly individuals fell and required hospitalization. Many retreated indoors, remaining inside overheated rooms for hours. Goods abandoned in the market were stolen.

But no attack occurred. The vehicle posed no danger. It was the panic itself that inflicted the harm. This happened in my hometown on a Wednesday, a bustling market day that serves as both an economic outlet and a space of interaction, exchange and communal vitality.

Such reactions are not irrational. They reflect what psychologists call learned responses in environments where credible violence repeatedly erupts nearby.

In adjacent Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, residents recount continual episodes of extreme brutality in the hands of bloodthirsty terrorists, the recent mass slaughters in Woro and Nuku that captured the national and international attention being the latest.

Residents across Borgu consistently describe a sense of exposure and disabling siege. In the Niger State sector, communities report repeated attacks on the same settlements. In Konkoso, for example, locals say after militants killed large numbers of villagers, the assailants returned on February 17 to burn the remaining homes. Whether every detail withstands subsequent verification, the pattern of repeated raids across the region is corroborated by multiple independent reports of killings and abductions.

Governmental reaction shapes how citizens interpret both tragedy and state legitimacy. In Kwara State, the governor’s visit to sites of violence in Kaiama was widely noted by affected residents. Such gestures cannot reverse fatalities, but they acknowledge suffering and communicate presence. Insecurity is not only a military problem. It is also a political and psychological one.

In contrast, many inhabitants of Niger State’s Borgu communities express dissatisfaction with the state government’s posture following major incidents. Residents recount episodes in which official statements emphasized blame.

After the Papiri abductions, villagers say responsibility was publicly shifted toward school authorities without a gubernatorial visit to the affected location. Following reports that more than 70 people were killed in Kasuwan Daji, locals similarly describe narratives of fault attribution unaccompanied by direct engagement with survivors. These perceptions may not capture every administrative constraint, but they significantly influence public trust.

The more pressing concern, however, lies at the federal level.

The cumulative death toll across Borno, Kebbi, Niger and Kwara States in just these few cited incidents exceeds any threshold that should trigger unmistakable national urgency.

Eight soldiers killed in Borno. Thirty-three civilians killed in Kebbi. Thirty-two civilians killed across Tungan Makeri, Konkoso and Pissa. Thirty or more killed in Kasuwan Daji market, with local claims of even higher figures, including over 70 fatalities. Locally reported deaths approaching 300 in Woro and Nuku. These are not sporadic disturbances. They are large-scale lethal events distributed across multiple states.

Yet the federal government’s public posture has lacked the intensity typically associated with crises of this magnitude. There has been no sustained national address centered on these specific killings. No widely visible mobilization signaling exceptional concern for Borgu’s repeated devastation. No consistent federal narrative that conveys to affected populations that their losses command the same urgency as tragedies elsewhere.

I agree that security challenges in Nigeria are undeniably complex. Intelligence failures, logistical limits and political coordination problems complicate rapid response. None of these constraints, however, justify the normalization of mass fatalities or the attenuation of federal visibility. When killings of dozens or hundreds struggle to command durable national attention, citizens inevitably question whether their suffering is fully recognized within the national hierarchy of concern.

Persistent violence also produces cumulative secondary effects. Economic activity contracts. Mobility declines. Educational continuity suffers. Residents alter movement patterns, avoid gatherings and recalibrate routine decisions around perception of threat. Fear becomes a structural condition rather than an irregular reaction.

Operation Savannah Shield, recently launched to address insecurity across parts of the north, offers an opportunity for recalibration. Its effectiveness will depend not only on tactical operations but on geographic scope. Borgu’s border communities, repeatedly affected by lethal raids and abductions, require explicit incorporation into security planning. Fragmented jurisdiction has long benefited attackers. Coordinated federal presence could begin reversing that asymmetry.

The number of people who have died unjustly in the hands of nihilistic terrorists this week alone is already staggering. A repetition of this number would signal deeper systemic failure. Preventing that outcome requires more than periodic, contingent deployments. It demands sustained federal attention, interstate coordination and a public posture that communicates unmistakable commitment to civilian safety.

It is worth recalling that even at the height of insecurity during President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, the scale and frequency of mass killings did not approach what many communities now experience, yet Bola Tinubu, then an opposition figure, publicly urged Jonathan to resign.

Invoking resignation today, however, feels like an exercise in futility because no Nigerian elected official has ever relinquished office solely on account of failure, incompetence or public dissatisfaction. Rather than dissipate intellectual energy on an outcome with no historical precedent, a more pragmatic appeal is necessary.

The president should address the nation directly, acknowledge the severity of the crisis, and demonstrate a visibly intensified commitment to protecting lives. If the state proves unable or unwilling to guarantee basic security across vulnerable regions, then a serious national conversation must also consider whether citizens should be legally empowered to defend themselves, including through responsible firearm ownership, instead of remaining defenseless sitting ducks in the face of unremitting terrorist and bandit violence.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

It’s time to save judicial appointments from corruption

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

For nearly five years, Abia State has been the site of a bewildering contest over the crisis of corruption that now bedevils Nigeria’s judicial appointment process. Essentially, the appointment of judges in Nigeria has become something akin to a life-and-death contest, not for or on behalf of those seeking to get justice from the courts but for people who see judicial appointment as a meal-ticket for life or as leverage in the dark arts of Nigeria’s rentier theatre.

Those who control the process now seem very much to use it only to benefit their families and networks; those on the outside of this circle feel entitled to the good life that they believe judges now seem to get. The contest between these two camps is increasingly embittered and publicly so. In Abia State, this contest has been raging for nearly five years. In the past fortnight, the Court of Appeal has weighed in.

The facts are both simple and complicated.

With consent of the National Judicial Council (NJC) in 2021, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) of Abia State initiated a process leading to the appointment of new judges. As required by the constitution, the JSC was to conduct initial sifting of the applicants with a view to presenting a long-list to the NJC who were to undertake final interviews and selection in Abuja.

Before the completion of the process at the state level, however, advocacy group, Access to Justice, lodged a petition with evidence showing that it “was marred by corruption”. Indeed, “a Chief Magistrate slumped and died over reports that her name was not included in the final list of candidates submitted to the NJC after she had borrowed funds to pay bribes for that purpose.” In response, the JSC was forced to abort the 2021 judicial recruitment process in Abia State.

The following year, in 2022, the Commission re-opened the process and once again invited interested persons to apply for judicial vacancies in the High Court of Abia State. This time, the Abia State JSC concluded the process at the State level and forwarded names to the NJC for the final screening. The State Security Service screened the candidates and, on 17 October 2022, the NJC reportedly interviewed them.

Thereafter, however, some persons who had applied in the cancelled 2021 process initiated legal proceedings effectively asserting a right of first refusal to the judicial vacancies the subject of the 2022 recruitment. Access to Justice also intervened, alleging that the list of candidates sent to the NJC “included person(s), who have falsified their ages, as well as those implicated in financial malpractices during the time they held certain positions.” The group also claimed that during the selection exercise “no tests or examinations were conducted for the candidates before they were shortlisted.”

The NJC never completed the process.

By May 2023, when a new administration came into office in Abia State, the burden of work created by the deepening crisis of judicial vacancies in the state was intolerable. To address this, the Abia State JSC returned to the NJC to obtain fresh authorization for the recruitment of 10 new judges but this triggered a fresh avalanche of litigation.

In January 2024, the Attorney-General of Abia State initiated proceedings before the NICN asking the court to decide whether the state government could proceed with a fresh round of judicial recruitment. Joined in the suit were two aggrieved candidates from the previous processes, Eusebius Agwulonu and Ijeoma Oluchi, as well as the State JSC and the NJC.

In its judgment, the NICN established that under Nigeria’s constitution, the Federal High Court did not have powers to decide upon employment matters of this sort. It also upheld the constitutional duty of the relevant institutions of the Government of Abia State and the NJC to conduct fresh judicial recruitment in the 2024 process.

Very importantly, the court held that where a process of judicial recruitment is tainted by “corruption and impropriety” such as in this case, that would warrant a cancellation of the process and the “commencement of a fresh exercise.” The court, therefore, granted the state government permission to proceed with the fresh judicial recruitment.

Separately, however, Uzoamaka Ikonne and Victoria Nwokeukwu, two ostensibly aggrieved candidates from the inconclusive round of judicial hires in 2022, had equally approached the Federal High Court to restrain the state government from recruiting any more judges until the completion of the stalled 2022 process. Nine months after the decision of the NICN, in April 2025, the Federal High Court issued an order suspending the process pending the determination of the case.

From the judgment of the NICN, Eusebius Agwulonu and Ijeoma Oluchi eventually sought permission to proceed to the Court of Appeal. On 4 February 2026, the Court of Appeal ruled denying their application for permission to appeal. In reaching its decision, the Court of Appeal upheld the duty of the State to cancel a process of judicial recruitment tainted “with any form of corruption or illegalities in any procedure.”

The court took a very dim view of the conduct of the aggrieved candidates from previous processes of judicial recruitment in Abia State and accused them of wilfully and deliberately seeking to “stall any…. future judicial appointment exercise, thereby holding the process ad infinitum in perpetual abeyance without lawful justification.” Unlike the NICN, which did not award any costs, the Court of Appeal awarded costs of three million Naira against the candidates, after making the quite weighty finding that they had “lied on oath” in their filings, effectively killing any aspirations they had for judicial office.

It is a thing of utmost regret that judicial appointments in Nigeria these days are now beset with the kinds of allegations that have brought the tortured tale of frustration which has cost Abia State the better part of five years to resolve. This is not to mention the untold hardship this situation must have inflicted on the serving judges who have had to deal with an unmanageable toll of judicial dockets caused by rising judicial attrition.

Those who have responsibility for judicial recruitment would do well to pay heed. It is the only way to ensure that judicial appointments are saved from the mire of corruption into which they have fallen. It will also preclude a test for an observation contained in the ruling of the Court of Appeal in this case. With neither provocation nor foundation in its judgment, the Court of Appeal claimed that “employment or appointment of judicial officers are (sic) not justiciable.” The court felt no need to follow up this observation with any explanation, justification or authority.

With this sentence, the court claims that it is not possible to undertake lawful proceedings in court to challenge judicial appointments. It said this in a decision in which it also affirmed a duty on the part of relevant authorities to set aside any process of judicial appointment that is tainted with corruption.

But it is not at all difficult to see how a corrupt or corrupted process of judicial appointment can claim impunity under this observation to afflict the judicial system with crooked judges from a crooked process. Unquestionably, we have not heard the last of this issue.

In the interim, the Court of Appeal granted the JSC in Abia State permission to proceed to completion with a fresh round of judicial hires for the 10 vacancies in respect of which it has received the sanction of the NJC. Hopefully, the JSC will learn from the previous experience and undertake the process with transparent standards that alone can eschew a repeat of the scandal of corruption which destroyed the previous processes.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]  

Trump erupts at Supreme Court after 6–3 tariff blow, imposes new 10% global levy

For years, the Supreme Court was one of President Donald Trump’s most reliable institutional allies. On Friday, it became his target.

In a 6–3 decision, the Supreme Court struck down Trump’s sweeping use of emergency powers to impose broad global tariffs—ruling that his administration had exceeded its legal authority. The decision did not just curb a trade policy. It clipped one of Trump’s most aggressive tools of executive power.

Within hours, Trump lashed out.

“I’m ashamed of certain members of the court—absolutely ashamed,” he said in a hastily arranged White House appearance. He called the ruling “a disgrace to our nation.”

The rebuke was particularly striking because two of the justices in the majority—Amy Coney Barrett and Neil Gorsuch—were appointed by Trump himself. They joined Chief Justice John Roberts and the court’s three liberal justices to form the ruling bloc.

For a president who reshaped the judiciary and frequently benefited from its conservative majority, the moment marked a rare public rupture.

A Court That Often Sided With Him

The Supreme Court has repeatedly delivered victories central to Trump’s political survival and expansion of executive authority. From immigration powers to presidential immunity, the court’s conservative majority often validated his expansive reading of presidential power.

But trade policy proved different.

Legal analysts say the ruling sends a clear institutional message: emergency powers do not grant a blank check.

“This is a decisive statement,” said Michael Strain of the American Enterprise Institute. “On trade policy, the administration clearly exceeded its authority.”

Trump had framed the case in existential terms in the weeks leading up to the ruling, warning that invalidating his tariff regime would “literally destroy” the country. At one point, he described the stakes as “LIFE OR DEATH.”

On Friday, he shifted from fury to defiance.

“Other alternatives will now be used,” he said. “In fact, I can charge much more than I was charging.”

Doubling Down: A New 10% Global Tariff

The White House quickly announced a new 10 percent across-the-board tariff under a separate legal authority that allows duties of up to 15 percent for 150 days without congressional approval.

The maneuver buys time—but not certainty.

Unlike the emergency powers struck down by the court, this authority is narrower and temporary. Any extension beyond 150 days would require Congress to act.

“It’s a little more complicated,” Trump acknowledged. “But the end result is going to get us more money.”

Behind the scenes, administration officials have been planning fallback options for months. Some are slower, more procedurally complex pathways that would rebuild parts of the tariff structure piece by piece.

What they cannot replicate, trade experts say, is speed.

The ability to impose sweeping tariffs overnight—often used by Trump as geopolitical leverage—is now sharply constrained.

Billions in Refunds—and Legal Chaos

The ruling raises immediate financial questions.

Companies that paid billions under the invalidated tariffs are preparing to seek refunds. The court offered no guidance on how repayments should occur.

Trump declined to commit to returning the money.

Instead, he suggested the matter could become tied up in years of litigation—potentially freezing billions in economic limbo.

The uncertainty rattles businesses already adjusting supply chains to accommodate Trump’s trade war, which critics argue has increased consumer prices and complicated global alliances.

Political Fallout Before a Major Address

The timing could hardly be worse for the White House.

Trump is preparing a major national address next week designed to project economic strength ahead of midterm elections. Instead, he now faces renewed questions about the durability of his economic strategy.

Vice President JD Vance joined the president in attacking the court, calling the ruling “lawlessness” despite the court’s conservative majority.

Trump, for his part, seemed to relish the confrontation.

As for the justices who ruled against him—many of whom once formed the backbone of his legal victories—he signaled little interest in reconciliation.

“They’re barely invited,” he said of their expected attendance at his speech. “Honestly, I couldn’t care less if they come.”

A Test of Executive Power

Beyond tariffs, the ruling represents something larger: a boundary test.

The same court that expanded Trump’s view of presidential authority in other arenas has now drawn a line on trade.

Whether that signals a broader recalibration—or simply a narrow statutory interpretation—remains to be seen.

What is clear is that Trump is not retreating.

If anything, he is escalating.

The president who once relied on the Supreme Court as a legal shield is now openly challenging it—vowing that his trade war, and his aggressive use of executive power, are far from over.

Is he a crown or fake bling-bling?

By Funke Egbemode

An old schoolmate of mine simply moved out of Lagos to the East when his mother came armed to his house everyday to torment and taunt his wife. The poor woman’s sin was not even barrenness. They had kids. It was just that my friend made a few bad business decisions in his bid to leave paid employment and his fortunes took a nosedive. Trust Yoruba people. In such situations, the wife bears the brunt. She is the one with two left legs.

She is the harbinger of failure.

The poor girl was miserable and being an old school introvert, she refused to report her mother-in-law who always chose the time her son was not around to unleash her special brand of terror. She would cry and cry. She was losing weight because it was getting too much for her. Until one day, mama was found out in her iniquity by her son. He simply asked for a transfer to the East. They were there for five years before they made contact with the old woman. The rest is history.

Show me a woman who does not believe in love and I will show you a liar. Every woman wants to be loved. We all long for that indescribable feeling that keeps our heads in the cloud. That feeling that makes you feel that you and your man are the only ones on the surface of the earth and when he touches you, you feel this tingling sensation running down your spine. His voice does things to your system, etcetera, etcetera.

It is a feeling that makes a woman see life through rose-tinted glasses. It is a delicious feeling. It leads you into temptation. It makes you do things that you may later in life wonder how you ever contemplated at all. Sometimes it puts a smile on your face in a crowd of serious people doing serious business, when your mind wanders to those loving moments. They all look at you like you are losing it but you are glorying in something you hold or once held so dear.

Sometimes a love experience does not end in marriage and till death do you part but it does not take away from the solid fact that for the rest of your life, you will never forget it. Remember that song:

Everybody, think back

To your very first time

Oh, not when you lost your virginity this time. That could be memorable too but we will talk about that sometime soon.

Love. It makes you defy reason, logic, sound advice. Anything that wants to come between you and your Romeo would simply have to step aside or go to blazes, whichever they prefer.

Did you ever defy your parents for the lover boy? Did you steal your mother’s jewellery to sell, so your Romeo could buy a ticket to Britain? The things we have all done for love… the things women are still doing for love, in the name of love…Ah. They scare me but what is life without love? It is a feeling every man, every woman must experience. And because cupid’s arrow does not strike often, for some people it is a once in a lifetime thing, it must be savoured.

But is love enough to make a marriage work? Is it all the ingredient that makes a relationship work and worth it? Which is more valuable in marriage, or any serious relationship: love or respect? The tendency is that everyone will scream love. Or am I mistaken? I’m not prescribing anything here. Let us just all look at the two emotions as dispassionately as possible.

A man loves his wife. His wife loves him. In fact, they married for love. They have two kids, both girls, both delivered through caesarean section. The last almost cost the woman her life. The doctor advised that because of the peculiar complications that surfaced in the theatre (doctors always have a name for everything even when we think an ailment is the handiwork of witches and wizards), Madam should stop at two. For a few years, the man lived with this harsh fact that he’d never have a son from his wife. Then he started dropping hints about alternative medicine and the wonders of local herbs. And how God is a miracle worker.

All the sweet talks to get Madam to get pregnant again. She also wanted a boy and fell for it because she was also afraid of the alternatives open to her husband, a second wife, for instance. By the time she was 10 weeks gone, it became obvious that she was on a suicide mission. She could no longer move about without sudden dizzying spells. The doctor recommended abortion. The man said he would fly her out of the country for better care. She wept, scared she would die trying to find a son. Who would be the mother to her pretty daughters? The doctors did their best but everything came loose at 11 weeks. She was distraught and relieved at the same time. Hubby was angry and accused her of conniving with the doctor to abort the baby. Crazy, isn’t it?

Was that love? Would respect have made the situation easier to handle? He went on to get a second wife and he luckily got a son.

If a woman respects a man, do you think she would let her own brothers disrespect him? If she treats him like a king, her siblings would do the same but if she rains abuses on him in their presence, the chances that they would look down on the ‘fool their sister married’ would be high. How many men can stand disrespect from their in-laws? How long does it take for love to take flight when a man feels like he’s less than a man in his own house?

In the same vein, there are men who allow their sisters, brothers and mothers to ride roughshod over their wives. Have we not heard of women who have been beaten up by their sisters-in-law? A younger friend of mine who got married in 2006 was looking like a bad replica of herself when I saw her two weeks ago. She used to be very attractive with a beautiful spring in her steps.

Today her skin is leathery, lips chapped and she generally looks 10 years older. I locked my office door and asked her to spill it, all of it. She started crying.

“I have been through a lot, auntie. If I had known this is what marriage is like I would not have bothered. My in-laws are mean. Because I could not conceive, within one year they started persecuting me. They have called me everything from a male dog to a man.

Because my business is doing fine, my mother-in-law told my husband, in my presence, that I have done money rituals with my womb and that is why I can buy a new car when I’m supposed to be looking for a child. I have done all the tests the doctors prescribed but I’m still not pregnant. My sisters-in-law are even worse than their mother.”

What did her dear husband have to say about this domestic violence against his wife?

“He tells me to ignore them. I don’t think he is the problem…”

If you ask me, Joy – that’s her name – is living in denial. Her problem is largely her man. I think the guy is actually less than a man if you take away what is in between his legs. How can you tell a woman being harassed by your mother and sisters to ignore her assailants? Do you treat headache by ignoring it? When a mosquito perches on your skin, does ignoring it reduce its bite or stop it from passing malaria parasites into your bloodstream? A man who respects his wife will protect her. That is why he is the crown, the head of his home. But a man who watches his mother torment his wife is a fake crown. His home is headless. How long will it take love to fly away from such a relationship?

So what do you think, which is a bigger ingredient, love or respect? Is your man a protector or a liability? Is a shield in times of attack? Is he a real crown or just a bling-bling accessory?

From Dakata to Singer Market: Twin infernos rock Kano exposing growing safety crisis

A major fire outbreak that tore through the Dakata Small-Scale Industrial Complex in Kano, destroying scores of stalls and causing estimated losses of between ₦700 million and ₦800 million, has now become the opening chapter in what many describe as a deepening commercial fire crisis in the state.

The blaze at the industrial hub—popularly known as Fatima Crossion and Recycling—engulfed roughly 100 of the 506 stalls within the sprawling 300-by-200-foot facility. The complex, divided into four sections and packed with recyclable and industrial materials, went up in flames before emergency responders could fully contain the spread.

Officials of the Kano State Fire Service confirmed deploying multiple fire engines from different stations to battle the inferno. While the fire was eventually subdued, traders were left staring at charred debris and collapsed structures.

Preliminary reports suggested the fire may have been triggered by an open flame allegedly lit by children to keep warm—an ignition source that quickly spiralled out of control amid highly combustible materials.

But before traders could recover from the Dakata disaster, a far larger catastrophe struck.

Singer Market: Billions Reduced to Ash

Barely weeks later, another inferno erupted—this time at Singer Market, the largest commodity hub in northern Nigeria and a critical supply centre for goods moving across West and Central Africa.

The fire, which raged overnight, reduced more than 1,000 shops and four residential buildings to rubble. Market leaders estimate losses at over ₦5 billion, with seven persons declared missing in the aftermath.

“This is one of the worst tragedies in the history of this market,” the market chairman said, as traders combed through debris searching for salvageable goods.

Individual losses were staggering. Some traders reported losing hundreds of millions of naira worth of goods and equipment in a single night.

A Pattern of Vulnerability

The back-to-back infernos at Dakata and Singer have intensified scrutiny over fire safety standards, market congestion and electrical practices across Kano’s commercial centres.

Singer Market, like many traditional markets in Nigeria, is densely packed with shops, makeshift storage areas and residential spaces. Narrow pathways hinder access for emergency vehicles, delaying response times when seconds matter most.

Some traders raised concerns over possible electrical faults and poorly installed solar systems, particularly lithium battery units left running overnight. Others cited ageing infrastructure and lax enforcement of safety regulations.

Fire safety experts say the incidents highlight a systemic problem.

“We cannot continue responding only after disaster strikes,” one disaster management analyst noted. “Prevention, inspection and enforcement must become priorities.”

Government and Community Response

State authorities have pledged investigations into both incidents. Relief efforts have been initiated for affected traders, while calls grow louder for modern firefighting equipment and stricter compliance with safety standards.

For many traders, however, the damage goes beyond numbers.

From the ₦800 million losses at Dakata to the estimated ₦5 billion devastation at Singer Market, Kano’s commercial community is grappling with a sobering reality: without urgent structural reforms, these infernos may not be isolated tragedies—but warning signs of a deeper crisis.

As smoke clears from two of Kano’s busiest economic hubs, one pressing question remains—how many more markets must burn before lasting change is enforced?

Andrew’s Arrest and Other Epstein Casualties: Lessons for Nigeria

By Martins Oloja

Until the last syllable of our recorded time, we, as commentators in the media will continue to set agenda, identify systemic rot and contextually report what somebody somewhere is trying to hide; that is the news because the rest is public relations. Whether our political and business leaders like it or not, we will continue to transmit real time to our audiences what is odd, bizarre, unusual about people, places, events and issues.

Those in office and power today may not care about what we journalists disclose and transmit in public interest. Media products, especially the news can be transmitted to other various audiences in that the organic law of the land empowers us too.
As it has been finely addressed by scholars, some media organs transmit to those who run the country while others disseminate to those who would like to run the country. In the same vein, some others target the wives of those who run the country. Some special organs too broadcast to those who remember the country as it used to be, while some others publish for those who would like other foreign powers to run the country.

So, those who deride and ignore media agenda- setting role today and do what they like with the mandate the people give them for the public goods game should not cry for us. The market is big enough for the audiences we serve, till eternity.

So, to some of our concerned patriots who ask us quietly to stop writing because the authorities here do not care a hoot about even ‘security and welfare of the people, the primary purpose of government, there is a sense in which we can tell them that at this time we can direct our public service or/and solutions journalism at those who would like to run the country when the hurly burly of the consequential emilokan dispensation is over. I mean when the battle for the soul of Nigeria is lost and won in perhaps 2031 – the post-emilokan era. That is one of the good things about democratic dispensations: no regime is permanent.

And so here is the thing, today’s intervention may not be read by our leaders of today who as we can see, can’t read the dangers of their assumptions that they have conquered us. They don’t care about public good. They don’t listen to the people’s yearnings and aspirations. They all conspired against the wind of technological change about national coverage of telecoms during elections. They curiously claimed that elections results could not be transmitted real time even when the operators of telecoms firms said that wasn’t accurate. Our representatives didn’t ask the telecoms operators to testify before they transmitted the controversial bill real time for presidential assent.

Let’s therefore address today those who would like to run the country after ‘the men without chests’ leave the stage. I just would like aspiring post- PBAT leaders to follow closely what is happening to the royalty, the powerful monarchy in the United Kingdom. What is more relevant, they colonised us and even bequeathed some political cultures and values to us that we seem to have ruined, no thanks to national greed that has desecrated our national grid.

‘Epstein and Trial of Andrew’

The didactic story: The recent arrest of Prince Andrew, Duke of York, on charges of misconduct in public office on his birthday serves as a stark reminder that no one is above the law, not even the royalty. The development has sent a powerful message to leaders worldwide, particularly in Africa, where impunity has become a pervasive issue and even a fundamental objective and directive principle of state policy.

As our leaders who celebrate anyhow-ness can see, in the UK, the rule of law is a cornerstone of governance. The fact that a member of the royal family can be held accountable for alleged misconduct in public office demonstrates the system’s strength and impartiality. This contrasts sharply with many African countries, notably in Nigeria where leaders often disregard the law and are already perpetuating a culture of impunity. The arrest highlights several key principles: equality before the law. No individual, regardless of status or position, is above the law. The development enhances accountability: Leaders are answerable for their actions, and investigations will be pursued.
That is the face of justice too: Allegations of misconduct will be thoroughly investigated and prosecuted without let or hindrance.

African leaders should therefore take note of the correlation between a capable, prosperous state and rule of laws, not rule of men.
The development in the U.K enables us to talk about leadership and accountability. Leaders must be accountable for their actions, ensuring transparency and good governance.

All told, where the law rules even powerful, institutions are strenghtened. And upholding the law will foster trust and stability in the polity.
Finally, that is the way to combat impunity that nurtures corruption and criminality. Addressing corruption and misconduct will improve Africa’s global standing, after all.

Let’s highlight a crucial point. Nigerian leaders should take heed: the lack of resolution on too many corruption cases has continued to fuel public distrust and damage Nigeria’s global reputation. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index continues to reflect this and so it’s time for change. This is what the message from the United Kingdom highlights to us.

What is more, the trials and tribulation of so many casualties of the toxic Epstein Files have shown that media trials aren’t enough to combat official corruption: cases need proper prosecution and closure in good time. Unaddressed allegations perpetuate a culture of impunity, discouraging accountability and good governance. Accountability is not just about perception; it’s about action. Nigerian institutions must strengthen their resolve to investigate, prosecute, and conclude high-profile corruption cases, no matter whose ox is gored. That is the only way there can be public trust in governance.

Let’s reflect on this: many reports in the British media have indicated that the sight of police searching two royal estates for evidence after the arrest of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, is the Royal Family’s worst nightmare playing out to a global audience. The unmarked police cars were seen on the Sandringham estate, with no advance warning for the King or the wider palace that his brother was going to be arrested. Can the Nigeria police force enjoy independence to deploy their service to the arena of the powers that be this way? It was only later that Thames Valley Police released their statement, confirming they were questioning a man in his 60s and searching properties in Norfolk and Berkshire.

But everything about this is unprecedented: Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, the first senior royal in modern history to be arrested, now questioned on suspicion of misconduct in public office. British police arrested the fallen Prince Andrew, on Feb. 19 over suspicions of misconduct in public office after accusations that he shared confidential information with Mr. Epstein while serving as a British trade envoy. He was released from custody several hours later, but police said the investigation was continuing. The former prince was stripped of his royal titles and kicked out of his royal residence after disclosures in 2025 about the extent of his relationship to Mr. Epstein and his alleged sexual abuse of a young woman trafficked to him by Mr. Epstein.
The speed of the statement from his brother the King, and to be honest, getting any public response at all, was also unexpected. But much needed when this is particularly painful for the Royal Family, going to the very heart of their public service. But the law, according to his brother the King must take its course. Again, the King appeared to try to distance the wider Royal Family from Andrew, reiterating they were open to cooperating with any investigations, and again emphasising that this would not derail the wider family from their work.
There are indications from British authorities that the development might eventually lead to abdication of the throne by the reigning King and here is why: future questions may come about what may have been known and not previously probed or shared with the authorities in relation to Andrew and his links to Epstein. Yes, while Andrew may have been arrested, there is jeopardy for the wider monarchy and the questions this investigation may raise. As the British Prime Minister has said, anybody with relevant information must come forward and co-operate with investigations, so that Jeffrey Epstein’s victims can get the justice that they have been denied for too long.

In the beginning, the Department of Justice in the United States released around 3 million pages from the case files relating to Jeffrey Epstein. It is increasingly clear that his awful crimes involved many—often powerful—people, who facilitated them by actively participating in those crimes, by failing to hear the victims’ voices, by equating wealth with integrity, and by not using their privileged position to speak out, even against a friend. Officials are saying that it is incumbent on those of them who hold ministerial office to behave in a way that builds trust in politics and upholds the standards that voters rightly expect from them.
Contained within the release by the US Department of Justice are documents that highlight the close nature of the relationship between Jeffrey Epstein and U.K’s Peter Mandelson, including alleged financial transactions when Mandelson was a Labour Member of Parliament and later a Minister.

The British Prime Minister has asked the Cabinet Secretary to review all available information regarding Peter Mandelson’s contact with Jeffrey Epstein during his period as a Government Minister, and to report back to him as a matter of urgency. Mandelson, U.K’s envoy to the U.S has been named and shamed. In September 2025, Mr. Mandelson was fired from his job as British ambassador to the United States when the depth of his friendship with Mr. Epstein started to become clear. In February, Mr. Mandelson was forced to resign from the Labour Party and the House of Lords. The Metropolitan Police in London have begun a criminal investigation into Mr. Mandelson.

In the U.S, Larry Summers resigned from positions; on leave from position
In November 2025, Mr. Summers — a former Harvard President and Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton administration — said he would step back from some of his public commitments after new emails showed he had stayed in touch with Mr. Epstein for years after Mr. Epstein faced sex trafficking charges. He is on leave from Harvard, which is investigating their relationship, and he has resigned from positions at two think tanks and from the board of OpenAI. The Opinion section of ‘The New York Times’, did not renew his contract as a contributing writer, according to the NYT…
Let’s continue next week with facts on business and political leaders who have faced consequences of the Epstein Scandal. This I believe is how to build a nation on accountable leadership. No nation can develop on a culture of impunity that we are already gambling with in Africa’s most populous nation and hope of the black race.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

“Those who represent God on earth should teach that” — Judge to pastor sentenced for civil engineering student

A High Court sitting in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, has sentenced a resident pastor to death by hanging for the murder of a 500-level Civil Engineering student of the University of Uyo in a case that stunned the local community.

Justice Gabriel Ette delivered the judgment, finding Emmanuel Umoh, Resident Pastor of Living Faith Church Chapel, Ifa Ikot Ubo–Ifa Ikot Okpon Branch, guilty of stabbing Gabriel Bassey to death on December 21, 2020.

The killing occurred within the deceased’s family compound at Ifa Ikot Ubo in Uyo Local Government Area — premises that also housed the church.

A Landlord and a Tenant

Gabriel Bassey had relocated to his late mother’s residence to safeguard the property and remain close to school. Before her death in December 2019, his mother had established a nursery school on the premises.

The compound included a long hall originally built for school use but later rented to Living Faith Church at an annual fee of N150,000 with the consent of Bassey’s father, Emana Bassey, a retired school principal. The church reportedly began using the hall before completing payment.

Umoh was later posted to the branch as its pioneer resident pastor.

The Day of the Killing

Evidence presented in court showed that on December 21, 2020, Umoh was seen entering the compound. Neighbours testified that they heard desperate cries of “Jesus” from within the premises.

Shortly afterwards, Umoh reportedly emerged wearing a white garment stained with blood. He claimed he had fallen while attempting to hang a church banner.

Five days later, on December 26, 2020, Gabriel Bassey’s decomposing body was discovered in his room, wrapped in a mat and bearing multiple lacerations. A butcher’s knife was found beside him.

Umoh, identified as the last person seen with the deceased and unable to provide a credible explanation for the bloodstains, was arrested and charged with one count of murder. He was arraigned on December 6, 2021, and pleaded not guilty.

Tensions Before the Tragedy

During the trial, the prosecution called six witnesses, including the deceased’s father.

The court heard that shortly after the church began operations, Umoh requested permission to store church chairs and items inside the deceased’s flat because the rented hall lacked doors and windows.

The request was granted. However, disputes soon arose. The deceased often had to return home to grant access to the pastor, incurring transport costs that were not reimbursed. Following complaints, a spare key was handed to Umoh.

Afterwards, personal belongings of the deceased’s late mother allegedly began disappearing. When confronted, Umoh reportedly claimed the key had been lost.

The issue was escalated to the church’s senior pastor, Owoidoho Akpan, who testified for the defence and provided N5,000 for the replacement of the locks. Evidence accepted by the court showed that no further items went missing after the locks were changed.

The relationship between both men later deteriorated further over the handling of rent payments meant for property repairs.

‘Life Is Sacred’ — The Judge Speaks

In a judgment that lasted more than two hours, Justice Ette described the case as “deeply disturbing,” recounting the deceased’s mother’s efforts to build an educational legacy on the property before her passing.

“Life is sacred and those who represent God on earth should teach that,” the judge said.

“It is an irony and quite appalling when a man who claims to be the representative of the divine on earth stoops so low as to denigrate the very essence of his calling and take someone’s life on the premises of the church.”

The court held that the prosecution proved its case beyond reasonable doubt and described the convict as a danger to society.

“Having found you guilty as charged, I hereby sentence you to death by hanging,” Justice Ette ruled.

The verdict brings a dramatic legal conclusion to a case that has gripped Uyo for years — a crime that unfolded within church walls and ended with a pastor condemned to the gallows.

Two Homes, Two Murders: Rivers husband arrested as ex-American Idol contestant held in Ohio wife’s killing

 A quiet farming community in Rivers State has been plunged into shock after a domestic dispute allegedly turned deadly in the fields of Amaji village.

The Rivers State Police Command confirmed the arrest of a man identified as Mr. Abuchi over the alleged killing of his wife in Umuoyoro Community, Omuma Local Government Area.

According to local sources, the couple had gone to their farm on Thursday, February 19, 2026, when an argument reportedly escalated into violence. During the altercation, the suspect allegedly used a kitchen knife to attack his wife, a mother of two.

Residents working on nearby farms were alerted by the woman’s screams.

“People heard her shouting and rushed over,” a community source said. “They overpowered him and restrained him before handing him over.”

The suspect was later transferred to the Eberi Police Division in Omuma.

A security source familiar with preliminary questioning said the man allegedly told investigators he “did not know what came over him” at the time of the attack.

Police spokesperson Grace Iringe-Koko confirmed the arrest, adding that the Commissioner of Police has ordered a detailed investigation.

“Yes, I can confirm the incident. The suspect has been arrested and the Commissioner of Police has directed a thorough investigation to ensure justice is served,” she said.

The killing has left the rural community reeling, with residents describing the couple as known faces in the area. Motive remains under investigation.

Separate Tragedy in Ohio: Ex-American Idol Contestant Arrested

In a separate case thousands of miles away, a former contestant on American Idol has been arrested in Ohio in connection with his wife’s death.

Caleb Flynn, who auditioned during Season 12 of the show in 2013, was taken into custody on February 19 by the Tipp City Police Department. He faces charges including murder, felonious assault and tampering with evidence.

Authorities say Flynn’s wife, 37-year-old Ashley Flynn, was found dead inside the couple’s home in Tipp City, north of Dayton, after officers responded to a reported burglary.

Investigators allege Flynn shot his wife with a 9mm semi-automatic handgun and then attempted to stage the scene to resemble a break-in. Dispatch logs cited by local outlet WHIO-TV indicated officers initially believed a burglary suspect might still be inside the home when they arrived.

Flynn, 32, remains in custody as investigations continue. During his 2013 audition, he spoke publicly about his love for music and his wife, though he did not advance in the competition.

Police have not released further details.

Two Communities, One Grim Reality

The incidents—one in a rural Nigerian farming village, the other in suburban Ohio—underscore a grim pattern of domestic violence turning fatal.

In Rivers State, investigators are now piecing together what led to the alleged knife attack in the fields of Amaji. In Ohio, authorities are working to determine the full circumstances surrounding the fatal shooting and alleged staging of a crime scene.

For both communities, February 19 will be remembered not for ordinary routines—but for the sudden, devastating collapse of two homes.

US Supreme Court strikes down Trump’s sweeping global tariffs

United States President Donald Trump’s sweeping global tariffs have been struck down by the country’s apex court

The BBC in a report said it was reading through the ruling now and will publish updates soon

Last year, Trump placed taxes on goods imported into the US, saying it would boost American manufacturing

Instead of getting Congressional approval, the Trump administration used the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act.

Declaring an emergency under the law meant Trump could issue immediate orders and bypass Congress

In August 2025, a US appeals court ruled that most of Trump’s tariffs were illegal, but left them in place

The Supreme Court got involved when the White House requested they overturn that appeals court decision

Court’s decision represents rare check on Trump’s power

Donald Trump had been warning for months that a Supreme Court decision curtailing his ability to impose tariffs would be an “economic and national security disaster” with “catastrophic” consequences.

A six-justice majority of the Supreme Court, in ruling against the president today, didn’t care much about his concerns.

Congress, not the president, has the power to impose tariffs, the justices held. And nothing in the law that the president cited in his legal defence, the Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977, delegated such sweeping powers to Trump.

The court’s decision represents a rare check on this president’s broad use of executive authority.

A majority of the justices over the past year have shown a willingness to allow Trump to press ahead with his agenda, particularly on immigration and reshaping the federal government, even as legal challenges work their way through the court system.

This case, considered on an expedited basis, slams the door on one such expansive use of presidential authority.

With several other major cases involving controversial uses executive power – such as efforts to end birthright citizenship and to dismiss a Federal Reserve governor based on alleged improprieties – this may not be Trump’s only setback in the coming months.

Overloaded Docket: Appeal Court deploys 51 justices to Rivers State

The Court of Appeal of Nigeria has deployed 51 justices to its Port Harcourt Division to tackle hundreds of pending cases as part of activities marking the court’s 50th anniversary.

At the commemorative sitting held in Port Harcourt, Monica Dongban-Mensem, President of the court, announced that the justices would hear 357 appeals and 272 motions through 17 panels constituted to ease the heavy workload of the division.

She explained that the initiative — organised in the oil-rich Rivers State — was designed to decongest the court’s docket, noting that proceedings would run throughout the week, with some sessions moved to the High Court Complex due to space limitations.

The intervention, she said, follows a similar exercise previously carried out in Lagos.

The event also featured the commissioning of an Alternative Dispute Resolution centre and a valedictory honour for retiring justice Obietonbara Owupele Daniel-Kalio, whom Dongban-Mensem described as diligent and highly knowledgeable.

She said the Port Harcourt Division has long served as a key training ground for justices, with many former members later elevated to the Supreme Court.

The special sitting, she added, reflected the judiciary’s commitment to improving the administration of justice and tackling the growing backlog of appeals nationwide.

Dongban-Mensem urged lawyers to file concise processes to avoid delays and cautioned journalists against sensational reporting of court rulings, stressing that accurate reporting helps maintain public confidence in the judiciary.

The Port Harcourt branch chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Cordelia Uwuma Eke, said the exercise would accelerate access to justice but called for the appointment of more justices to provide a long-term solution to congestion.

Also, senior advocate O. C. J. Okocha praised the intervention, describing it as a commendable effort to reduce delays in hearing and disposing of cases.

The special sitting forms a major highlight of the Court of Appeal’s golden jubilee celebrations, with hearings underway to clear the backlog of cases in the division.

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