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Chimamanda Adichie’s ₦2.9 billion lawsuit triggers scrutiny of Nigeria’s private hospitals

Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie has filed a ₦2.9 billion ($3+ million) lawsuit against a Lagos-based private hospital following the death of her 21-month-old son, a legal action that has thrust Nigeria’s private healthcare system into intense national and international scrutiny.

Court filings show that Adichie’s son, Nkanu Nnamdi Adichie-Esege, died on January 7, 2026, at Euracare Multi-Specialist Hospital in Lagos during a diagnostic procedure that involved sedation. The suit alleges gross medical negligence, accusing the hospital and its staff of failing to adequately monitor the child’s vital signs, lacking proper emergency preparedness, delaying life-saving intervention and violating standard anaesthetic protocols.

The case has sparked widespread public outrage and prompted swift regulatory action. The Lagos State Government confirmed the suspension of the anaesthesiologist involved and announced a formal investigation into the hospital’s practices, as pressure mounts for accountability within Nigeria’s largely privatised healthcare sector.

The scale of the lawsuit has further intensified debate. In a widely circulated video, physician and health policy advocate Dr Richard Okoye broke down the components of the ₦2.9 billion claim, explaining that it includes general damages, compensation for emotional trauma, projected loss of life opportunities, refunds for medical services and legal fees.

Dr Okoye warned that repeated claims of such magnitude could place severe financial strain on private hospitals and deter investment in a healthcare system already struggling with underfunding and workforce shortages.

“This tragedy must be addressed with justice and reform,” Okoye said, “but we must also be mindful of unintended consequences that could further weaken healthcare access.”

Beyond the courtroom, the case has reignited long-standing concerns over Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio, fragile emergency care infrastructure, weak regulation of private hospitals and growing fear of litigation among medical professionals.

While acknowledging the family’s right to pursue justice, Okoye cautioned against emotionally driven calls to shut down hospitals, arguing that such actions could worsen healthcare access for millions of Nigerians.

Public trust in medical institutions—already fragile—has been further shaken. For many Nigerians, Adichie’s loss has become a powerful symbol of a system struggling to protect its most vulnerable patients, particularly children.

As investigations continue and the legal battle unfolds, the case raises a critical question for Africa’s most populous nation: will this landmark ₦2.9 billion lawsuit drive meaningful reform in Nigeria’s healthcare system—or will it become another tragedy that fades without lasting change?

Edo state arrests Benin-based bishop over alleged sexual abuse of minors

The Edo State Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development has arrested the Bishop of Royal Life of Christ Brethren Ministry, Bishop Gideon Osagie Osaze, over allegations of sexual abuse involving two sisters who were reportedly minors at the time of the alleged incidents.

The case is currently under investigation with the support of relevant child-protection and law enforcement agencies, following a formal complaint lodged by the victims.
According to information made available to authorities, the two sisters alleged that the abuse occurred over an extended period within what they described as a trusted religious and family environment. They claimed the Bishop exploited his position of authority and trust to perpetrate the acts while intimidating them into silence.

The victims further alleged that they were subjected to threats, oaths, and psychological manipulation to prevent them from speaking out. One of the sisters claimed the accused monitored her movements, which heightened her fear and prolonged her silence. The second victim stated that she was assaulted after being invited under what appeared to be a familiar and non-threatening circumstance.

Both sisters said they only reported the alleged abuse after confiding in a trusted family member, noting that the experience left lasting emotional and psychological effects.

In response to the allegations, Apostle Gideon Osagie Osaze denied the claims. He stated that one of the complainants had told him she was 21 years old and alleged that they were involved in a consensual private relationship. He also claimed to have proposed marriage to her, an assertion the victim has denied.

Confirming the arrest, the Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development in Edo State, Mrs Eugenia Abdallah, said the Bishop was apprehended following a lawful operation. She reaffirmed the state government’s commitment to justice, stressing that due process would be followed and that the rights of the victims would be protected.

Also speaking, the Manager of the Vivian Sexual Assault Referral Centre, Dr Faith Edobor, confirmed that the victims were examined at the centre and that the case had been formally reported. She noted that preliminary assessments support the victims’ accounts and assured that investigations are ongoing.

Authorities have urged the public to remain calm as investigations continue, while advocacy groups have renewed calls for stronger child-protection measures and increased vigilance within religious and community institutions.

After a century, scientists discover a chemistry law was wrong and textbooks must change

In advanced chemistry labs and classrooms around the world, one rule has quietly endured for nearly a century. Introduced in the early 20th century, it has been repeated often enough to pass almost without question, shaping how organic structures are imagined, drawn and dismissed.

Yet within this long-standing assumption lies a structural limitation that has defined what chemists consider impossible to make. Its boundaries have rarely been tested in practice, in part due to the difficulty of proving an exception without violating fundamental chemical principles.

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Father demands probe after 13-Year-old daughter became pregnant in Lagos government orphanage

A Lagos State government orphanage is under scrutiny after a 13-year-old girl became pregnant while in state custody, prompting her family to accuse authorities of grave failures in child protection and oversight.

Friday Akor said his daughter, Blessing, was taken into the care of the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development following a dispute over her guardianship—only for the family to later discover that the Primary 3 pupil was several months pregnant.

Blessing was brought to Lagos in December 2024 to live with her aunt, Faith Amodu, and was enrolled at Dan Esther Nursery and Primary School in Aboru, a neighbourhood on the outskirts of Lagos.

Her situation took a dramatic turn in June 2025, when she disappeared from her aunt’s home for four days. Neighbours later discovered that she had been taken away by a woman described as living nearby.

The case was reported to the Oke-Odo Police Station, where officers reportedly instructed the woman to produce the child. When she failed to do so, the police warned that she would be arrested.

Instead, the woman took Blessing to the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development in Alausa, Ikeja, alleging that the child was being maltreated by her guardian.

When Amodu and a community leader went to the ministry to retrieve the girl, they were directed to the Alausa Police Division, where officers initially attempted to detain Amodu based on the allegations. She was later released after explaining that Blessing was enrolled in school and properly cared for.

Despite producing family photographs and presenting relatives from Benue State to establish guardianship, the ministry declined to release the girl. Blessing was subsequently transferred to a state-owned orphanage in Isolo, according to the family.

Several months later, the case took a disturbing turn.

In December 2025, Akor said he travelled from Benue to Lagos after learning that his daughter had still not been released. When he finally saw her, he discovered she was pregnant, about five months along.

“I was shocked when I saw my daughter,” Akor told reporters. “She was not pregnant when she was taken into government custody.”

He said officials at the ministry told him that an unnamed individual was responsible for the pregnancy but offered no detailed explanation.

“I feel bad and heartbroken,” Akor said. “I want to know exactly what happened to my daughter while she was under the care of the state.”

Blessing’s guardian, Amodu, confirmed the case in a brief phone conversation but declined to provide further details.

A community leader and chairman of the Ayedade Community Development Association, Pastor Obagbolabo Orefuyi, said the case exposed serious lapses in how the matter was handled.

“The girl was taken away under false claims of maltreatment,” Orefuyi said. “Even after the family proved their relationship and responsibility, she was not released but sent to a government orphanage.”

According to Orefuyi, the ministry later suggested that Blessing was “hyperactive” and moved between offices in custody, citing internal camera footage—an explanation he described as inadequate.

“The ministry had no tangible account of how a 13-year-old became pregnant while under government care,” he said.

Neighbours described Blessing as a well-behaved child whose future had been derailed by circumstances beyond her control.

“She is a good girl. She doesn’t deserve this,” one neighbour said. “While the woman who took her away shares blame, the state bears greater responsibility for what happened after.”

Repeated attempts to obtain an official response from the Lagos State Ministry of Youth and Social Development were unsuccessful. Gabriel Esiwele, head of the ministry’s Public Affairs Department, acknowledged an inquiry but did not respond further by press time.

The greedy grasscutter and his Nigerian cousins

By Funke Egbemode

A family of grasscutters went in search of food one day. It had been a terrible season for the clan; famine bit particularly hard that year. The mummy grasscutters nagged, the daddy grasscutters worried, and the baby grasscutters lost weight at an alarming rate. Even the granny grasscutters were dying quietly in their sleep from hunger and ill health. So this particular hunting trip was a find-food-or-die-trying expedition. They were desperate. It was also their lucky day.

Within minutes of setting out, they stumbled upon a large cassava farm. They descended on their good fortune and ate to their hearts’ content. Bellies distended and spirits lifted, they began their journey home—except one. He told the others to go ahead; he would follow later. They pleaded with him, warning of the risk of being caught by the farmer, but he sneered. He could take care of himself, he said.

Unwilling to risk their own lives, they reluctantly left their greedy kinsman to his reprobate heart. He continued stuffing his face until he became too full—and too heavy—to move. He was so overfed he could barely breathe. That was when the farmer arrived.

The grasscutter was stunned—and stumped. The farmer, furious at the destruction of his farm and even angrier that the culprit stood staring instead of scampering off, brought the handle of his hoe down swiftly on the overfed belly. End of story. The grasscutter ended up in spicy egusi soup, accompanying the pounded yam the farmer’s wife and children enjoyed that evening.

That overfed grasscutter is called oya adimu in Yoruba—the grasscutter that eats until it cannot move, the one caught in the act. Above all, it is the one that never makes it home. His joy at abundance seizes his brain, chokes him on pleasure, and delivers him straight into the clay pot of soup.

Does this remind you of Nigerian political parties and the men and women who run them? Give them power and they eat—then eat some more—until they develop pear bellies. They continue as if tomorrow does not exist, until tomorrow arrives with the handle of a hoe, swiftly ending their reign and pleasure. Then the overfed grasscutter becomes food.

The gluttonous grasscutter should also remind us of the terrorists who have held this country by the throat for too long. They are as bad as greedy politicians. They want everything—not enough to survive, but everything. They want to strip, whip, and terrorise to feed themselves, their wives, and their concubines. This is not hunger. It is not homelessness. It is no longer religion. It is primitive plunder—the beastly spirit of slave-trading forefathers reborn.

Too many demonic human beings have formed a conglomerate of evil enterprises. They now operate Departments of School Abduction, Commercial Bus Kidnapping, Church Raid Operations, and Ransom Processing. Each unit is run by mean-spirited, poker-faced men and women who care nothing for tears—as long as they are smiling to their banks, onshore and offshore. They want more, then more, and still more.

They wear agbada and clutch prayer beads as if Paradise is their sole obsession. They take chieftaincy titles in churches—sometimes not even their own. They travel to Jerusalem and perform lesser hajj. With blood money, they fund even greater evil, convinced no one sees them and no reckoning will come.

That must have been what the greedy grasscutter thought as he stuffed himself—feeling bigger than everyone, imagining himself larger than the cooking pot. But no bush meat is bigger than the hunter’s clay pot. If it is too large for stew, it becomes soup. If any remains, it becomes snacks for palm wine or akpeteshie down the triumphant hunter’s throat.

It may take a while, but the reign of all fat cats will end.

Terrorists will become smoked meat.

Rulers of evil forests will end in ignominy.

They should slow down and remember how Osama bin Laden ended.

Today, Nigerians are the ones running scared. We fear road travel. We cannot concentrate in church for fear of armed demons bursting through the doors. Normal life feels suspended. But the grasscutter will be eaten. We will eat him in egusi soup. This season will end. It must.

The political leaves are already changing colour. Criminal appetites are growing. The wind feels different. The new Defence Minister, Brig-Gen Musa, appears determined to do things differently. He has openly said he is watching both the thief and his friends—and that they are not very different. From my crystal ball, it seems he may soon go after those who defend bandits, those who declare forests sacred while captives rot within them. Why not? Terror has been one-sided for too long. It is time terrorists, their defenders, and their PR teams tasted their own pudding. The Nigerian state must clean the evil forests thoroughly.

What have we not done to pacify terrorists? We begged them, reasoned with them, even helped them find wives and paid bride prices. They mocked our olive branches and returned fiercer. These are not people to negotiate with. These are people to confront—with force.

Now to politics. Politicians are moving again—stealthily, nocturnally, testing waters. It is then you realise they are the same, whether brandishing umbrella, broom, cock, or maize. Party symbols change; appetites do not.

Political people forget tomorrow. They stuff themselves with power until election season finds them stunned and stumped. You are thinking of PDP and APC—add Labour, Accord, ADC. The similarities are striking: six and half a dozen.

The PDP enjoyed a 16-year feast. It made multiple trips to the farm. APC must learn from that history, not refine the same mistakes. Unfortunately, politicians think only of today.

God factor. They forget that four years is not forever. They forget the God-factor. They forget that markets thin after midday. They forget that masquerade festivals end—and even the chief priest’s children must pay for bean cakes when they do.

As Kenny Rogers sang in The Gambler:

You’ve got to know when to hold ’em

Know when to fold ’em

Know when to walk away

Know when to run…

Nothing lasts forever. Ask the overfed grasscutter—if he were alive.

Let me end with Philip K. Dick: Man is infinitely strong; yet for every creature that runs, flies, hops, or crawls, there exists a terminal nemesis he cannot escape.

The grasscutter found his. Others will too.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

[View List of Victims] Updated: Police reverse course, acknowledge mass abduction in Kaduna church attacks, survivor accounts vindicated

Kaduna State police have formally acknowledged that an abduction did occur in Kurmin Wali community, Kajuru Local Government Area, reversing earlier public uncertainty and confirming survivor accounts from the January 18 church attacks.

In a statement issued Tuesday by the Nigeria Police Force Headquarters in Abuja, authorities said subsequent verification from operational units and intelligence sources confirmed that worshippers were abducted, prompting coordinated security operations to rescue the victims and restore calm.

“The incident did occur,” the police said, adding that tactical units and intelligence assets have now been fully deployed to Kajuru and surrounding communities under the directive of Inspector-General of Police Kayode Egbetokun.

The clarification follows days of conflicting narratives after Kaduna State Commissioner of Police Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu publicly questioned reports of a mass abduction during church services, urging accusers to provide names and details of victims. Those remarks sparked backlash from Christian leaders, local officials and survivors.

Read Also: [Video] From Denial to Damage Control: Police visit Kajuru after harrowing survivor account

According to the police statement, Rabiu’s comments were not intended as a denial but as a cautious response amid disputed claims during a meeting of the Kaduna State Security Council, convened by the governor after initial reports of the attack.

“Some individuals from the affected local government area disputed the report, which had earlier been confirmed by the Police, and described it as false,” the statement said, noting that the conflicting accounts created uncertainty and required careful verification before definitive public conclusions.

The Force said Rabiu’s remarks were meant to prevent panic while details—including the number and identities of those abducted—were being confirmed.

The official confirmation aligns with survivor testimonies gathered during a recent visit by police leadership to Kajuru, where an escapee described how gunmen stormed churches during Sunday worship and forced congregants into surrounding forests.

“We were in the church when we heard noise from outside,” the survivor said. “I stepped out and saw four armed men. I picked my little daughter and wanted to run, but one of them said if I run he will shoot me.”

The survivor said worshippers from multiple churches were rounded up, beaten, and marched deep into the bush.

“When we got to another village in the bush, we saw many people there—some not from our community,” he said. “That was where I escaped because of the crowd.”

Police said coordinated search-and-rescue operations are now underway, including intensified patrols, targeted intelligence gathering and the deployment of tactical units to protect communities and locate the abducted worshippers.

The Force appealed to the public and the media to rely on official communications and avoid speculation that could jeopardise ongoing operations or heighten fear.

The incident—widely referred to as #Kajuru177—has become one of the most closely watched security cases in northern Nigeria, underscoring the challenges authorities face in verifying information quickly amid mass violence, community fear and competing local accounts.

It also adds urgency to broader concerns about Nigeria’s deteriorating security landscape, particularly in rural areas of the Middle Belt, where attacks on churches, villages and commuters have persisted despite increased security deployments.

FULL LIST OF 177 KIDNAPPED PERSONS

                1.            Samson Naallah

                2.            Edisid Naallah

                3.            Christopher Naallah

                4.            Martin Samson

                5.            Moses Samson

                6.            Clever Godwin

                7.            Jerusalem Chindo

                8.            Markus Makudi

                9.            Benjamin Markus

                10.          Albert Markus

                11.          Olelana Markus

                12.          Linus Markus

                13.          Hassana Linus

                14.          Ojo Bamboya

                15.          Esther Ojo

                16.          Mary Jonathan

                17.          George Jonathan

                18.          Careful Jonathan

                19.          EF James

                20.          Morin Boniface

                21.          Junior James

                22.          Happiness Jonathan

                23.          Honest Jonathan

                24.          Honesty Jonathan

                25.          Faith Luka

                26.          Beauty Luka

                27.          Junior Luka

                28.          Rosemary Luka

                29.          Dorothy Musa

                30.          Selina Nwankwo

                31.          Alice Bamboya

                32.          Magdalena Godwin

                33.          Hassan Ishaya

                34.          Lazarus Ishaya

                35.          Marta Ishaya

                36.          Zummunta Ishaya

                37.          Salvation Ishaya

                38.          Susana Linus

                39.          Jummai Linus

                40.          Peace Joshua

                41.          Zahaya Joshua

                42.          Nabilah Makudi

                43.          Hajara Makudi

                44.          Rebecca Hosea

                45.          Ahmad Ahmad

                46.          Liyu Ezekiel

                47.          Vivian Ezekiel

                48.          Goodluck Ezekiel

                49.          Beauty Ezekiel

                50.          Matina Maiyashi

                51.          Bridget Maiyashi

                52.          Vivian Linus

                53.          Mary Amos

                54.          Hamid Amos

                55.          Patricia Amos

                56.          Hamisu Amos

                57.          Luka Amos

                58.          Tacy Amos

                59.          Cynthia Amos (guessed)

                60.          Mercy Isaac

                61.          Augustine Makudi

                62.          Matthew Samaila

                63.          Adam Musa

                64.          Malika Sule

                65.          Abu Ahmad

                66.          Hussein Lucky (guessed)

                67.          Akinyi Sadiu

                68.          Dangata Amos

                69.          Helen Jonathan

                70.          Asinwa Jonathan

                71.          Faith Joseph

                72.          Gloria Kennet

                73.          Happiness Danisa

                74.          Fidelis Jacob

                75.          Tobias Markus

                76.          Istu Paul

                77.          Hassana Paul

                78.          Charity Chindo

                79.          Christiana Danisa

                80.          Everest Danima

                81.          Thomas Philip

                82.          Catrina Danbosi

                83.          Halima Hassan

                84.          Hassan Lukumi

                85.          Mary Sadiu

                86.          Franca John

                87.          Henry Danbiyi

                88.          Genesis Lawal

                89.          Ayuba Lawal

                90.          Solomon Ayuba

                91.          Theophilus Danlami (guessed)

                92.          Charles Sambo

                93.          Rahila Charles

                94.          Gambo Danisa

                95.          Talent Danisa

                96.          Nehemiah Danjuma

                97.          Maijima Shekarau

                98.          Matina Maijima

                99.          Laraba Maijima

                100.        Musa Danjuma

                101.        Ishaya Danima

                102.        Lulu Danisa

                103.        Clement Ahmad

                104.        Destiny Ahmad

                105.        Nehemiah Ishaya

                106.        Simon Ishaya

                107.        Nasty Muku

                108.        Helena Joseph

                109.        Joseph Bawa

                110.        Sarah Joseph

                111.        Bulus Mariya

                112.        Musa Samaila

                113.        Bulus Bawa

                114.        Halima Bawa

                115.        Beture Hosea

                116.        Sati Hosea

                117.        Titus John

                118.        Dogara Bawa

                119.        Lories Bawa

                120.        Adamu Aminu

                121.        Ezekiel Adamu

                122.        Tenah Markus

                123.        Tina Danbosi

                124.        Patricio Bawa

                125.        Janet Tsuda

                126.        Amina Danjuma

                127.        Sandra Danbosi

                128.        Bridget Sunday

                129.        Saphat Innocent (guessed)

                130.        Alex Sunday

                131.        Beauty Peter

                132.        Samisa Paul

                133.        Joy Joseph

                134.        Methole Johanna

                135.        Genesis Johanna

                136.        Maria Johanna

                137.        Merozdu Adonu

                138.        Karimi Jangbe

                139.        Sunday Martela

                140.        Santina Hershinga

                141.        Keuna Michael

                142.        Hassan Bulus

                143.        Marzeta Maisoni

                144.        Mainwa Dominic

                145.        Godwin Karimi

                146.        Amos Akijo

                147.        Nathan Amos

                148.        Joseph Chindo

                149.        Lydia Godwin

                150.        Hamna Maiyangi

                151.        Toletu Maiyangi

                152.        Esther Godday

                153.        Godswill Godday

                154.        Godlive Samson

                155.        Goodluck Aliga

                156.        Madaki Tabawa

                157.        Tabawa Abba

                158.        Tabawa Iyamye

                159.        Samuel Amos

                160.        Daniel Amos

                161.        Deborah Amos

                162.        Ruth Amos

                163.        Emmanuel Danjuma

                164.        Joshua Danjuma

                165.        Rejoice Danisa

                166.        Blessing Danisa

                167.        Ibrahim Lawal

                168.        Zainab Lawal

                169.        Sadiq Ahmad

                170.        Aisha Ahmad

                171.        Yakubu Musa

                172.        Suleiman Musa

                173.        Rahama Musa

                174.        Daniel Jonathan

                175.        Samuel Jonathan

                176.        Peter Jonathan

                177.        Grace Jonathan

[Video] From Denial to Damage Control: Police visit Kajuru after harrowing survivor account

Kaduna State’s police leadership has shifted from outright denial to on-the-ground engagement after the Commissioner of Police visited Kajuru Local Government Area and heard firsthand accounts from survivors of the January 18 church attacks, days after authorities insisted no abduction had occurred.

The visit followed growing public pressure and detailed eyewitness accounts from Christian leaders and local officials who say armed men stormed multiple churches during Sunday worship, abducting scores of congregants in an incident now widely referred to as #Kajuru177.

One survivor, identified during the visit wearing a yellow jersey, recounted how the attackers arrived while worship was underway.

“We were in the church when we heard noise from outside,” the survivor said. “I stepped out and saw four armed men. I picked my little daughter and wanted to run, but one of them said if I run he will shoot me, so I stopped.”

According to the survivor, the gunmen forced worshippers out of their churches and regrouped them before marching them into the surrounding forests.

“They removed the other people from the church. When we got to another church, we noticed they had also removed all the members. Together, they asked all of us to go with them,” he said.

The group was beaten during the journey and pushed deeper into the bush, the survivor added.

“When we got to another village in the bush, we saw many people there—some not from our community. That was where I escaped because of the crowd,” he said. “I ran through the bush until I got back home.”

The testimony contrasts sharply with earlier statements by Kaduna State Police Commissioner Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu, who earlier this week dismissed reports that more than 100 Christian worshippers were abducted during church services in Kajuru, describing the claims as false and politically motivated.

Addressing journalists after a meeting of the State Security Council, Rabiu accused unnamed “conflict entrepreneurs” of spreading misinformation aimed at destabilising Kaduna State.

“Let anyone who claims this kidnapping occurred come forward with names and particulars of the victims,” he said at the time.

Christian leaders and local officials maintain that at least three churches were attacked simultaneously on January 18, with worshippers forced into the bush by armed assailants—an incident they describe as one of the largest single-day church abductions in northern Nigeria in recent years.

The evolving official response has added momentum to wider concerns about Nigeria’s deteriorating security landscape, particularly in the Middle Belt, where repeated attacks on rural communities, churches and commuters have continued despite heavy security deployments.

Nigeria denies Kaduna mass church kidnapping as lobbying scandal and media war deepen security crisis

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s security crisis is facing renewed scrutiny at home and abroad as authorities dispute reports of a mass church kidnapping in Kaduna State, even as fresh allegations, foreign media controversies, and a multimillion-dollar lobbying deal raise broader questions about transparency, accountability and narrative control in Africa’s most populous nation.

Kaduna State Police Commissioner Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu on Monday dismissed reports that more than 100 Christian worshippers were abducted during church services in Kajuru Local Government Area, calling the claims false and politically motivated.

Speaking after a meeting of the State Security Council, Rabiu accused unnamed “conflict entrepreneurs” of spreading misinformation aimed at destabilising the state.

“Let anyone who claims this kidnapping occurred come forward with names and particulars of the victims,” he said.

But Christian leaders and local officials have rejected the police account, insisting that armed attackers stormed three churches during Sunday worship on January 18, abducting congregants in what they described as one of the largest mass kidnappings of Christians in the region.

Read Also: Download The Full Lobbying Agreement: Image Abroad, Insecurity at Home: Think tank seeks FOI clarity on $9m lobbying deal

The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Northern Nigeria Chapter, said 172 worshippers were taken, with nine later escaping, according to its chairman, Rev. Joseph John Hayab.

“They invaded the churches while worship was ongoing,” Hayab said. “They held the worshippers hostage and marched them into the bush.”

Accounts of the incident vary. Usman Danlami Stingo, who represents the area in the Kaduna State House of Assembly, told The Associated Press that 177 people were kidnapped and 11 escaped, while Felix Bagudu, a federal lawmaker representing Kajuru/Chikun Constituency, said he doubted the figure exceeded 100 after briefing local government officials. But none of them denied that there was an abduction.

Read Also: Fact, Fiction or Framing?  Nigeria pushes back as New York Times report on U.S. Sokoto airstrikes triggers media ethics debate

Sources told Truth Nigeria that the attacks occurred simultaneously in Kurmin Wali village, Afago ward, about eight miles south of Maro town. Survivors described the attackers as armed Fulani ethnic militias who marched worshippers into nearby forest camps believed to hold hundreds of captives.

An ECWA church member who escaped said the gunmen arrived around 10 a.m., firing shots and ordering worshippers to the ground before forcing them out.

“Some wore black robes and turbans, others wore shabby Nigerian Army camouflage,” the survivor said, adding that he escaped with his 10-year-old son through a window.

The disputed Kaduna incident comes amid heightened national tension following deadly attacks in neighbouring Plateau State, where suspected armed herdsmen killed Rev. Bulus Madaki, his daughter and son-in-law, and injured his three-month-old grandchild during an ambush on January 16.

The attack occurred around 10 p.m. at a bridge linking the Gassa and Nding communities in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area as the family travelled to a new church posting.

Confirming the incident, Rwang Tengwong, spokesperson for the Berom Youth Moulders-Association, said the victims were ambushed by armed men believed to be operating from the Jong area of Ropp District, warning that the violence reflected a “coordinated and escalating pattern” across Plateau State.

These developments are unfolding against the backdrop of a growing controversy over foreign media reporting and Nigeria’s response to international scrutiny.

In recent weeks, Nigerian officials, rights groups and political figures have clashed over a New York Times report on U.S. precision airstrikes in Sokoto State, with critics disputing the paper’s account and accusing unnamed actors of politicising intelligence surrounding the operation.

The controversy has intensified amid revelations from documents reportedly filed with the U.S. Department of Justice suggesting that the Nigerian government approved a $9 million lobbying contract with Washington-based DCI Group, including an initial $4.5 million payment.

The agreement, signed on December 17, 2025, is said to run for six months through June 30, 2026, with automatic renewal unless terminated. Under the contract, Nigeria would reportedly pay $750,000 per month to help “communicate” its efforts to protect Christian communities and sustain U.S. support for its counterterrorism operations amid mounting scrutiny in Washington.

The alleged arrangement has sparked backlash at home. The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought (TAS) has filed a Freedom of Information request with the Office of the National Security Adviser, demanding full disclosure of the contract’s terms and approvals.

Critics argue the funds would be better spent on protecting vulnerable communities rather than managing perceptions abroad.

“The government has signed away millions of dollars—not to rebuild destroyed communities, not to support widows and orphans—but to hire a Washington firm to polish its image,” said Franc Utoo, a Benue State native and human rights advocate. “They do not deny the graves. They simply try to talk around them.”

Journalist and rights advocate Charles Ogbu said the lobbying effort follows months of testimony by Nigerian clerics and survivors before U.S. lawmakers, including visits by the Catholic bishop of Makurdi and a U.S. congressional delegation led by Representative Riley M. Moore, who toured violence-hit areas in Benue State.

Ogbu also noted that Nigeria’s foreign affairs minister had publicly acknowledged government collaboration with U.S. authorities on intelligence related to the Sokoto airstrikes.

Despite this, Ogbu accused elements within Nigeria’s political establishment of attempting to redirect blame by promoting claims that intelligence for the U.S. strikes came a particular ethnic group—a narrative he said risks inflaming existing tensions.

The controversies come despite President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a national security emergency, as Nigeria continues to battle kidnappers, bandits and insurgents across multiple regions.

Plateau, Benue and Kaduna states remain among the hardest hit, with persistent attacks raising questions about the effectiveness of security deployments—and about who controls the story of Nigeria’s conflict beyond its borders.

Nigeria claims progress on maternal health, but can a broken health system hold the line?

By Ladidi Sabo

Nigeria’s federal government says it is making headway in closing the country’s long-standing gender health gap, reporting a 17 percent decline in maternal deaths in targeted local government areas. The claim, announced amid sweeping health sector reforms, signals cautious optimism in a country that still accounts for nearly a third of global maternal deaths. But beyond the encouraging figures, experts warn that Nigeria’s weak primary healthcare infrastructure—especially in rural communities—continues to threaten the durability of these gains.

The Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, disclosed the data on Saturday in Abuja at the official launch of the Built for Her Foundation. According to Pate, the reduction is being recorded under the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative (NHSRII), a flagship programme designed to strengthen governance, improve population health and build a resilient health system.

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Represented at the event by Dr Mayowa Alade, Pate described the launch as “a moment of collective resolve,” arguing that women’s health must be treated not as a peripheral social issue but as a core national development priority.

“The health of women and girls is inseparable from the health, productivity and future of our nation,” he said, calling for urgent and coordinated action across government and society.

At the heart of the NHSRII, Pate explained, is a deliberate effort to crash maternal and child mortality rates—figures that remain among the worst globally despite decades of policy interventions. He said early results from the Maternal and Mortality Innovation Initiative (MAMII) local government areas suggest a downward trend in facility-based maternal deaths.

Yet the celebration of progress comes against a sobering national backdrop. Across much of Nigeria, particularly in rural areas where maternal mortality is highest, primary healthcare centres remain understaffed, poorly equipped and chronically underfunded. Even in urban government hospitals, basic supplies, diagnostic tools and skilled personnel are often lacking, forcing women to seek care late—or not at all.

Pate acknowledged that maternal and child mortality is not merely a clinical problem.

“It is a systems challenge,” he said, shaped by access to timely and quality care, availability of skilled health workers, financial protection and the social and economic conditions in which women live.

Health analysts say this admission underscores the central tension in Nigeria’s reform narrative: while targeted interventions can deliver measurable improvements, systemic weaknesses in primary healthcare risk limiting nationwide impact. Without sustained investment at the grassroots level, critics argue, progress may remain uneven and fragile.

To sustain momentum, the government has increasingly leaned on partnerships with foundations, professional bodies and civil society organisations. Pate described initiatives such as the Built for Her Foundation as critical complements to public sector efforts, stressing that reforms would fall short without deliberate action to address women’s specific needs.

“Closing the gender health gap—by ensuring women are properly counted in data, studied in research, cared for within responsive systems, included in decision-making and invested in as drivers of change—is essential,” he said.

The theme was echoed by Toyin Saraki, Founder of the Wellbeing Foundation Africa, who warned that persistent gaps in access, representation and investment continue to shape unequal health outcomes for Nigerian women.

“Sustainable national progress is closely linked to the health and well-being of women and girls,” she said, pointing to structural shortcomings in how women are counted, studied and prioritised within health systems.

Saraki said the Built for Her Foundation was designed around a data-driven, accountability-focused framework informed by global evidence on the gender health gap. Its strategic emphasis on strengthening the pipeline of women in medicine, research and health leadership, she argued, addresses not only service delivery gaps but also long-term policy and governance deficits.

Women, she noted, remain underrepresented in Nigeria’s physician workforce and health decision-making structures—an imbalance that shapes research priorities, care outcomes and system responsiveness.

Founder of the Built for Her Foundation, Dr Teniola Saraki, expanded the conversation beyond maternal health, stressing that women’s health encompasses cancers, cardiovascular disease, mental health and autoimmune conditions—areas where women often face delayed diagnoses or poorer outcomes.

“Much of the women’s health gap is not driven solely by conditions unique to women,” she said, “but by conditions that affect everyone, where women experience worse outcomes because systems were never designed with them in mind.”

Nigeria’s statistics remain stark. The country records one maternal death every seven minutes, accounts for about 29 percent of global maternal deaths and has screened fewer than 11 percent of women for cervical cancer. Closing these gaps, Saraki argued, could unlock significant economic, demographic and intergenerational benefits.

The Foundation’s flagship National Medical Student Scholarship—supporting 30 high-achieving female medical students nationwide—was presented as a long-term investment in rebuilding Nigeria’s health workforce.

For beneficiaries like Hindat Abdulwahab, a fourth-year medical student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, the support represents more than financial aid.

“It reminds me that I belong,” she said, describing the scholarship as validation for women pursuing demanding medical careers in a system that often undervalues them.

As Nigeria touts early successes in reducing maternal deaths, the challenge ahead is clear: translating targeted wins into systemic transformation. Without fixing the foundations of primary healthcare, analysts warn, reform gains risk being temporary—another hopeful statistic overshadowed by persistent structural failure.

Nigeria’s Capital Without Water: Gwarimpa residents say Abuja authorities are violating a basic human right

By Johnson Agu

For more than a year, residents of Gwarimpa Estate—one of Abuja’s largest and most densely populated districts—have lived with what they describe as a slow-moving public service collapse: the near-total failure of public water supply.

In the last three months, the situation has worsened. Water has stopped flowing entirely from public taps across large parts of the estate, forcing households to rely almost exclusively on private boreholes or expensive water vendors—an option many say is no longer sustainable.

Beyond inconvenience, residents argue the crisis raises serious legal and human-rights concerns in Nigeria’s capital city.

Access to clean, safe and affordable water is recognised as a fundamental human right under international law, including the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 64/292 and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Nigeria is a signatory. Human-rights advocates note that prolonged failure by authorities to ensure basic water access—particularly in an urban, tax-paying community—may amount to a breach of the state’s duty of care.

“I live in Gwarimpa Estate in Abuja. For the past one year, water supply from the public system has been epileptic. For the past three months, it has completely stopped,” a resident told this publication. “Anyone who has water here now must have a borehole. It is an expensive and unfair burden.”

Residents say the financial strain is compounded by health risks, as water rationing affects sanitation, hygiene and disease prevention—especially for children, the elderly and people with compromised immunity.

Under Nigeria’s Constitution, while water is not explicitly listed as a justiciable right, legal experts argue that it is inseparable from the rights to life, dignity of the human person and health, which courts have increasingly interpreted expansively. In previous rulings, Nigerian courts have held that government negligence that endangers public health can trigger constitutional liability.

Despite repeated complaints, residents say authorities have offered little more than excuses.

“We were told it’s road construction, low pressure, one issue or another,” the resident said. “There is no timeline, no transparency, no accountability.”

Messages circulated by water authorities directing residents to lodge complaints with a designated customer care officer have reportedly yielded no results. Several residents say they have filed multiple complaints without follow-up, repairs or clear communication.

Urban policy analysts warn that the situation in Gwarimpa reflects a deeper governance failure: the quiet normalisation of service breakdowns, even in high-profile districts of the Federal Capital Territory.

“When a capital city cannot guarantee water to a planned estate like Gwarimpa for months on end, it signals not just infrastructure failure but institutional indifference,” said a public policy expert familiar with Abuja’s utilities sector.

Human-rights advocates argue that prolonged silence from authorities also violates principles of administrative justice, including the right of citizens to receive timely information, fair treatment and effective remedies when public services fail.

The implications go beyond household inconvenience. Public health experts warn that reliance on unregulated boreholes increases the risk of groundwater contamination, waterborne diseases and long-term environmental damage—problems that disproportionately affect poorer residents who cannot afford deep drilling or constant water purchases.

As Nigeria’s government continues to make international commitments on sustainable development, urban resilience and human rights, residents of Gwarimpa say the water crisis exposes a widening gap between policy promises and lived reality.

“All of Gwarimpa is affected,” the resident said. “We are not asking for luxury. We are asking for water.”

For many, the question is no longer whether the authorities are aware of the problem, but whether continued inaction in the nation’s capital can still be defended as mere inefficiency, rather than a failure of governance with legal and human-rights consequences.

TIPS