Standing in the way of independence for the Sahrawi people, since 1991, has been a referendum, which Morocco has refused to administer, claiming sovereign rights over the territory instead.

In February 2020, Antonio Guterres, the Secretary General of the United Nation said at the Special Committee on Decolonisation, “This year marks the last year of the Third International Decade to Eradicate Colonialism.

“This milestone is an important opportunity to take stock of our progress. I will remain alongside you as you make another push to eradicate colonialism once and for all.’’

Today though, his words sound hollow.

The United Nations could not be more helpless in freeing colonised territories.

For Guterres, the year could not be ending on a worse note.

In Africa, Western Sahara is the only territory on the United Nation’s list of the 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories across the globe where the process of decolonization is incomplete.

Standing in the way of independence for the Sahrawi people, since 1991, has been a referendum, which Morocco has refused to administer, claiming sovereign rights over the territory instead.

While Morocco has succeeded to keep the issue of a referendum in limbo for the last three decades, it also could get any major power, even continental and world bodies to recognise its sovereignty over the mineral rich territory.

Then, along came Donald Trump; the norm breaker, disruptor of world stability and violator of international treaties.

Eighteen months ago, the US President had never heard of Western Sahara.

What Donald Trump did was not just to trade away the rights of a people to self-determination, but also goes against international law, which makes it illegal to acquire territory by means of force

He reportedly said as much to US Senator James Inhofe, who for years has been a one-man army trying to see to it that the Sahrawi people get the independence they have dreamt of for four whole decades.

And knowing he couldn’t point to Western Sahara on a map, on December 11, President Trump didn’t think twice about upending 40 years of official US policy of remaining neutral, by recognising Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.

This is in spite of the fact that the United Nations, the European Union and even the African Union see Morocco as an occupying force.

What Donald Trump did was not just to trade away the rights of a people to self-determination, but also goes against international law, which makes it illegal to acquire territory by means of force.

The United Nations Charter prohibits the acquisition of territory by force.

And in the case of Western Sahara, Moroccan forces moved in in 1975 when Spain abandoned its occupation.

The real shock from recent events isn’t the sudden change in position by the US government led by an unconventional president.

It is that many African countries have suddenly become tolerant to the idea of colonialism on the continent.

Goodluck Jonathan had only been president for just over a year.

But in October 2011, Nigeria recommended that the UN initiate mechanism for independence of Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.

A year earlier, “president” of the republic was in Nigeria to mark the country’s Independence Day celebration with Jonathan.

Those events would mark the beginning of what would be a four-year long relationship put on ice between the Jonathan government and the Kingdom of Morocco.

And ahead of Nigeria’s presidential election in 2015, with Jonathan’s chances of reelection looking bleak, his foreign ministry made the mistake of claiming he had spoken with the King of Morocco, supposedly to curry favour with Muslim voters.

It was an incident the Morocco wouldn’t let pass.

It led to a diplomatic row with the Kingdom’s ambassador condemning what he described as Nigeria’s unethical practices and insisting that the king had refused to talk with Jonathan.

But the moment Muhammadu Buhari was elected president in 2015, King Mohammed VI went on a charm offensive, visiting Nigeria in December 2016 and welcoming Buhari to Morocco two years later.

Agreements that were signed during those visits include the building a gas pipeline from Nigeria to Morocco and also a fertiliser plant in Nigeria that will be fed with phosphate from the occupied territory.

In between those two visits was when the fate of the Sahrawi people would suffer major setbacks.

In June 2017, ECOWAS agreed in principle to admit Morocco as a member state of the regional body.

Officially, Nigeria hasn’t changed its position in support of Western Saharan independence and Buhari as recently as a few weeks ago gave a private commitment to Algeria’s foreign minister, Sabri Boukadoum, who was in Nigeria

Some former and sitting Nigerian diplomats had pushed against such a move and were outspoken about it.

The reality is that Morocco’s application to join ECOWAS could not have been approved without the support of Nigeria’s Buhari.

And it wasn’t until earlier this year that the effects of Morocco’s charm offensive started to manifest.

At about the same time Antonio Guterres was paying lip service to eradicating colonialism, some ECOWAS countries were helping to entrench it in Western Sahara.

Some of the countries that effectively gave recognition to Moroccan sovereignty over territory in January 2020 or are cutting ties with the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic include Senegal, Niger, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Guinea Bissau, Guinea, Gambia, Chad, Burkina Faso and Benin.

Officially, Nigeria hasn’t changed its position in support of Western Saharan independence and Buhari as recently as a few weeks ago gave a private commitment to Algeria’s foreign minister, Sabri Boukadoum, who was in Nigeria.

But judging from the statements from Geoffrey Onyeama, the appearance was that Buhari snubbed Boukadoum, in his push to put the issue of a referendum back on the international agenda.

Articles have appeared in Moroccan newspaper celebrating Onyeama’s deliberate avoidance of the subject after the meeting with the Algerian diplomat.

Apparently, it is also no longer a talking point for Nigeria’s diplomat at the UN.

It is this absence of a public commitment from the Buhari government that has allowed Morocco to advance its cause and cut the Sahrawi off the once committed allies in the West Africa region.

But their support is far less significant than the change of direction by the United States.

Donald Trump’s motives are no secret. Neither are his views on Africans.

It is no surprise that he would think the rights of the Sahrawi people are dispensable, all so that he could get Israel and Morocco to establish diplomatic ties.

He has sold weapons to the United Arab Emirates and offered a stand against Iran to the Emiratis to embrace Israel.

He is lifting sanctions against Sudan to get them to warm up to the Israelis.

As for the Sahrawi, they were sold out without been heard.

Donald Trump obviously sees the warming of relations between the Arab world and Israel as his one foreign policy achievement and is trying to tie the hands of the incoming administration led by Joseph Biden.

The fact still remains that the Palestinian issue will remain unsolved even if all the Arab states have up on it.

Now King Mohammed succeeded in playing the more than a dozen African countries who have given tacit approval to the colonization of a territory and, both Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel by exposing the similar nature of the occupation of the West Bank and that of Western Sahara.

It would be a major shift in adherence to international law, which could have repercussion in every corner of the world, if the incoming Biden administration allows the recognition of Moroccan sovereignty to stand.

There are a number of territories presently under occupation and Western Sahara could very well set a precedent.

Written by Shuaib Shuaib

Shuaibu, a former Editor of the LEADERSHIP Newspapers, is based in Abuja.

Two events over the last few weeks would have caused some governments to volcanically erupt in reaction to public expectation, but none of them have moved our president.

The current administration rode into power in 2015 with a basketful of electoral promises that put Nigerians in a dreamland.

It over-promised and has, so far, under-delivered. Not even the most ardent supporters of President Mohammadu Buhari can beat their chest in confidence that he has been able to make a dent.

Nigeria’s problems are many and intricate, but they are not impossible to tackle with the right mix of hard work and intelligence. The disappointment is the apparent lackadaisical attitude to governance in the last few years that has turned the expectation of success into just an imagination.

Recent developments in Nigeria make it hard to believe there is, indeed, a president in office.

For, how can we have a president whose feelings are unknown, whose thoughts are relayed by rediffusion and whose silence reverberates during national crises.

Bizarre stories of President Muhammadu Buhari being bodily replaced are so rife in Nigerian conversations that it is no longer idiotic to suggest that there is a presidential double, even if the possibility is startling to consider.

The story goes that after a long sick leave for an undisclosed illness in Britain in 2017, an impersonator whose real identity is Jubril from Sudan performed a cosmetic surgery that transformed him to a perfect lookalike who now acts as Nigeria’s president.

Wild and ludicrous as it may sound, the behavioUr of the president in times of crisis adds fuel to the theory, and the resultant combustion is oxidizing confidence in, and the credibility of, the Buhari administration.

It was silly enough that President Buhari had to deny rumors that he had died and had been replaced by a lookalike. “It’s the real me, I assure you,” he told an audience in Poland in 2018. Even if we believed him then, he must move from words to tangible assurance. It is now critical for him to back up the declaration with actions that will translate Nigeria from a pervading darkness of insecurity.

There is an aura of coldness and apathy oozing from Aso Rock, at a time when the people, who gave the president the ultimate power, expect leadership, direction and strength to stamp out lawlessness and banditry that is threatening national security.

Two events over the last few weeks would have caused some governments to volcanically erupt in reaction to public expectation, but none of them have moved our president.

He is not just slow, he is stagnant.

Nigeria is unraveling through lawless armed attacks on the population, and the government is not just convincingly incompetent to deal with it, but is transparently disinterested in maintaining peace

On November 29, no fewer than 40 farmers in the Zabarmari village in northeast Borno State were beheaded in a strange act of cruelty. The United Nations humanitarian coordinator in Nigeria, Edward Kallon, confirmed that at least 110 civilians were ruthlessly killed.

The president refused to visit the village or address the nation about their growing fears. Instead, he proceeded on a private visit to his home state. As he arrived Katsina enjoying himself, disaster struck again in his backyard.

Children citizens were kidnapped in daylight gangsterism right under his nose, while he was there at home.

Such dastardly acts have become all too common. There are growing fears it can only get worse, except the government does something different and imaginative.

To the relief of the nation, those students kidnapped in Katsina have been released. However, there have been multiple reports of kidnapping even after that worrying affair; and the signs are there that the nation is drifting towards lawlessness.

As these events play one after the other, President Buhari has not considered it fit to address the nation in person.

Instead, he hides behind his men, who deliver conflicting accounts and outright lies to the public.

Politicians would like to do something at a time like this to give an assurance to those they serve.

Not President Buhari.

He continues to live on an island, where Nigerians cannot reach him.

Our president is disconnected from his people.

There are even unverified reports that the First Lady has eloped to Dubai, as Aso Rock is no longer considered a safe haven from kidnappers.

Although I have waved off for years the idea that President Buhari is not interested in managing Nigeria, it is no longer reasonable to assert that his interest in the presidency is beyond power

Nigerians are giving up on this president.

In case he has yet to be properly briefed, as he seems out of touch, the talk of the town is that God is now our president.

Hope is skinny as a rail that Aso Rock has an active occupant.

There seems to be no one in active charge.

There have been times when you really wish that the president would speak, and he does not.

Even when he speaks, he says so little that a wave of disappointment trails.

Nigeria looks like a nation on autopilot – rudderless and aimless. Drifting and lost.

Just as citizens are dying in shocking ways and kidnaps are rising, the economy is sicker than a dog.

The exchange rate is the highest it has ever been and prices of essential goods are going through the roof.

President Buhari is almost completely disengaged and turned off from the worries of his people.

Nigerians are yearning to hear from him, but he has nothing to say – there is no word of comfort or sympathy.

Even if he cares, it cannot be gauged.

He is in a different atmosphere.

At a time of Soro Soke, the president needs to speak loudly.

Or if he can’t speak, he should do something, because action can speak louder than words.

Can the president come out from his hiding? Can he be human and convince us that Jubril of Sudan is made up?

If President Buhari were an employee in the private sector, he would have been sacked half-way into his first term.

Who can employ a worker who takes off sick for nearly half a year without a doctor’s report, while using company resources?

That the government is absent, our leaders are on leave and President Buhari is missing in action is also unacceptable

Nigerians are Buhari’s employers, but our deformed democratic system is too weak to tackle dereliction of duty. Legislators are unable to look the president in the eye.

The government exists for many reasons, but none is more important than maintaining social order and public safety.

And on this fundamental purpose, the government of Nigeria has simply taken a vacation.

In the American constitution, upon which the Nigerian copy rides, this purpose of government to be the society’s policeman is elegantly phrased as ensuring domestic tranquility.

Nigeria is unraveling through lawless armed attacks on the population, and the government is not just convincingly incompetent to deal with it, but is transparently disinterested in maintaining peace.

Nigerians have nearly given up on good roads, schools or hospitals. You can’t think about those when the safety of life is not guaranteed.

The good things of life have now become just nice-to-haves. The must-have, security, is where the government is failing.

It is no longer safe to travel, or even jog in neighborhood streets.

The other day, a retired military officer was mugged while jogging. Hungry people are laying siege on other citizens.

Nigerians are eating each other.

Although I have waved off for years the idea that President Buhari is not interested in managing Nigeria, it is no longer reasonable to assert that his interest in the presidency is beyond power.

There is no evidence he believes in public service or has empathy for those he serves.

No one truly knows how our government is being run, but in a nation where the military and the police get more funding that the educational system, a steady decline into lawlessness is not acceptable.

That the government is absent, our leaders are on leave and President Buhari is missing in action is also unacceptable.

President Buhari and his cabinet need to gbe body.

They have sworn an oath to do this job and they must.

If they continue to run around without any solution while burning taxpayer’s funds, they must start thinking about retiring to their home towns for good.

Nigeria does not lack talent for the job of a president. Takers are waiting.

If President Buhari is too tired to work for us and talk to us, early retirement is a good and noble option.

Nigerians will praise him for it.

Written by Tunde Chris Odediran

Tunde Chris Odediran studied and practiced journalism in Nigeria. He is now a Technical Communications and Information Technology professional in the United States.

If we could cast a vote in the December 8 presidential election in Ghana, President Nana Akufo-Addo, would have won re-election by miles. Nigerians love him to bits. He talks a good game.

In the first two years or more of his presidency, I remember a number of videos shared with me on the Akufo-Addo promise. On a tour of the US, he met with the conference of US governors and awed with his presentation. On another occasion, he wowed French President Emmanuel Macron with his speech on “Ghana Beyond Aid”. 

That speech, which has chalked over three and a half million views on YouTube, spoke the minds of many self-respecting Africans. The continent’s leaders have so degraded themselves with their begging bowls, that they have become unwanted guests in many European capitals. We would give them away, if we could.

But Akufo-Addo was different. It was refreshing to hear an African leader tell a major European leader, face-to-face, that Ghana – and indeed the continent – was no longer peddling the begging bowl. 

The continent wanted fair trading terms, that’s all. Akufo-Addo did not take his seat until he refreshed Macron about how the injustices of 18th century European history laid the foundation for some of today’s problems. Yet, he ended on the note that Africa must take responsibility for its own future.

He made a few more stirring speeches – at the UN – and wherever he went thereafter, bearing the torch of what seemed, quite frankly, to be a new overdue renaissance of Africa, a place where the Mo Ibrahim leadership prize has languished for three years now for lack of a worthy recipient.

In a way, Akufo-Addo became the president Nigeria never had. But we coveted him for more than his stirring speeches on the global stage. We also thought he wasn’t doing too badly at home. At no time did we seem more certain of his performance than during the initial outbreak of the coronavirus this year.

While some Nigerians were still sharing wicked jokes about whether or not President Muhammadu Buhari could pronounce the word well into the outbreak, Ghana seemed to be on the front foot. There were reports that Ghana was not only leading the continent in testing and tracing, it was also using drones to deliver test results in hospitals in remote areas! It was testing, per capita, more than any other country on the continent, followed by South Africa.

This was at a time when Madagascar President Andry Rajoelina was still brewing his herbal tonic, when Tanzanian President John Magufuli was insisting that coronavirus was a spiritual problem, the Sierra Leonean president’s wife was rebranding COVID-19 materials as political party handouts, and when the Nigerian president was being accused of dispensing COVID-19 relief materials in small bread nylon bags. 

The only president who came close to Akufo-Addo was perhaps Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Yet, even he was a distant second.

In a year when congenital incompetence compounded by catastrophic mismanagement of the COVID19 pandemic cost President Donald Trump his second term, you would think that Akufo-Addo’s advertised exceptional handling of the virus in Ghana would override any earlier transgressions. We thought so.

But from the result of the election, Ghanaians think differently. The man won by the skin of his teeth. Not just because winning a second term is a tough call even in the best of circumstances, but perhaps because Ghanaian voters seemed determined to punish the hubris carefully buried under the veneer of Akufo-Addo’s good public relations in much of the last four years.

He was lucky to get off with his pants on.

The result of the presidential election on December 8 showed that Akufo-Addo won with 6.7million votes compared with John Mahama’s 6.2million votes, a difference of about 500,000. 

The opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) flipped 36 seats, drawing level with Akufo-Addo’s New Patriotic Party (NPP) and as you read this the opposition insists that the government and the Electoral Commission rigged the final result.

What did Ghanaian voters see in Akufo-Addo that outsiders missed almost completely in the last four years? Why was it that the incumbent could easily have lost the election, in spite of his status as a nearly patron saint of African leaders?

Some Ghanaian friends have been talking – and they have been talking vehemently. At least ten mortal sins have been listed against Akufo-Addo, from the Ghana banking sector crisis to nepotism and the conduct of party constituency executives and from the cost of party primaries to the so-called Galamsey affair and the Agyapa deal.

Of these charges, three stand out, which politicians in Ghana and elsewhere might do well to pay attention to. 

The first is NPP’s narrow elitism. While the NDC focused on bread-and-butter issues and campaigned in language most ordinary people could understand, the incumbent’s party was on a high horse. It used elite platforms, wasting time money and resources on arm-chair voters. 

Trump has taught the world that politics responds to the language of ordinary folks – the marginalised, the displaced, the powerless, the embittered and angry. The opposition tapped into that lava and did so with a vehemence that left the ruling party doubting even in areas where it had achieved modest successes.

Second, Akufo-Addo positioned himself as the clean guy, the man whose government had come to deliver Ghana from the multiple scandals of the Mahama years – scandals which even Jerry Rawlings confessed, even before his death, had become an embarrassment for him as a founding father of the party. 

It was good campaign tactic for Akufo-Addo four years ago, but after four years, he appears to have been caught in his own trap. And the opposition he once accused of being corrupt is making heavy weather of it, topping the charge of malfeasance with nepotism. 

One year ago, the opposition published a list 51 appointees in Akufo-Addo’s government that they said were relatives of the President. Though, it was largely a dubious list, the similarity in names hardly allowed any distinction between Tweedledee and Tweedledum. 

The resignation of the country’s Special Prosecutor, Martin Amidu, days before the presidential election didn’t do Akufo-Addo any favours. In a bitter, lengthy letter, the Special Prosecutor accused the President of interfering with his job. In specific reference to the Agyapa Royalties corruption saga, Amidu accused the President of trying to protect the Minister of Finance, allegedly involved in a gold deal bribery case with a South African company because the minister is his cousin.

He claimed that his office was underfunded and that he had not been paid a Cedi since taking office two years ago, saying he hoped they would at least pay his deputy, now that he was “out of the way.”

Garbage doesn’t get any messier. Even though Akufo-Addo survived it, he’ll still have to deal with it in his second term.

I think the near-fatal blow, which is the third point, was the banking sector crisis between 2017 and last year. About nine banks of the 28 private banks in Ghana had almost been brought to their knees by poor corporate governance. These were banks where large swathes of the poor and low-income earners had their savings. Although Akufo-Addo was not responsible for the laxity that nearly brought the system crashing down, he was perceived as being “too soft” on those found to that brought on the crisis. 

“To date”, my Ghanaian friend lamented on Wednesday, “many of them are still walking the streets free, and even castigating the government for blocking their private accounts!”

The opposition’s story was that the government condoned the errant fat cats because top officials of the government had been paid off.

Akufo-Addo has another four years to repair the damage. If he struggled in the last four years when he had the parliamentary majority to make bold and lasting changes, you guess is as good as mine what his fate would be with a hung parliament.

But that’s the way it is: he has his job cut out for him.

•Ishiekwene is the MD/Editor-In-Chief of The Interview