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Lobbying Over Lives? U.S. lawmakers blast Nigeria’s $9M PR push amid killings

As violence continues to scar communities and strain Africa’s largest economy, Nigeria is facing sharp criticism in Washington over a reported $9 million lobbying contract that U.S. lawmakers say may be aimed at softening global scrutiny of the country’s human rights and religious freedom record.

The rebuke comes at a time when persistent killings, kidnappings and mass displacement — particularly in northern Nigeria — have not only deepened a national security crisis but also eroded public confidence in the government’s constitutional duty to protect lives and property.

Congressional Alarm

The concerns surfaced Wednesday during a joint hearing of the House Subcommittee on Africa and the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, titled “Defending Religious Freedom Around the World.”

Former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Sam Brownback and former chair of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), Dr Stephen Schneck, testified before lawmakers in a session closely watched by policy observers.

Representative Chris Smith, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, defended the October 2025 designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act, calling the move “long overdue” after years of deadly attacks on Christian communities.

He warned that Nigeria’s lobbying effort risks appearing like an attempt to dilute that designation.

“I am deeply concerned that Nigeria has hired the lobbying firm, DCI Group, to the tune of $9 million — $750,000 a month,” Smith said. “These firms produce well-crafted talking points suggesting there’s nothing to see.”

Smith also referenced a separate $120,000-per-month consulting contract reportedly funded by a Nigerian billionaire to influence Congress and the Executive Branch.

Security Crisis With Economic Consequences

Analysts say the controversy underscores a broader dilemma: insecurity has increasingly become an economic emergency.

From abandoned farmlands to disrupted supply chains and shrinking investor confidence, violence has imposed heavy costs on growth while worsening food inflation and unemployment. Businesses in high-risk regions face rising security expenses, and some multinational firms have scaled back operations amid uncertainty.

For millions of Nigerians, the result is a daily reality shaped by fear — and growing frustration with leadership.

Critics argue that deploying millions toward reputation management abroad risks reinforcing perceptions that the government is prioritising optics over urgent domestic reforms.

A More Complex Conflict?

Yet not all lawmakers agreed on the framing of Nigeria’s crisis.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs cautioned against reducing the violence solely to religious persecution, noting that both Christians and Muslims have suffered.

“The violence in Nigeria is multifaceted and cannot be reduced to a single narrative,” Jacobs said, warning that oversimplified interpretations could inflame tensions rather than resolve them.

Jacobs also criticised the U.S. government’s decision to cut hundreds of millions of dollars in aid programs supporting faith leaders and conflict-affected communities, including the Community Initiatives to Promote Peace program, which she said had helped lower violence in certain regions.

Questions Over Military Strategy

Schneck echoed concerns about recent U.S. military strikes in Sokoto State, arguing they have not meaningfully improved security for vulnerable populations.

He suggested the cost of the missile operations may have exceeded prior investments in humanitarian and interfaith initiatives.

“Strikes like that may actually drive militant organisations closer together,” Schneck warned, describing the move as a strategic mistake.

A Web of Threats

Testifying on Nigeria’s broader security landscape, Schneck outlined a convergence of threats: Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgencies, farmer-herder clashes, banditry, organised crime, and mass displacement, compounded by what he described as weak governance and corruption.

The cumulative effect, experts say, is not just territorial instability but a gradual weakening of the social contract between citizens and the state.

When governments struggle to guarantee safety, constitutional legitimacy itself can come into question.

Will the CPC Label Matter?

Lawmakers also debated whether the CPC designation alone would drive change.

Brownback argued that without tangible consequences — including potential sanctions — the label risks becoming symbolic.

“Until you put some bite into it, most of these dictators are just going to thumb their nose at you,” he said, urging targeted penalties under the Magnitsky Act.

While some officials believe recent U.S. actions have amplified global attention on Nigeria’s crisis, Brownback expressed scepticism about Abuja’s willingness — or capacity — to protect vulnerable populations.

Image vs. Reality

For Nigeria, the diplomatic backlash highlights a delicate balancing act: defending its international reputation while confronting a security emergency that many citizens see as existential.

At stake is more than foreign perception. The deeper question is whether a nation battling widespread violence can afford to invest heavily in influence campaigns while communities continue to mourn victims and economic prospects dim.

Until security improves, critics warn, no amount of lobbying may be enough to repair the widening gap between Nigeria’s global image and the realities faced by its people.

Remembering Murtala Muhammad five decades after

By Richard Odusanya

Murtala Muhammed is remembered as a national hero whose life was cut short, yet he left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s developmental strides.

Let’s continue with the golden words of his amiable daughter, Aisha Muhammed-Oyebode. In a recent interview, Aisha eloquently posited: “My father’s simplicity led to his assassination”.

Reflecting On Another Year of Life! As I remember my fourteenth birthday on February 13, 1976, which was marked with mixed feelings, as the day represents a profoundly turbulent moment in Nigerian history that likely impacted the atmosphere of the celebration. On that exact morning, Nigeria’s Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed, was assassinated in a failed coup attempt in Lagos.

Interestingly, for a fourteen-year-old in 1976, this would have been a day that began with the excitement of a birthday but was quickly overshadowed by the sudden, violent shift in national leadership, creating that mixture of personal joy and national sorrow.

With the symbolism of frontier of a new era, Murtala Muhammed, in his life time, was a transformative Nigerian Head of State known for his 200-day, action-oriented, and anti-corruption rule. A pan-Africanist, he championed Angola’s independence, initiated the creation of Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, and created 7 additional states. His brief,, impactful, and “simplicity-in-governance” legacy ended on February 13, 1976, during a failed coup.

Equally instructive, Murtala Ramat Mohammed initiated many changes during his brief time in office: he began the process of moving the federal capital to Abuja, addressed the issue of government inefficiency, and, most importantly, initiated the process for a return to civilian rule.

Simply put, Murtala Muhammad lived a life of sacrifice. Based on these facts,  the following are key lessons for political gladiators and leaders, particularly within the Nigerian context, aimed at fostering better governance and national development:

1. Shift from Self-Interest to Public Service

a) Prioritize the Masses:

Political gladiators often focus on personal ambition and protecting elite interests rather than serving the public. True leadership requires putting the needs of the citizenry above personal gain.

b) Avoid “Godfatherism” and Corruption:

The recycling of leaders and reliance on “godfather” figures perpetuates a system that hinders development and breeds corruption.

c) End Impunity: Leaders must stop treating political positions as opportunities for personal enrichment, which has led to widespread poverty and insecurity.

2. Embrace Integrity, Accountability, and Ethics

a) Accountability is Non-Negotiable: Leaders must be accountable for their actions and failures, rather than shifting blame.

b) Accept Correction: Leaders who cannot accept criticism or correction without offense will fail; feedback is essential for growth.

c) Eschew Politics of Bitterness: Campaigns should be based on issues rather than personal attacks, hate speech, or ethnic sentiments.

3. Foster Inclusivity and Human Capital Development

a) Empower the Youth: Political gladiators should cease using youths solely for violence and electioneering. Instead, they must focus on genuine empowerment and engagement in governance.

b) Involve Technocrats: To improve service delivery, political leaders should collaborate with experts and professionals rather than relying solely on politicians.

c) Respect the Rule of Law: Leaders must operate within the confines of the constitution, avoiding the temptation to abuse power.

4. Strategic and Visionary Leadership

a) Clear Vision and Goal-Setting: Effective leaders must have a clear, well-defined vision that inspires and mobilizes the country towards development.

b) Manage Conflict: Leaders must act as unifiers, especially in diverse societies, to prevent crises that lead to poverty and underdevelopment.

c) Adaptability: Leaders must be flexible and capable of navigating changing landscapes to effect positive change.

In conclusion, I will like to identify with the immediate family members, particularly our matriarch Chief (Mrs) Hafsatu Ajoke Muhammed, my brother Abba (Risqua) Abba Muhammed and our darling sister Aisha Muhammed-Oyebode.

Citizen Richard ODUSANYA. Public Affairs Enthusiast and Good Governance Advocate

[email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

U.S.: Security cooperation and the question of trust

By Kachi Okezie, Esq.

The security cooperation between the United States and Nigeria has entered a more consequential and delicate phase. With Washington’s confirmation that a small team of U.S. military personnel has been deployed to Nigeria, the relationship has moved beyond intelligence-sharing and diplomatic coordination into a realm of direct operational involvement. In an era of borderless terrorism, such collaboration may be necessary. Yet it also intensifies a central and unavoidable question: trust.

The deployment, confirmed by U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), marks the first official acknowledgement of American troops operating on Nigerian soil since U.S. airstrikes in December 2025 targeting alleged Islamic State camps in northeastern Nigeria. Those strikes, ordered by President Donald Trump, were described by U.S. and Nigerian officials as successful. However, subsequent discoveries of undetonated explosives believed to be debris from the strikes in civilian-populated areas across Kwara, Niger, and Sokoto states raised serious concerns about operational oversight, civilian risk, and the broader consequences of kinetic interventions in fragile security environments.

Nigeria’s security crisis is no longer confined within its borders. Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) continue to conduct lethal attacks in the northeast, while both groups have sought to expand their reach into the northwest and north-central regions—areas already destabilised by banditry, resource-based conflicts, and weak state presence. This convergence of insurgency and organised criminal violence has transformed Nigeria’s internal insecurity into a regional and international concern, with direct implications for West Africa, the Sahel, and global counterterrorism efforts.

It is within this volatile context that U.S.–Nigeria security cooperation must be evaluated with particular caution. Washington’s growing involvement—including surveillance flights conducted from neighbouring Ghana and the provision of what AFRICOM describes as “unique U.S. capabilities”—signals an increasing strategic investment in Nigeria’s stability. Yet this investment rests on a fragile foundation.

Persistent and unresolved allegations of collusion between elements of Nigeria’s political and security establishment and terrorist or criminal actors continue to cast a long shadow over such engagement. Compounding these concerns is the Nigerian state’s apparent failure—or unwillingness—to pursue arrests, prosecutions, or meaningful investigations into the sponsors, financiers, and political enablers of terrorism. Despite repeated claims that security agencies possess intelligence on individuals funding or facilitating insurgent groups, there has been little public accountability and virtually no high-profile convictions.

This absence of action is not a minor oversight; it strikes at the heart of effective counterterrorism. Terrorist organisations do not survive on ideology alone. They depend on financial networks, logistical support, arms suppliers, and political protection. When these enablers operate with impunity, military operations against foot soldiers amount to little more than tactical containment. Without confronting the financial and political architecture sustaining insurgency, insecurity becomes self-perpetuating.

For the United States, this reality presents a profound dilemma. Counterterrorism partnerships are built on the assumption that both parties share not only common enemies but also a commitment to dismantling the full ecosystem that sustains violence. When credible allegations of elite complicity coexist with an evident reluctance to pursue those implicated, trust erodes. American military assistance, intelligence sharing, and diplomatic backing risk being misapplied—or worse, shielding powerful actors whose interests are misaligned with genuine security reform.

The challenge is further complicated by the politicisation of insecurity. The December 2025 airstrikes followed inflammatory rhetoric from Washington, including the redesignation of Nigeria as a country of particular concern over disputed claims of religious persecution. Nigerian authorities rejected narratives of “Christian genocide,” emphasising that insurgency and banditry victimise citizens across religious and ethnic lines. They warned that such framing risks deepening polarisation within an already fragile society. In this context, counterterrorism cooperation must be especially careful not to reinforce divisive narratives or undermine social cohesion.

Trust, however, is not solely a bilateral concern. It is also domestic. Nigerian citizens—particularly those living in conflict-affected regions—have grown increasingly skeptical of government assurances. Repeated declarations of progress are undermined by continuing violence and the conspicuous absence of accountability for those believed to profit from instability. Public confidence cannot be restored while the architects and sponsors of terror remain beyond reach or reinstated into civil order, branded “repentant.”

External military support cannot substitute for political will. For Nigeria, rebuilding trust requires more than welcoming foreign assistance. It demands a demonstrable commitment to transparency, the rule of law, and equal protection for all citizens. This includes credible investigations into allegations of official complicity, the disruption of terror financing networks, and the prosecution of individuals—regardless of status—found to be enabling terrorism.

For the United States, engagement must remain principled and conditional. Cooperation should be anchored in clear benchmarks: civilian protection, measurable institutional reform, and tangible progress in dismantling terror sponsorship networks. Absent these safeguards, even well-intentioned involvement risks entrenching the very dysfunction it seeks to resolve.

The international community is watching closely, as are Nigeria’s own citizens. The discovery of unexploded ordnance in civilian areas following U.S. strikes serves as a stark reminder that counterterrorism carries real human costs. Those costs demand accountability, restraint, and constant reassessment.

Ultimately, security cooperation is sustained not by shared threats alone, but by shared responsibility and mutual trust. As U.S.–Nigeria engagement deepens, the durability of this partnership will depend on whether both sides are willing to confront uncomfortable truths—particularly the role of elite complicity and impunity—in the persistence of terrorism.

Without that reckoning, trust will remain elusive. And without trust, no amount of military cooperation can deliver lasting security.

Kachi Okezie, Esq., is a legal practitioner and world affairs commentator.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Triumph of leadership at Onitsha

By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba 

To the disbelief and disappointment of many a critic, traders at Onitsha main market complied with Governor Charles Soludo’s directive for resumption of business on Monday, February 2, 2026. For the first time in over four years, excepting for Christmas periods, the market opened for activities on a Monday. News reports spoke of a ‘bustling main market’ and environs, with the protagonist of change, Soludo and team marching through the market streets in proclamation of a new season.

The blacklisting of Monday as a no-business, no movement, people’s crusade was a terrible siege on the population. The very people who were promised liberation became the major victims of an intervention.

 But the greater tragedy lay in the climate of fear that paralysed reasoning. It was a setting in which it was a virtue to be pedestrian about self-determination. And among those not held hostage by populism, some preferred to politicise a bid for reclamation of the public space.

And so, a strong pushback by Anambra State Governor, Charles Soludo on the lingering Monday sit – at – home protest in Anambra State, and indeed the southeast, sparked heated debates in the last week of January 2026. Soludo’s order for the sealing of Onitsha main market for one week had the trappings of a Donald Trump move – surprise, audacity, and with the objective of redefining the subject. 

The traders, remnant of the IPOB leadership – the group behind the imposed disobedience – and their apologists were caught off guard by the move. Anger, emotion, and finger – pointing dominated reactions. Neutral voices raised the issue of personal freedom within the orbit of law and society. Amidst the storm, Soludo succeeded in shifting the balance on the subject.

It was a necessary but hazardous task that the Anambra governor waded into. The trying circumstances of the matter were another case of who will bell the cat. Who will brave through the evil forest to retrieve the twin babies mercilessly left to die? The Onitsha market knot was one infused with the power of a chain reaction. By its strategic positioning as a commercial hub east of the Niger, Onitsha main market symbolised not just the face of markets in the region, but the fate of trade as well. On the surface, Monday boycott of buying and selling at Onitsha main market bordered on economic impact. But the controversial observance had political and social implications as well. By their three dimensions, the Monday ritual posed challenges of governance.

Together, these manifestations of separateness, of a parallel order, constituted a leadership test. Perhaps other Southeast state governors had their different approaches to a common problem. Their steps, if they were not timid and tentative, would have emerged as measures to reckon with. The difference now is that Soludo has moved from the exploratory stages of engagement to now take the bull by the horns.

A lot of the opposition to Soludo’s initiative thrived on specious argument. Much stock was placed on the presumed indictment of denying traders means of livelihood with the one week market closure. The charge of insensitivity, of putting families on  hunger path is a line that’ll whip up emotions anyday. But this accusation in the face of available facts is disingenuous. It’s akin to saying that an omelette can be made without breaking eggs. Why didn’t he use other options? Why didn’t he engage the traders? Such stuff sound like effort to slyly send someone on a wild goose chase. The governor since coming into office in March 2002 severally engaged stakeholders, including traders towards overcoming the sit – at – home cul de sac. In any case, where lay the greater threat to the economic wellbeing of the traders? Since imposition of the lockdown in 2021, the traders had suffered 225 days of no sales. Without Soludo’s decisive action, the wasted business days would continue on the 300 track. This staggering loss cannot be compared to the one – off seven day shutdown. The former was a disaster, the latter a corrective surgery.

Much capital was also made about  security being a principal factor in the continued Monday “sit at home.” Still, rationalising the desertion of markets on Mondays on account of security inadequacy does not preclude the government from restoring the hijacked market day. The linkage reinforces the need for government action. Government’s security responsibility does not involve encouraging the people to live in fear. A government’s mandate on security is not about abandoning citizens to restrictions on their lives by non-state actors. The task of security of lives and property is about the freedom of the people to go about pursuing their legitimate aspirations. Located in this perspective, Soludo’s markets’ reopening reflects integrated security architecture. Do we need to stress that the ubiquitous presence of gun – toting operatives is not synonymous with societal safety? But in demonstration of the priority accorded protection of the people, the Soludo administration has invested in different forms of security resources – with good results to show for it. The Agunechemba outfit continues to play an active complementary role to the Police. Reduced crime rate is obvious in Anambra State today. The sense of improved security led to resumption of trading in markets on Mondays in most parts of the State. Schools are in session every Monday. Commercial vehicles ply their routes on Monday. So, there is something out of sync about insecurity being behind Onitsha main market Monday closures. It was most unlikely that the state government would have embarked on the Onitsha mission without security threat level assessment.

For some other critics, it was a straightforward, people have right not to open their shops, if they so choose. That is correct. But it’s also the case that rights go with responsibilities. When organisations entice us with mouth-watering prizes to buy their products, it comes with a caveat. The lines “terms and conditions apply” at once protect the interests of the firm as well as limits the claims of the customer in the bargain. Shop holders at the market asserting their right to lock up the stalls as it suits them must contend with the power of the government as owner of the property to state the clauses for their use.  The government has the option of revoking the allocations of recalcitrant traders. What answer have those who insist on the personal right to lock shops on Monday to the right of those who want to open their stores the same Monday? Access to the market has been locked against the latter group for about five years now. Does their plight not deserve redressing? A responsible government endeavours to cater for the common good. An objective assessment of  Soludo government’s response to the market closure cannot but situate it in the public interest. The restoration was to the state’s and the southeast’s overall benefit.

There are two probable interests at the root of opposition to Soludo’s action. The first would be the fanatical supporters of IPOB. They are unable to face reality; neither the impracticality of their goals nor the shift by Nnamdi Kanu, the jailed leader of the organisation. Kanu is reported to have called for the discontinuation of the Monday protest. But the hardline school would prefer to blame other actors than concede the failings of the movement. It’s unacceptable to cripple the southeast in the name of a liberation struggle. Every progressive Igbo rejects Nigeria’s injustice to the southeast and believes in Biafra of the mind. Even as some did not share the agenda of an independent state, Ralph Uwazurike’s MASSOB was well received because of its persuasive approach. The necessity of protest was appreciated. Trouble began with IPOB’s introduction of violence into the crusade. No benefit has accrued from the resort to violence. Sadly, pockets of the confrontation bloc, unwilling to lose their emergency privileges, continue to invest in disorder. The diatribe issued by a rogue leadership of IPOB condemning Soludo’s thankless job is a reminder of the group’s desperation for relevance.

Politics is at the centre of the other front that railed against the (Onitsha) market stabilisation policy. The problem was not about the propriety of the measures but about who would take the credit. Reopening of markets on Monday in the southeast is sure to be counted as a mighty job, drawing accolades for the architects of the feat. But Soludo, the potential executor, is considered a rival by certain political interests in the region. Media forces aligned to this political movement led the rush to belittle the Onitsha market repositioning. The irony is that a continuation of the “sit at home” isolates the southeast from mainstream national politics. By severing the isolationist cord of “sit at home”, Soludo has sent out a message of confidence in the region. Soludo’s breakthrough boosts the quest for a Nigerian President of southeast origin.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Bloodied and Bruised: Nigerian comedian Ijoba Lande accuses police of assault, theft of iPhone 16, $1,200

Nigeria’s long-running struggle with allegations of police brutality has resurfaced once again — this time involving a popular entertainer whose injury-filled appearance in a viral video has triggered outrage and renewed scrutiny of law enforcement conduct.

Ganiyu Morufu, widely known as Ijoba Lande, has accused officers attached to the Area ‘J’ Division of the Lagos State Police Command of physically assaulting him, confiscating his mobile phone and stealing cash belonging to his brother.

The claims add to a growing list of accusations that have continued to shadow the Nigeria Police Force years after nationwide protests demanding reform.

Viral Footage Raises Alarm

In a video circulating widely across social media, the skit maker is seen with visible injuries, including bleeding around his eyes, as concerned bystanders attempt to clean his face with water.

Voices heard in the background of the video repeatedly mentioned ‘Area J Police Station’, suggesting the alleged assault was linked to the facility.

The footage also appears to show him inside a facility resembling a police station, where he seemed to be trying to file a complaint following the alleged encounter.

The video’s rapid spread online has fuelled anger among fans and rights advocates, many of whom say the images reflect a troubling pattern rather than an isolated episode.

The video has since been deleted from his Instagram page.

“Six Days After Returning Home”

Ijoba Lande said the incident occurred barely six days after he returned to Nigeria from the United Kingdom, though he did not disclose the precise circumstances or location leading up to the confrontation.

According to the entertainer, officers assaulted him during the encounter, seized his iPhone 16 Pro Max, and allegedly took $1,200 said to belong to his brother.

What triggered the altercation remains unclear.

Known for his comedic skits and roles in Yoruba Nollywood productions, the actor’s account has since sparked intense conversation across digital platforms — particularly among young Nigerians who have frequently documented encounters with security operatives.

A Familiar National Conversation

Allegations of excessive force, unlawful detention and extortion have long shaped public perception of policing in Africa’s most populous nation.

The issue gained global attention during the 2020 EndSARS protests, when thousands of Nigerians took to the streets calling for the disbandment of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad and sweeping institutional reforms.

Although authorities pledged change, rights groups have repeatedly warned that deep structural problems — including accountability gaps and weak oversight — persist.

For critics, the latest allegation reinforces fears that meaningful reform remains elusive.

Silence From Authorities

As of the time of reporting, the Nigeria Police Force has not issued an official statement addressing Ijoba Lande’s accusations.

The absence of an immediate response has done little to calm public anger, with many social media users demanding an investigation and potential disciplinary action if the claims are substantiated.

Security analysts note that high-profile cases often become flashpoints in the broader debate over policing standards, transparency and citizen trust.

Reputation at Stake

Beyond the specifics of the case, experts warn that recurring brutality claims risk eroding already fragile confidence in law enforcement — a dangerous development in a country battling complex security threats ranging from kidnapping to organized crime.

Public cooperation, they argue, depends heavily on trust.

When citizens fear the very institution tasked with protecting them, the consequences can ripple far beyond a single incident.

Awaiting the Full Story

For now, critical questions remain unanswered: What exactly happened? Were protocols followed? And will there be an independent review?

Until those answers emerge, the viral images of a bloodied entertainer serve as a stark reminder that Nigeria’s policing debate is far from settled.

Whether this case proves to be an isolated confrontation or another chapter in a persistent national crisis may ultimately depend on what happens next — and whether accountability follows allegation.

183 Freed, Millions Afraid: Survivors’ horror story signals a nation under siege, human cost of Nigeria’s insecurity

By Ladidi Sabo

The worshippers had gathered in quiet devotion when the gunfire shattered the evening.

Within minutes, a routine church service in Kurmin Wali, a community in Kaduna State’s Kajuru Local Government Area, descended into chaos as armed bandits stormed the village, firing sporadically and forcing terrified congregants to flee. By the time the attackers disappeared into the surrounding forest, 183 people — mostly women and children — had been taken.

Weeks later, when the survivors finally emerged from captivity, they carried stories that now illuminate a broader national emergency: Nigeria’s worsening insecurity and the growing vulnerability of rural communities.

At the Sir Kashim Ibrahim Government House on Thursday, grief mingled with relief as the rescued victims were formally received by Governor Uba Sani. Some wept openly. Others spoke with the detached calm often associated with trauma.

For many, survival itself felt improbable.

“We thought we were going to die there,” one survivor said, voice breaking. “We had lost hope completely.”

Marched Into the Wilderness

According to multiple accounts, the abductees were forced to trek for nearly a week immediately after the January 18 attack.

“We trekked for six days into the forest,” one victim recalled. “They kept us by a riverbank and fed us pap made from maize.”

Food was scarce. Clean water was almost non-existent. Hygiene collapsed under the weight of exhaustion.

“We slept outside. Some of us did not bathe for about two weeks,” the survivor added.

But physical deprivation was only part of the ordeal.

Children in Terror

Several survivors described a regime of fear enforced through violence — one in which even the cries of hungry children carried consequences.

“They flogged us, including our children, especially whenever the children cried,” another victim said. “Sometimes the children cried out of hunger and fear.”

Soon, silence became a survival tactic.

“We were always afraid. Once a child started crying, everyone became scared because we knew what would follow,” a survivor explained.

Rescue — and Raw Emotion

Authorities say the victims were freed through a coordinated operation involving the Kaduna State Government, the Office of the National Security Adviser, the Department of State Services, the Nigerian Army and the police.

Governor Sani confirmed that every abductee had now been accounted for.

“Initially, 183 people were taken. Eleven were released earlier and hospitalised. Eighty-three returned a few days ago, while 89 were rescued just yesterday,” he said.

“We would not be sitting here if even one person were still missing.”

At the reception, one emotional survivor described the governor as a source of hope during the darkest days of captivity.

“You gave us hope when we had none. You are the father to the fatherless,” the victim said, drawing applause from the audience before offering a prayer for Sani’s political future.

Yet beneath the ceremony’s relief lay an unmistakable truth: this was not an isolated incident.

A Nation on Edge

Mass abductions have increasingly become a grim feature of Nigeria’s security landscape, particularly across the north, where bandits and extremist groups frequently target villages, schools and highways.

Security analysts warn that such attacks are evolving — often characterised by large-scale kidnappings, prolonged negotiations and deep incursions into forest territories that remain difficult for authorities to police.

The Kurmin Wali abduction briefly generated confusion over the number of victims before officials confirmed that 183 people had indeed been taken — a figure that underscores the scale and coordination of modern bandit operations.

For residents in vulnerable regions, the psychological impact is profound: worship, travel, and even farming now carry calculations of risk.

Government Promises — and Pressure

Governor Sani insisted his administration refused to politicize the crisis, focusing instead on securing the victims’ release.

“For us in Kaduna State, even one person abducted is unacceptable,” he said.

The governor announced new measures aimed at preventing future attacks, including plans for a military base along the Kajuru–Kachia corridor, as well as a new road, hospital and skills acquisition centre.

“This is the Kaduna model — working quietly with community leaders, religious leaders and security agencies at the grassroots,” Sani said.

The freed victims are currently receiving medical care, trauma counselling and relief materials, with officials pledging long-term rehabilitation.

Church Leaders Welcome Rescue

The Northern Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) described the victims’ release as a moment of collective relief.

“We rejoice with the church and the people of Kurmin Wali,” said Northern CAN Chairman Rev. Joseph Hayab, who praised the governor’s leadership and the collaboration among security agencies.

Still, religious leaders and community advocates continue to urge stronger preventive strategies, warning that rescue operations — while critical — cannot substitute for durable security.

Beyond Survival

Experts say the long-term consequences of mass kidnappings often linger well after victims return home. Trauma, disrupted education, lost livelihoods, and community-wide fear can reshape entire regions.

For the Kurmin Wali survivors, freedom marks the beginning of another journey — one toward psychological healing and social reintegration.

But their testimonies also serve as a stark reminder of the stakes in Nigeria’s security battle.

In parts of the country, the distance between an ordinary day and a life-altering catastrophe can be measured in minutes.

As one survivor quietly put it:

“We are alive — but we will never forget what we saw in that forest.”

And for a nation grappling with persistent violence, forgetting is not an option.

Zamfara Builds Cemeteries as Bandits Kill On: N1bn set aside for graves, not security

Amid Rising Violence, Zamfara State Budgets N1 Billion for Cemetery Construction Across 14 LGAs

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Amid persistent insecurity in Zamfara State, the state government has budgeted N1 billion for the construction of cemeteries across 14 local government areas.

The allocation is contained in the state’s approved budget for the 2026 fiscal year and was captured under the Ministry of Religious Affairs.

The budgetary provision comes against the backdrop of recurring violent attacks across several parts of the state.

On Thursday, SaharaReporters reported that bandits ambushed residents of Kyaram community as they were returning from Maga Market in Bukkuyyum Local Government Area of Zamfara State, killing at least five people and leaving several others missing.

SaharaReporters gathered that the attack occurred on Wednesday evening along a rural route linking Maga Market to Kyaram village.

As of the time of reporting, at least five people had been confirmed dead, while several others were still unaccounted for.

In a related incident, SaharaReporters earlier reported on Saturday, January 31, that at least four residents of Gwargwaba village in the Nahuce District of Bungudu Local Government Area were killed on Thursday, January 29, 2025, when terrorists suspected to be bandits attacked the community.

During the attack, the assailants reportedly set several houses on fire. SaharaReporters gathered that the incident occurred around 6pm when heavily armed attackers stormed the village.

Confirming the incident, a security alert platform, Bakatsine, disclosed that four villagers were burned to death inside their homes during the raid.

The spate of killings has continued to trigger public outrage. In July 2025, residents of several communities in Gusau Local Government Area staged a large protest to express frustration over what they described as relentless killings and abductions by bandits.

The protesters, drawn from over 30 communities, decried the worsening security situation, stating that villages such as Mada, Ruwan Bore, Fegin Baza, Bangi, Lilo, Wonaka, and Fegin Mahe were under frequent attacks. They alleged that as many as 100 people were being killed daily across the affected areas.

Some of the placards carried during the protest read: “We the people of about 30 communities of Gusau 11 need peace and want to be rescued from bandits,” and “Peace is our concern as we are being killed every day. End banditry in Mada, Lilo, Ruwan Bore, Fegin Baza, Bangi, others.”

According to the protesters, continuous attacks had forced residents to abandon farming activities, even during the peak of the rainy season.

They also reported widespread looting and destruction of food supplies by the attackers, further worsening the humanitarian situation.

Meanwhile, a previous SaharaReporters review of the Zamfara State budget document showed that the state planned to spend an additional N2.5 billion on the purchase of 50 vehicles in 2025.

This was despite the fact that the state had already spent N13.114 billion between January and October 2024 on the same purpose.

Traders flee, pandemonium in Kwara’s Kaiama community as terrorists allegedly storm cattle market days after over 170 killed

Despite reports that the Nigerian Army and security forces have taken over the Woro and Nuku communities in the Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, following a brutal attack by terrorist groups,  Kaiama town in Kwara State was thrown into chaos on Thursday evening as panic gripped the popular Kara cattle market following reports of suspected terrorists entering the area, SaharaReporters has learnt.

According to Sahara Reporters, the incident comes barely 48 hours after a massacre in the community reportedly claimed the lives of at least 162 people, which heightened fears among residents.

Multiple sources from Kaiama told SaharaReporters that the market, usually a hub of trade and social activities, was crowded when strangers, believed to be armed, suddenly appeared, sparking widespread alarm.

One resident, who spoke to SaharaReporters, said: “That market was filled to the brim, people were doing their normal business. Suddenly, some unknown faces entered the market, inside Kara. People said they were armed. Personally, I did not see them because I was in the section where they were selling foodstuffs when the news spread, so people started running for their lives.

“Even me, I had to leave some foodstuffs I bought for my business inside the market because it was very intense and there was panic everywhere. There was a huge stampede.”

The source expressed frustration over the government’s response, accusing security operatives of failing to provide meaningful protection.

“It is true that the government brought some soldiers, but what have they done? They are only moving around the streets with their vans. No serious security up till now. A lot of unknown faces entered Kaiama yesterday (Thursday) because of the markets and these soldiers could not even stop them,” the resident said.

SaharaReporters also obtained videos circulating on social media, showing tense situation after the bandit scare.

One video, posted by a TikTok user identified as Abiola, was captioned: “Now in Kaiama, bandits are now our president because we are fearing them like they are our God because of death. In the market again today (Thursday), we are hearing that they entered the market and everyone ran away.”

Another clip, also from Abiola, was captioned: “See how Kaiama Kwara state Kara market scattered today because of bandits and we did not see them but we all ran away because of them. May God save us.”

The latest episode of terror adds to growing fears in the area after a reported massacre just a day earlier left about 170 people dead.

Residents told SaharaReporters that prior to the attacks, local youths and community leaders had repeatedly alerted traditional authorities, local government officials, and the Kwara State Government about suspicious movements of armed men and their presence in forests surrounding Kaiama, but no decisive action was taken.

“There were warnings from the youth. They saw unfamiliar armed men camping in bushes near our communities. They reported to the local government and the traditional leaders, but nobody acted. Now the whole town is in fear,” a resident said.

Despite the deployment of soldiers to the town, locals continue to question the effectiveness of the security presence, describing it as largely symbolic.

Traders at the Kara market told SaharaReporters that the soldiers only patrol streets in vans, leaving marketplaces vulnerable to intrusions.

Efforts to obtain official comments from the Nigerian Army and the Kwara State government regarding Thursday’s incident proved unsuccessful at the time of filing this report. Both the Army Spokesperson, Lieutenant Colonel Anele Onyinyechi Appolonia, and the Chief Press Secretary to the Kwara State Governor, Rafiu Ajakaye, did not respond to messages seeking their reactions.

The collapse of drivers’ competence on Nigeria’s roads

By Muiz Banire, SAN

After the Anthony Joshua incident, I have had cause to interrogate the missing link in road safety in Nigeria. In this discourse, permit me to return to one of the most tragic but least interrogated failures in our national life: the steady replacement of skill with mere certification, and competence with entitlement, behind the wheels. We speak endlessly about bad roads, faulty vehicles, and weak enforcement, yet we continue to avoid the uncomfortable truth that even on the smoothest highway, in the most mechanically sound vehicle, an incompetent or unprofessional driver remains a moving disaster waiting for the appointed hour.

In Nigeria today, we do not merely suffer from a shortage of drivers; we suffer from a frightening collapse of driver competence, and the consequences are written daily in blood, tears, hospital wards, courtrooms, and broken homes. A people who trivialise driving as a casual activity should not be surprised when death treats the road as its playground. Driving is not merely the act of moving a vehicle from point A to point B with relative or maximum comfort; it is a discipline, a responsibility, and indeed a moral undertaking, because at the centre of every journey lies the fragile value of human life.

The earlier we appreciate this, the better for us as a people. In more orderly societies, a driver’s licence is a badge of tested competence. It signifies that the bearer understands not only how to steer and accelerate, but how to anticipate danger, respect other road users, manage emotions, obey rules, and value life over speed.

In our clime, however, the licence has too often been reduced to a laminated entitlement, sometimes procured without rigorous testing, sometimes treated as a revenue instrument, and sometimes obtained as a mere formality. It is no news that the process of acquiring a driver’s licence in Nigeria is largely devoid of rigour. Beyond the fact that some obtain licences without any form of training or evaluation, even those who attempt some measure of compliance rarely go beyond rudimentary physical road tests. Unlike other jurisdictions where aspirants must undergo both theoretical and practical examinations, what passes for testing in Nigeria is, in most cases, limited to superficial road driving exercises. There are no meaningful hazard perception tests, nor adequate assessments of road signage knowledge.

This explains why no serious jurisdiction accords our driver’s licence the respect it ought to command. Compounding this failure is the issue of eyesight and medical fitness. A significant number of drivers on Nigerian roads today have poor eyesight, many without even knowing it. This represents a fundamental flaw in our certification process. Beyond initial eye tests, there ought to be periodic and routine medical and vision assessments for drivers.

When certification is divorced from competence, the road itself becomes the examination hall, and the public becomes unwilling candidates. It is therefore unsurprising that many who “drive” cannot truly be described as drivers in the proper sense of the word; they merely move machines, often blindly, arrogantly, or desperately. The tragedy is further deepened by the manner in which driving skills are acquired. For many Nigerians, driving is learned informally, from a friend, a relative, a motor park assistant, or an unlicensed “instructor” whose own knowledge is at best intuitive and at worst dangerously flawed. The learner may master reverse parking yet remain ignorant of road signs, right-of-way rules, safe braking distances, or defensive driving principles.

While a few driving schools exist and do commendable work, the ecosystem remains uneven, poorly regulated, and insufficiently standardised. Where training is optional and standards are elastic, incompetence flourishes quietly until it announces itself with sirens and coffins.

Our motor parks, which ought to be centres of organised mobility, often operate as pressure cookers of recklessness. The commercial driver is trapped in an unforgiving economic equation: daily tickets, union dues, fuel costs, vehicle hire arrangements, and informal levies that reward speed over safety. In such an environment, patience becomes expensive, rest becomes a luxury, and caution becomes an obstacle to survival.

The driver learns quickly that arriving early matters more than arriving safely, and that calculation alone explains why so many commercial vehicles are driven as if death were a negotiable inconvenience. As the elders say, when a man is pursued by hunger, he may forget that the road has no mercy. Even more alarming is the casual manner in which heavy-duty vehicles are handled.

Driving a trailer, tanker, or articulated truck requires specialised knowledge: load dynamics, extended stopping distances, blind spots, turning radii, and the catastrophic consequences of tyre bursts or brake failure. Yet we routinely place such lethal machines in the hands of inadequately trained individuals. We are all living witnesses to the daily devastation unleashed by poorly handled trucks and tankers.

When such vehicles err, the margin for correction is slim, and the consequences are usually fatal. Each inferno on the highway, each crushed minibus, each mass burial following a single crash is a grim reminder that size without skill is a public threat. Our road environment itself has trained drivers in the wrong school. Poor signage, bad markings, potholes, weak lighting, and chaotic traffic patterns have normalised survival driving. I have previously observed that vehicles on Nigerian roads can hardly be roadworthy when the roads they ply are themselves unworthy of being called roads. Improvisation therefore replaces discipline, aggression replaces patience, and cunning is mistaken for competence.

Over time, this distortion hardens into culture. The driver who obeys rules is mocked as slow or foolish, while the one who beats traffic by breaking every law is celebrated as smart. I recall an instance where a colleague’s eight-year-old daughter, observing other motorists shunting recklessly while her mother patiently queued, remarked that those reckless motorists were smarter. That innocent observation captures the depth of the challenge before us, as we unconsciously teach younger ones that misbehaviour is intelligence. This is how much our society have sunk. A society that applauds recklessness should not be shocked when recklessness multiplies. Law enforcement, regrettably, has not provided the corrective spine required.

Where enforcement is inconsistent, selective, or negotiable, deterrence collapses. Many drivers believe that consequences can be avoided through persuasion or settlement. Some assume that status confers immunity, while others think enforcement is reserved only for the powerless. Once such beliefs take root, traffic law loses moral authority and becomes a nuisance to be managed rather than a standard to be obeyed. The road then becomes a classroom of impunity, graduating new drivers daily with honours in lawlessness.

Strangely, commercial drivers, often operating rickety and dangerous vehicles with appalling driving culture, appear to enjoy special indulgence, having compromised enforcement agents who look the other way. They are hardly accosted for misconduct, as the ground seems perpetually wet ahead of them. There is also the silent menace of impaired driving. Alcohol, stimulants, fatigue, and stress are common companions of long-distance and commercial drivers. Prolonged driving hours, unrealistic delivery expectations, and poor welfare structures push many into dangerous coping mechanisms. Fatigue, as science teaches us, impairs judgment just as surely as intoxication, yet it is rarely treated with the seriousness it deserves. Similarly, neglect of vehicle maintenance turns drivers into unwilling accomplices of mechanical failure.

Worn tyres, faulty brakes, broken lights, and compromised steering systems are daily realities on our roads, and even the most well-meaning driver is rendered helpless when the machine betrays him. The consequences of this competence deficit are far-reaching. Beyond the immediate carnage of crashes lies a heavy public health burden: overcrowded emergency rooms, long-term disability, psychological trauma, and families plunged into poverty by the loss of breadwinners.

Economically, inefficient and dangerous driving raises transport costs, disrupts supply chains, damages goods, and weakens national productivity. Socially, routine violation of traffic laws corrodes respect for rules generally, teaching citizens that order is optional and that negotiation is superior to compliance. Legally, accidents fuel endless litigation, insurance disputes, and criminal cases, further burdening an already strained justice system. In security terms, the mishandling of hazardous cargo and mass-transit vehicles exposes the nation to avoidable disasters.

Yet this gloom need not be permanent. Societies do not drift into safety by accident; they organise their way into it. Licensing must return to its true purpose as a certification of competence, not a transactional document created for mere revenue generation. The current confusion and overlap among the various tiers of government regarding responsibility for certification and issuance of drivers’ licences must urgently be resolved in the collective interest of all.

Driving education must be standardised, rigorous, and continuously monitored. Commercial and heavy-duty drivers must undergo specialised training and periodic recertification. Employers and fleet owners must be held accountable for the drivers they engage and the conditions under which they operate. Unions must see safety not as an inconvenience but as a collective obligation. Enforcement must be consistent, technology-driven where possible, and immune to negotiation.

Above all, society must change its attitude and stop celebrating recklessness as skill. Until we do so, we will continue to blame fate for what is actually failure, and destiny for what is clearly negligence. The road, after all, is a mirror of our values. If we treat rules with contempt, life with impatience, and competence with indifference, the asphalt will faithfully reflect that moral disorder. As our people say, when a drumbeat changes, the dancer must adjust his steps. If Nigeria is tired of mourning on the highways, then the drummer must change the rhythm, and the driver must finally learn that the steering wheel is not a crown, but a trust.

How terrorism is defeated and why Nigeria keeps burying its people instead

By Sa’adiyyah Adebisi Hassan

Seventy-five Nigerians slaughtered in Kwara. More bodies in Benue. Same ritual: condolences, deployments, operation names, silence, repeat.

Nigeria keeps acting like terrorism is a mysterious force of nature. It is not. It is organised violence sustained by ideology, money, fear, and state hesitation.

Other countries faced the same thing. Some worse. They survived because they made hard, often unpopular choices. Nigeria keeps choosing comfort, ambiguity, and politics.

How Other Countries Actually Defeated Terrorism

  1. #Sri Lanka – Total War Against Terror Infrastructure

The Tamil Tigers weren’t bandits. They ran courts, taxed citizens, controlled land, recruited children, and executed dissenters.

Sri Lanka defeated them by:

Declaring no-go areas illegal

Cutting off diaspora funding

Targeting command structures, not foot soldiers

Refusing negotiations once violence continued

Reasserting full territorial control

They didn’t ask whether the Tigers had “legitimate grievances” after they chose terror. They chose the state.

Lesson for Nigeria:
You cannot defeat terror while allowing terrorists to control forests, roads, or communities.

  1. #Colombia – Intelligence First, Not Sympathy First

FARC hid in jungles, kidnapped civilians, and financed itself through drugs.

Colombia:

Built deep intelligence penetration

Turned fighters against commanders

Attacked funding routes relentlessly

Used special forces surgically, not randomly

Combined force with credible state presence afterward

No romance. No moral confusion.

Lesson for Nigeria:
Killing random fighters without dismantling financing, recruitment, and leadership is a waste of bullets.

  1. #Egypt – Crushing Ideological and Physical Space

ISIS affiliates in Sinai tried to replicate Iraq and Syria.

Egypt:

Declared emergency powers

Regulated mosques and sermons

Arrested clerics who incited violence

Flattened terror logistics

Treated extremism as national treason

Western NGOs complained. Egypt survived.

Lesson for Nigeria:
A state that allows unregulated preaching during an insurgency is committing slow suicide.

  1. #Indonesia – Professional Counterterrorism

After Bali, Indonesia realised the police were not enough.

They created Densus 88, a specialised counterterror unit:

Intelligence-led raids

Financial tracking

Rehabilitation for low-level recruits

Zero tolerance for leaders

Terror attacks collapsed dramatically.

Lesson for Nigeria:
Nigeria needs elite counterterror units focused on brains, not bodies.

  1. #Morocco – Control the Religious Space

Morocco understood something Nigeria refuses to accept: Extremism grows fastest where the state abandons theology to radicals.

Morocco:

Centralised imam training

Standardized sermons

Criminalised extremist rhetoric

Monitored funding sources

No endless massacres. No excuses.

Lesson for Nigeria:
If the state does not control religious narratives, extremists will.

  1. #Saudi Arabia – Surveillance + Zero Mercy

Al-Qaeda attacked the Kingdom repeatedly.

Saudi Arabia responded with:

Total financial surveillance

Harsh sentencing for terror links

Rehabilitation programs backed by force

No tolerance for “sympathizers”

They made terrorism unsustainable.

Lesson for Nigeria:
Fear must change sides.

  1. #France – Law, Force, and Intelligence Fusion

After ISIS attacks, France expanded:

Surveillance laws

Preemptive arrests

Intelligence coordination

Rapid-response units

They didn’t pretend it was about “poverty”.

Lesson for Nigeria:
Rights without security are meaningless to the dead.

Why Nigeria Keeps Failing

Nigeria fails because it refuses to accept five brutal truths:

  1. Terrorism in Nigeria is ideological, not accidental
  2. Extremists have enablers – religious, political, and financial
  3. Negotiation culture emboldens killers
  4. The state does not control territory
  5. Narratives are protected more than lives

Nigeria wants to defeat terrorism without offending anyone. That is not how states survive.

How Nigeria Can Actually Defeat Terrorism

Not slogans. Not hashtags. Not operations with poetic names.

  1. #Name the Enemy

Stop calling terrorists “bandits” when ideology is involved.
Designation matters. It unlocks laws, surveillance, and consequences.

  1. # Criminalise Ideological Incitement

Any sermon, lecture, or message that justifies violence must be treated as national security sabotage.

Free speech does not include recruiting killers.

  1. #Cut the Money

Terrorism dies when funding dies.

Track cash movements

Freeze accounts

Prosecute sponsors publicly

No sacred cows.

  1. #Restore Monopoly of Violence

No community militias replacing the state. No forests ceded to killers. No roads controlled by fear.

If the state cannot enter an area, it does not exist there.

  1. #Build Elite Counter Terror Units

Not general troops chasing shadows. Elite, intelligence-driven units that dismantle networks quietly and permanently.

  1. #End Negotiation Culture

You don’t negotiate with mass murderers. You outlast, outthink, and outgun them.

  1. #Reclaim the Moral Center

Every victim must matter equally. No tribal filters. No religious shielding. No selective outrage.

Terrorism does not defeat states.
Indecision does.

Every country that survived terror chose the authority of the state over the comfort of excuses. Nigeria keeps choosing politics, optics, and fear of backlash.

Kwara. Benue. Tomorrow is another name.

Until Nigeria decides that the state matters more than narratives, the graves will keep filling.

This is not a security problem anymore.
It is a test of whether Nigeria still wants to exist as a serious country.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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