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CONSENT: The Story of Savannah Bank v Ajilo

By Sani Ammani

I. The Land
The land did not move.

It sat where it had always sat, at No. 1 Oyekanmi Street, off Itire Road, in Mushin, Lagos. It held the weight of the buildings on it. It held the roots of whatever grew there. It absorbed rain and gave nothing back except more land, the same land, patient and mute.

In December of 1965, a man named Abraham Oladotun Samuel bought it. He paid his money. He signed his name. The deed of conveyance recorded the transaction in the old colonial language of fee simple, full ownership, unconditional, without end. The land registry in Ibadan recorded this fact: No. 31, Page 31, Volume 896. His name sat in that register like a stone pressed into soft ground.

The land was his.
He could sell it.
He could build on it.
He could die and leave it to his children.
He could go to any bank, lay the title deed on the table, and walk out with money.
He knew this.
The bankers knew this.
The lawyers who drew the deed knew this.
The whole system moved on this shared understanding.

Nobody told him what was coming.
Nobody told any of them.

II. The Decree
In 1978, the soldiers gave Nigeria a new law.

They called it the Land Use Act. General Olusegun Obasanjo’s military administration signed it into existence on 29 March without ceremony, without referendum, without asking the millions of Nigerians who owned land whether they consented to what was about to happen to it.

Decrees do not ask. They announce.
And this one announced everything.
Section 1 of the Act said everything. All land was vested in the Governor.
Every farm.
Every compound.
Every plot a family had tended since before anyone remembered.
Every title deed sealed with wax and registered in any city in any part of the country. The soldiers vested it all in the Military Governor. He was now the trustee. Nigeria held its land in his name.

The Act had a purpose beyond revolution. Before 1978, Nigeria carried two land systems within one body. In the North, the government had always been the allocating authority; you held land because the state permitted you to hold it, and you needed its consent to pass it on. In the South, you held land because you bought it or inherited it, and you needed nobody’s permission to do with it as you wished. The Act came to end this split. One country, one system, one governor holding it all in trust.

Section 34 reached backwards into the past. It said those who already held developed land in urban areas when this Act commenced shall continue to hold it, as if the Military Governor had already issued them a statutory right of occupancy.
As if.
The land stays.
The man stays.
Only the legal character of his holding changes, quietly, the way a river changes colour in the dry season without anyone watching.

And Section 22 was the lock on the new door. It said that no holder of a statutory right of occupancy granted by the Military Governor could transfer, mortgage, or otherwise dispose of that right without the Governor’s written consent.
No consent. No deal.

The Act came into force.
Lagos went about its business.
Transactions continued.
Banks advanced money.
Deeds were signed, sealed, stamped, and registered.
Mortgages were created.
Nobody wrote to the Governor.
Nobody sought consent.

The system moved the way systems move when the people inside them do not yet know that the rules have changed.

III. The Man and the Bank
The man who once called himself Abraham Oladotun Samuel had now become Ammel O. Ajilo.

A man who renames himself knows what it means to hold a thing and call it by a new name. He had built a company, Ammels Photo Industries Limited, which he ran as the managing director. The company needed money. This is not unusual. Most companies need money. He had land. He had a title deed. He went to the Savannah Bank of Nigeria Limited looking for money.

On 5 September 1980, two years after the Land Use Act had done its silent work on his title, Ajilo signed a deed of legal mortgage. He pledged all his rights, title and interest in No. 1 Oyekanmi Street to Savannah Bank. The bank advanced credit to Ammels Photo Industries. The deed was registered. It carried a power of sale, the standard clause that gave the bank authority to sell the property if the debt went unpaid.

Nobody wrote to the Governor of Lagos State. Nobody asked for consent. Nobody thought to ask.

Five years passed.

The debt was not repaid. The bank reached for its power of sale.

IV. The Notice
On 24 May 1985, a piece of paper appeared on the gate of No. 1 Oyekanmi Street.

It was an auction notice. David B. Oni-Orisan, acting as the bank’s licensed auctioneer, had pasted it there and published it widely. It announced to the world that this property, the property Ajilo had owned since 1965, the property he had mortgaged in 1980, the property on which his name had sat in the registry like a stone, would be sold by public auction on Friday, 14 June 1985.

Two weeks.

Ajilo read the notice.
He understood what it meant.
He also understood something the bank did not.

On 12 June 1985, forty-eight hours before the auction hammer was to fall, Ajilo walked into the High Court of Lagos State and filed a case. He asked the court for declarations. The auction notice, he said, was invalid, null and void. The mortgage deed itself was null and void. The bank had no power of sale to exercise. Section 22 demanded the prior written consent of the Governor of Lagos State. That consent had never been sought. That consent had never been obtained. The transaction was void from the day it was signed.

The auction did not take place that Friday.

V. The Argument
The bank’s argument was a distinction.

Chief F. R. A. Williams, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, one of the finest legal minds in the country, stood before every court and made the same careful case. He agreed that Ajilo was a deemed holder of a statutory right of occupancy and that Section 34(2) had converted his freehold title into that right on 29 March 1978.

But Section 22, he argued, did not apply to deemed holders. It applied only to those who had received an actual, direct, formal grant from the Military Governor, a positive act of the state, a certificate issued, or a grant made.
Ajilo’s right had not been granted.
It had been deemed.
It arose by operation of law, not by the Governor’s hand.
Two different things.
Two different rules.

The argument had weight. A man who owned his land before the Act, who needed no favour from any government to acquire it, should not suddenly find himself unable to pledge it to a bank without queuing at a Governor’s secretariat. The Act could not have intended to freeze the commercial life of every Nigerian who had owned land before 1978.

The High Court rejected the argument.

Justice Hotonu held the mortgage void ab initio. The consent requirement of Section 22 applied to Ajilo.
No consent, no valid mortgage.
No valid mortgage, no power of sale.

Simple.

Savannah Bank was unhappy with Justice Hotonu’s decision. It appealed to the Court of Appeal.

The Court of Appeal rejected the argument.
Kolawole, JCA, said every rights holder, whether under Section 34 or Section 36, needed the Governor’s consent before dealing with his interest.

Nnaemeka-Agu, JCA, added that the Governor’s authority over deemed rights was beyond question under Section 38 of the Act.

The bank was again unhappy. So, it appealed to the Supreme Court.

VI. Seven Judges and One Question
At the Supreme Court,
Chief Williams appeared for the bank.
Dr H. O. Kusamotu appeared for Ajilo.
The court admitted Professor A. B. Kasunmu SAN as amicus curiae, a friend of the court, because the court knew this was no ordinary property dispute.

Seven justices of the Supreme Court heard the appeal on 27 January 1989.
Justice Andrews Otutu Obaseki, JSC, delivered the leading judgment.
He did not begin with the parties. He began with the country. Since the promulgation of the Act, he wrote, the vast majority of Nigerians had been unaware of its revolutionary effect. They did not know it had swept away all the unlimited rights they had held in their land. This appeal was one of the earliest cases to bring that revolutionary effect to deep and painful awareness. The disbelief was real. The anger was real. The sense that something had been taken without consent was real. But the remedy was not to pretend the Act said something it did not say. The remedy was to change the Act.

That work belonged to legislators. This work, the work of saying what the law was, belonged to judges.

Justice Obaseki JSC turned to Section 34(2). It said a deemed holder was to be treated as if he held a statutory right of occupancy issued by the Military Governor. The words as if were the key. An English court had said it plainly long before: if you are commanded to treat an imaginary state of affairs as real, you must also imagine the real consequences and incidents which, if that state had in fact existed, would inevitably have flowed from it. Ajilo was to be treated as a holder of a grant by the Military Governor, with all the consequences of such a grant, including Section 22.

Then came the killing concession. In his written brief, Chief Williams himself had acknowledged that Section 38 of the Act, which preserved the Governor’s power of revocation over deemed rights, existed precisely because, without it, someone might have argued that deemed rights were exempt from the revocation power in Section 28. He had cited the Latin maxim ‘expressio unius est exclusio alterius’, which means ‘mention of one thing excludes another.’

Obaseki JSC took that concession and turned it around. If the Governor could revoke a deemed right under Sections 38 and 28, and the ground for such revocation under Section 28 was a breach of Section 22, then Section 22 necessarily applied to deemed holders. You cannot be revoked for breaking a rule that does not bind you.

The concession had given away the case.

Justice Nnamani JSC saw the larger picture. The whole purpose of the Act was to end the duality between the North and the South: one country, one land system, one Governor managing it all. To read the Act as creating two classes of holders, one subject to its consent requirements, the other free to deal with land as in 1965, was to undo the very revolution the Act came to accomplish. The legislature did not enact a half-measure. The courts would not read it as one.

Belgore JSC was shorter still. It made no difference, he wrote, whether the Military Governor physically granted the right of occupancy, or was deemed to have granted it, or was to be regarded as if he had granted it. All three formulations said the same thing. Any alienation required his prior consent. The statute had one clear mission: to telescope all tenures into the Governor’s hands. There was nothing in it to suggest two categories. The courts add no words to clear statutes.

The other four justices concurred without hesitation.

The appeal was dismissed.
Unanimously.
Costs of five hundred naira to Ajilo.

VII. What Remained
Ammel O. Ajilo kept his land.

The auction that had been planned for a Friday in June 1985 never happened. The notice posted on his gate was declared to be what he had said it was: invalid, null and void. The mortgage deed, Exhibit A, executed in 1980, registered in the Lagos State Land Registry, was void from birth. The bank held nothing. Its power of sale rested on a document the law did not recognise.

But the case had never been only about one plot in Mushin.

When the Supreme Court spoke, it addressed every bank that had accepted a mortgage over land previously held in freehold after March 1978 without the Governor’s written consent. It spoke to every lawyer who had drafted such a deed. It spoke to every borrower who had signed one. It told them: the transaction you believed was valid is void. Not voidable. Not irregular. Void, as if it had never happened.

The land at No. 1 Oyekanmi Street sat as it had always sat. Patient. Indifferent. Holding the weight of whatever stood on it.

Thank you for reading. You have just read the facts and principles of Savannah Bank of Nigeria Ltd & Anor v. Ajilo & Anor (1989) LPELR-3019(SC). My name is Sani Ammani. I am a retired poet and recovering writer. I write from the ancient city of Kano. You may reach me at [email protected]

I have taken the liberty of attaching my picture. I felt it was only fair that you see exactly who is responsible for this piece, so you have a face to blame for its length.

We Trained Our Children for Years—Now They’re Kidnapped’: Parents demand end to NYSC

Abba Musa Usman, the kidnapped member of Nigeria’s National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), recently appeared alive in a disturbing video months after his abduction, but Haruna Danjuma, National President of the Parent-Teacher Association of Nigeria, warns that the government must either guarantee corps members’ safety or discontinue the scheme.

The disturbing video intensified national outrage and renewed calls for the federal government to either guarantee the safety of corps members or scrap the programme entirely.

The victim was abducted by armed bandits on January 9 while travelling to Sokoto State to begin his mandatory national service.

A video that surfaced online around the 19th day of Ramadan (March 8–9, 2026) showed the young graduate confirming he was still alive but remained in captivity. In the footage, he appealed desperately for help, contradicting earlier rumours that he had been killed.

The video emerged after reports that his family had already paid ₦10 million in ransom, only for the kidnappers to abruptly cut communication and later demand additional items—including motorcycles—before releasing him.

Despite the payment, Usman remains in captivity.

Rising Anger From Parents

The case has triggered fresh alarm about the safety of young graduates participating in Nigeria’s mandatory national service programme.

“On behalf of parents, we are not happy with what is happening,” Danjuma told Sunday PUNCH.
“It is painful to lose a child. Parents struggle to train their children from birth through university, only for them to be kidnapped during NYSC.”

Participation in the NYSC scheme is compulsory for Nigerian graduates under the age of 30, making the government responsible for their welfare during the service year, he said.

“If the government cannot protect these children, then scrap the NYSC,” Danjuma added. “The value of the scheme is already defeated if the participants are not safe.”

He urged the federal government to require state governors and security agencies to formally guarantee the safety of corps members before they are deployed.

Amnesty International: “Parents’ Fears Are Justified”

Human rights advocates have echoed the concerns.

Isa Sanusi, Executive Director of Amnesty International Nigeria, said families are being forced into an impossible situation—negotiating directly with kidnappers to save their children.

“The concerns of parents are absolutely legitimate,” Sanusi said.

“There is no way someone would train a child up to university level, send him to NYSC, and then end up paying ransom to kidnappers.”

Sanusi accused authorities of failing to provide adequate institutional support to families dealing with abduction cases.

“For NYSC to leave parents to struggle with ransom payments while waiting to see whether their children will be killed is quite irresponsible,” he said.

Even if the programme is not scrapped, Sanusi argued, corps members should not be posted to areas with active security threats.

Dangerous Roads for Corps Members

Usman’s abduction highlights a growing pattern in northern Nigeria, where highways in the North-West and North-East have become increasingly dangerous.

Armed groups frequently target travellers, including corps members, for kidnapping.

Security reports suggest kidnappers earned more than ₦46.1 million from abducting NYSC members between 2023 and early 2025.

Some victims have reportedly been held for months—or even up to a year—before release.

Although the NYSC management has previously disputed claims of widespread killings of corps members, officials acknowledge that security risks remain high in certain regions.

A Case That Shocked the Country

Usman, a graduate of Plant Science and Biotechnology from Federal University Gusau, was travelling to Sokoto when he was seized by bandits.

Earlier reports said his family had even held a burial ceremony for him on March 5, believing he had been killed after failing to raise the ransom.

Days later, the kidnappers released a new video showing him alive but visibly weak.

The footage, which also shows him being beaten by the abductors, has circulated widely online and reignited public debate about the safety of young Nigerians participating in the service scheme.

A National Debate Rekindled

The NYSC programme—established in 1973 to promote national unity by posting graduates to states outside their regions—has long been a cornerstone of Nigeria’s post-university experience.

But rising insecurity has led to growing calls for reform.

For many parents, Usman’s ordeal represents a painful question: Should young graduates be required to serve in parts of the country where their lives may be at risk?

Until that question is answered, critics say, the future of the programme will remain under intense scrutiny.

How Salaries of Lower Court Judges Encourage Corruption in the Judiciary: Lagos State Government is not doing enough

By Bayo Akinlade Esq.

Yes, we are back again on this issue.

Fuel pump prices have gone up again while we continue to struggle with bringing justice closer to the common man.

When a Lower Court Judge cannot comfortably get home or conveniently pay his or her house rent; just know that we are in big trouble in Lagos State.

House rents have gone up and the same Magistrates are saddled with the responsibility of deciding most tenancy disputes, how do you think they will feel if their landlords take them to court to recover premises from them.

Transportation costs are high and our magistrates are saddled with deciding cases around traffic and other violations….most of our Lower Court Judges don’t have cars…what kind of State Government do we have?

These Magistrates are Lawyers in the 3rd arm of Government earning less than 300k per month and we expect them to do justice and maintain their integrity? ( You say that’s no excuse and I say; why should we give them an excuse )

While the State Executive and the Legislative arms fill their pockets with unjust gains the Lower Courts Judges in Lagos are systematically starved of the much needed resources to enable them do their jobs to maintain law and order.

Why is the State Government providing extra funds to Federal Government paid State Judges while ignoring the needs of its own Judicial Structure which is made up of the Magistrate and Customary Courts?.

Why are salaries of Lower Court Judges so small and insignificant?

Why are they suffering while their counterpart politicians smile to the bank?

What is our gain in a society that lacks Justice?

What if the Lower Court Judges go on strike? Perhaps then we will understand their value.

Speak up for the Lower Courts in your constituency

NBA should speak up for its members in the Lower Courts

Akinlade is Convener; Fight Against Corruption in the Judiciary and Citizens Support For Lower Courts

Middle Belt Group urges Goodluck Jonathan to run for 2027 election

The New Nigeria Integrity Movement (NMIM), Middle Belt Zone, has called on former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to consider returning to national leadership in the 2027 general election, citing the urgent need for experienced and stabilising leadership amidst worsening national challenges.

The call was made in a communiqué issued at the end of a strategic meeting of the group, during which members reviewed the current state of the nation and expressed deep concern over rising insecurity, economic hardship, and the deteriorating living conditions of millions of Nigerians.

According to a media release jointly signed by Hon. Pastor Peter Hassan, National Leader, and Dr. Blessing Eliagu, Secretary, “Nigeria is currently facing a critical moment marked by widespread poverty, hunger, and persistent insecurity across several communities, particularly in the Middle Belt region.”

The statement continued, “Across the nation, millions of Nigerians are experiencing unprecedented economic hardship. Poverty has deepened, hunger has become widespread, and many families now struggle daily to secure basic meals.”

The group acknowledged that while infrastructure development remains important for long-term national growth, it does not immediately address the urgent crisis of hunger and livelihood confronting many Nigerians.

They therefore urged Dr. Jonathan to offer his leadership and experience once again in service to the nation.

“We believe that former President Jonathan represents calm, experienced, and credible leadership capable of restoring hope, rebuilding trust in governance, and initiating policies that directly address the economic suffering of citizens,” the communiqué stated.

The organisation also appealed to democratic leaders and partners around the world to support efforts aimed at strengthening democratic governance and stability in Nigeria.

The group described Jonathan as one of Nigeria’s most experienced statesmen, noting that his tenure demonstrated respect for democratic principles, tolerance, and commitment to national unity.

“His leadership style reflected humility, respect for the rule of law, and dedication to democratic values,” the statement added.

It further argued that his return could help reinforce the principle of power rotation, which it described as an important mechanism for maintaining national balance and political stability in Nigeria.

The movement stressed that its appeal is driven not by partisan considerations but by concern for the wellbeing and survival of Nigerians.

“Nigeria requires a national reset – one that focuses on human welfare, economic recovery, and national cohesion. Silence in the face of the current suffering is not an option,” the group said.

The organisation also called on Nigerians to continue advocating peacefully for responsible leadership and policies that prioritise the welfare of citizens.

“Nigeria deserves better. The time to act is now,” the communiqué further stated.

Chaos in Court: Judge orders Sowore’s lawyer to kneel, threatens contempt in tense court session

Justice Mohammed Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja on Monday threatened to commit the lead defence counsel to politician and publisher Omoyele Sowore, Marshall Abubakar, to prison for contempt after the lawyer raised his voice during proceedings.

At the height of the tense exchange, the judge ordered the lawyer to step forward and kneel in open court before other lawyers intervened and pleaded for leniency.

Sowore is being prosecuted by the Department of State Services over a social media post in which he allegedly described President Bola Tinubu as a “criminal” on his X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook accounts.

Courtroom Drama

The confrontation began shortly after Abubakar concluded the cross-examination of the prosecution’s sole witness, Cyril Nosike, a DSS official.

Following the cross-examination, prosecuting counsel, Akinlolu Kehinde (SAN), announced that the prosecution was closing its case and urged the court to call on the defence to open its case.

Abubakar responded that the defence intended to file a no-case submission and asked the court to adjourn the matter until July.

Kehinde objected, arguing that the request formed part of what he described as the defence’s “dilatory tactics” aimed at delaying the trial. He suggested that the matter be heard on a day-to-day basis.

Justice Umar observed that while the prosecution had been swift in presenting its case, the defence spent four days cross-examining the lone prosecution witness.

The judge said daily hearings would not be feasible but directed that the parties return on April 13 for the adoption of final written addresses on the proposed no-case submission.

Lawyer Raises Voice

Abubakar appeared dissatisfied with the date.

While Sowore, speaking from the dock, began explaining how the proposed date could affect his political party’s upcoming primaries, his lawyer also began addressing the court simultaneously.

“This court belongs to all of us. This court is not for some people alone. It belongs to all of us,” Abubakar shouted.

The judge repeatedly asked the lawyer to lower his voice.

When the shouting continued, Justice Umar warned him: “If you shout in this court again, I will commit you for contempt.”

Moments later, the judge issued a dramatic order.

“In fact, come here! Come and kneel down here!” he said, pointing to a spot in front of the courtroom.

Lawyers Intervene

The order sparked immediate reactions in the courtroom as lawyers quickly rose to plead with the judge.

On realising the unsavoury turn of events, other lawyers, led by Kehinde, SAN, jumped to their feet and began begging the judge to forgive the aberrant lawyer.

While the appeals for leniency were ongoing, Justice Umar adjourned the case to April 13 for the adoption of final written addresses and rose from the bench.

Earlier Dispute Over Recording Device

Earlier in the proceedings, the prosecution alleged that Sowore had brought a recording device into the dock and asked the court to order that it be confiscated.

Sowore denied possessing any recording equipment, stating that he only had his eyeglasses, a power bank, and his mobile phone.

Justice Umar recalled that the court had previously ordered that the defendant should not bring electronic gadgets into the dock and directed him to hand over the items to his lawyers through a court official.

Delay in Proceedings

At the start of the hearing, Abubakar had asked the court for a stand-down until 12:30 p.m., saying he had only learned about the sitting shortly before proceedings began and had left the case file in his office while attending another matter in court.

Although the prosecution opposed the request, arguing it was another attempt to delay proceedings, the judge granted the application.

When the case resumed shortly before 1 p.m., Abubakar cross-examined the DSS witness for nearly two hours, during which he tendered several newspaper publications and asked the witness to read from some of them.

Debate Among Lawyers

The incident has since sparked debate among members of the legal community.

Some lawyers argued that the judge’s order was inappropriate and degrading.

“A judge should never tell a lawyer to come and kneel. A lawyer is not the judge’s houseboy. This is scandalous,” one lawyer said.

However, another lawyer insisted that the defence counsel’s conduct was also unacceptable.

“A lawyer should never raise his voice at the bench, no matter the provocation. It is unprofessional to shout at a judge,” the lawyer said.

Others argued that although the court has the authority to discipline counsel for misconduct, compelling a lawyer to kneel crosses a line.

“The court should take the appropriate legal steps if a lawyer misbehaves, including contempt proceedings. But it should never involve degrading punishment,” another lawyer said.

“It is embarrassing to see the spectacle of a lawyer kneeling in court like a primary school student before a headmaster.”

Some legal observers also suggested that ordering a lawyer to kneel could itself raise questions about judicial conduct and courtroom decorum.

“Expertise or Irrelevance”: Nigeria’s Law Reform Chief warns young lawyers as AI transforms legal profession

The Chairman of the Nigerian Law Reform Commission, Dakas C. J. Dakas, has issued a stark warning to young lawyers: experience alone is no longer enough to survive in the rapidly evolving legal profession.

Speaking at the 11th annual professional mentoring programme organised by J-K Gadzama LLP, Dakas told aspiring legal practitioners that only those who deliberately develop deep expertise will remain relevant in an era increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence and technological disruption.

“Experience is the starting point, not the destination,” he said. “Many professionals have years of practice without corresponding depth. But markets reward rarity. Expertise brings leverage.”

The training programme—held in honour of former Supreme Court justice Chukwudi Oputa, widely known as the “Socrates of the Supreme Court”—brought together senior lawyers and young practitioners for discussions on mentorship, professional development, and the future of legal practice.

A Warning in the Age of AI

Dakas said the global rise of artificial intelligence is already transforming the legal landscape, threatening routine legal work traditionally handled by general practitioners.

While technology can process vast amounts of information and replicate patterns, he argued, it cannot replace the human insight, ethical judgment, and contextual reasoning that define true expertise.

“AI can simulate experience,” he said. “But it cannot fully embody the depth of insight, intuition, and moral judgment that distinguish genuine mastery.”

The implication, he warned, is that lawyers who fail to build specialized knowledge risk becoming professionally obsolete.

“Non-experts have every reason to be apprehensive,” Dakas said. “But experts will remain secure because mastery is rare and difficult to replace.”

Law Beyond the Courtroom

Dakas also challenged young lawyers to rethink the traditional boundaries of legal practice, emphasizing that the law now intersects with emerging industries such as artificial intelligence, medicine, entertainment, and technology.

“The law is not confined to the courtroom,” he said. “It is a living stream flowing through every sphere of human activity.”

He urged young practitioners to identify specific problems they want to solve and build specialised expertise around those interests.

“Experts carve out niches,” he added. “And those niches often become the foundation of remarkable careers.”

The Power of Mentorship

A central theme of the address was mentorship, which Dakas described as the engine that accelerates professional excellence.

Reflecting on his own career journey, the senior advocate recounted how a university professor recognised his academic potential early and personally mentored him.

That encouragement, he said, helped transform the son of a village farmer into one of the country’s leading constitutional scholars.

“We rise by lifting others,” Dakas said. “True success is never a solitary climb.”

Mentorship, he argued, is especially important in a profession where concerns are growing about the number of new lawyers entering the field each year.

Without guidance, he warned, many young practitioners risk drifting through legal practice without building the depth required for long-term success.

Why Expertise Matters

In his address, Dakas outlined several reasons why expertise is indispensable in the legal profession, including improved advocacy, stronger credibility, and greater professional opportunities.

Lawyers with deep mastery of a particular field, he said, are more likely to handle complex matters, command higher fees, influence legal policy, and shape the evolution of the law itself.

“Experts become mentors and multipliers,” he said. “They build institutions and inspire the next generation.”

A Life-Changing Example

Dakas illustrated the real-world impact of expertise with a personal story from 2011, when an American lawyer contacted him after reading his research on discrimination against people living with HIV/AIDS in Nigeria.

The attorney sought Dakas’ expert opinion for a Nigerian woman seeking asylum in the United States.

His legal declaration—based on years of scholarship—became a key piece of evidence in the case.

Weeks later, the woman was granted asylum.

“Because of your help,” the lawyer wrote to him, “her life has changed.”

For Dakas, the moment underscored a lesson he believes every young lawyer should understand.

“Expertise does more than build careers,” he said. “It changes lives.”

Click here for the full presentation here.

Keynote-by-Prof-Dakas

Fresh terror attacks in Borno as kidnappers demand billions for 176 Kwara victims

Fresh revelations have emerged about the fate of 176 residents abducted from Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, with community sources alleging that the kidnappers have demanded ₦20 million for each victim, pushing the total ransom to ₦3.52 billion.

The victims were reportedly seized during a deadly raid earlier this year by suspected terrorists believed to be linked to Boko Haram, according to sources familiar with the negotiations.

Residents say weeks of silence from authorities reflect ongoing butunsuccessful negotiations between the terrorists and representatives of the state government.

“The terrorists have already reached out through negotiators,” a community source told reporters.
“They demanded ₦20 million for each of the 176 abducted people. That is the offer on the table now.”

The staggering demand, amounting to billions of naira, has reportedly created a stalemate, with the government unwilling to pay the amount.

“What is causing the silence from the government is that the negotiation has not succeeded,” the source said.


“The government is not willing to pay that amount, so discussions are continuing quietly behind the scenes.”

Fear, Silence and Desperation

Families of the abducted residents say the prolonged uncertainty has plunged the community into deep anguish.

Relatives fear some captives, particularly pregnant women and children, may already have died in captivity due to the harsh conditions in forest hideouts where the terrorists are believed to be holding them.

“We are living in fear every day,” one relative said.
“Since they were taken, we have not heard anything from the terrorists or from the government.”

The relative added that the community has been left in the dark since the abductors released a video nearly a month ago showing dozens of victims in captivity.

“We are especially worried about the pregnant women and the children,” the source said.


“If they are in the bush without food or medical care, how can they survive this long?”

Another resident described the mood in the community as one of grief and growing despair.

“Our hearts are heavy every day,” the resident said.
“We don’t know whether our people are alive or dead. We are begging the government to act.”

Allegations of Limited Security Response

Community insiders say security forces deployed to the area are largely stationed at a primary school in Woro, rather than conducting operations inside the forests where the hostages are believed to be held.

“They are not entering the forest,” the source alleged.

Residents say the situation mirrors a previous kidnapping incident in Eruku, where victims were eventually released after negotiations rather than a rescue operation.

“No one has been arrested until today,” the source added.

Disturbing Video of Hostages

Earlier reports indicated that the terrorists released a video showing dozens of abducted victims, including women, children and a nursing mother, standing in rows under armed guard.

In the footage, one of the militants interrogates the captives, asking them to state where they were abducted.

Responding in Hausa, several women confirmed they were taken from Woro community.

The video also showed children who appeared half-clothed, while many victims looked exhausted and distressed—suggesting prolonged detention in harsh conditions.

During the recording, one militant accused the Kwara State Government of misleading the public about the scale of the abduction.

According to the militant, authorities initially claimed that only 20 to 30 people had been kidnapped, while the actual number in captivity was 176.

Government Response

Following the release of the video, the Kwara State Government said it was deeply concerned by the development.

In a statement issued by the Commissioner for Communications, Bolanle Olukoju, the government said it was working with security agencies to verify the identities of those seen in the footage.

However, authorities have yet to announce any breakthrough in efforts to rescue the victims.

Renewed Terror Attacks in the Northeast

The developments in Kwara come as insurgent violence resurges in northeastern Nigeria.

Suspected Boko Haram fighters reportedly attacked a military outpost in Ajilari, on the outskirts of Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State.

The assault occurred around 12:30 a.m. on Monday, according to local sources.

A swift response by a combined team of the military, police, Civilian Joint Task Force, and the Nigerian Air Force reportedly forced the attackers to retreat.

The spokesperson for the Borno State Police Command, Nahum Kenneth Daso, confirmed the attack but said security forces had the situation under control.

Residents described scenes of panic as gunfire and explosions echoed through nearby neighbourhoods while helicopters circled overhead.

“We were very scared,” said Bashir Yusuf, a resident of Gomari.
“The air was filled with gunshots and explosions. But thank God the situation is calm now.”

Strategy Shift

The spike in attacks has prompted urgent consultations within Nigeria’s security leadership.

Last week, the Minister of Defence, Christopher Musa, summoned the country’s service chiefs to an emergency meeting before briefing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Musa said the military leadership had agreed to revise its counter-insurgency strategy, while the President approved new military hardware to strengthen operations against terrorist groups.

A Growing National Crisis

For residents of Woro and surrounding communities, however, the situation remains painfully uncertain.

Weeks after the mass abduction, families say they are still waiting for answers, and hoping their loved ones are alive.

As negotiations stall and attacks continue elsewhere, the crisis underscores the expanding reach of insurgent groups and the growing vulnerability of rural communities across Nigeria.

Just In! Many travellers injured but no fatalities as Kaduna-Abuja train collides with another

The Nigerian Railway Corporation has confirmed that several passengers were injured following a train incident near Asham Train Station on the Abuja-Kaduna line on Monday morning.

The Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Corporation, Kayode Opeifa, in a statement, said the incident occurred at about 10:30 a.m. and involved a rear locomotive making contact with the passenger coach immediately behind it due to a coupling issue.

Opeifa confirmed that the injured passengers were promptly attended to and transported to nearby medical facilities for proper care. He added that no fatalities were recorded.

The NRC MD also disclosed that emergency response protocols were immediately activated, and relevant technical teams were mobilized to the site.

According to him, Safety Investigation Bureau is also on site to conduct a thorough investigation into the incident, in line with established safety procedures.

The statement added that train later arrived at Idu Train Station at approximately 10:39 a.m., 38 minutes behind schedule, after time was allowed to remove the affected locomotive and coach.

The Nigerian Railway Corporation assured the public that safety remains its top priority and that all necessary measures are being taken to address the situation and ensure the continued safe operation of train services.

It stated that further updates will be provided as more information becomes available.

The Nigerian rail system has experienced frequent derailments, particularly along the Abuja-Kaduna route, prompting the Senate to launch a nationwide probe into rail failures in 2025.

In November 2025, the Senate resolved to establish an ad hoc committee to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the persistent derailments of the country’s rail lines.

The probe, which will include a public hearing, aims to uncover the root causes of recurring derailments and assess the condition of rail infrastructure, as well as the imported materials used in the sector.

According to the resolution, the ad hoc committee, to be chaired by Senator Adams Oshiomhole, will also investigate loans received from China.

The committee was given six weeks to complete its findings and present a detailed report to the Senate.

Additionally, lawmakers directed the Nigerian Railway Corporation to immediately address the technical faults responsible for recent derailments and ensure that the nation’s rail system is restored to full operational capacity.

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King of Darkness, Kábíyèsí Olókùnkùn, By Lasisi Olagunju

Our power minister, Adebayo Adelabu, is now mocked as the King of Darkness—Kábíyèsi Olókùnkùn. I laugh at his traducers. They are crowning the wrong monarch. The true emperor of darkness sits higher. For more than three years, the president has wandered luxuriantly through the bush of politics while abandoning the hard road of policy that might confront Nigeria’s federalist tragedy.

Kábíyèsi Olókùnkùn Birimù Birimù. Whoever coined that mouthful title deserves a GCFR in seditious satire. Political nicknames, whether in London, Paris, or Ibadan, are never innocent. They are instruments of attack in the hardtackle game of politics. Politics everywhere has its theatre, and in that theatre titles are bestowed to honour and to hurt. Nigeria’s restless political marketplace is filled with such wares of barbed sarcasm, wicked wit and withering satire which, sometimes, dress themselves in the robe of royalty.

You cannot prevent the Ifa (palm nut) from showing its palm kernel behavior (Kò sì bí a ò ti ṣe Ifá tí kò ní hù’wà ekuro). It is in the nature of politics and politicians to fly or shoot down ambitions. Adebayo Adelabu seeks to feature in next year’s governorship election in Oyo State. Sometimes one pursues a title and gets a completely different one. Shehu Shagari wanted to be senator, he became president; Ahmadu Bello wanted to be Sultan of Sokoto, he became the premier of the whole of northern Nigeria. Adelabu’s impatient ‘lovers’ in his Ibadan have made him king. They dressed him up in a regalia of scorn and crowned him Kábíyèsi Olókùnkùn of Okunkun—His Royal Majesty, the King of Darkness. They say he is in charge of national grid collapse and unending darkness. Their reasoning is simple and brutal: Ibadan, the minister’s hometown, is lit up in months of unremitting darkness under his watch. So, if the city, and indeed, the entire country sits in pitch darkness, the minister of power must be its monarch.

But the logic of power does not quite support their satire. In governance, ministers are not sovereigns; they are agents. The sovereign authority belongs to the principal who appoints them. In presidential systems, that principal is the president. In administrative theory, responsibility flows upward. Authority is at the very top. The minister executes policy; the president embodies and orders it. If Nigeria must coronate a monarch for darkness, political logic suggests that the throne cannot be occupied by the minister; it belongs to the president. He is the one holding the faulty switch of light. His head this crown of darkness fits.

In quarrelsome politics, songs easily become proverbs, and proverbs songs. To crown Adelabu the “King of Darkness” while sparing his appointor is to blame the drum for a rhythm composed by the drummer. A bad workman, the proverb says, always blames his tools. Ministers are tools; the hand that wields them writes the music.

The minister is styled Olókùnkùn Birimù Birimù I. The regnal ordinal “I” (The First), suggests that before him, history has produced no predecessor worthy of such investiture. Olókùnkùn The First, stands, therefore, as a founding ancestor to future failure, progenitor of a dynasty of darkness. But if a minister presides over a mere kingdom of darkness, the president reigns over an empire and should not be denied his own befitting imperial crown.

History is full of such ‘wicked’ coronations. In England, King John (1166–1216) earned the enduring title “John Lackland” (John without land; Jean sans Terre) because, as a younger son, “he was not expected to inherit significant lands.” The nickname stuck so firmly that it followed him into the chronicles of English history. Later, the English would also mock King Charles II as the “Merry Monarch,” because his reign “was defined by a revival of the arts, the reopening of theaters, and a famously colorful personal life involving numerous mistresses and illegitimate children.”

History offers more of such honours. England had another monarch remembered in popular lore as “Mad King George.” King George III, who ruled from 1760 to 1820, suffered bouts of severe mental illness that produced periods of rambling speech, hallucinations and erratic conduct. Those afflictions eventually gave rise to the enduring nickname “the Mad King.” He remains till this day, “the longest-lived and longest-reigning male monarch in British history.” France had its own tragic parallel centuries earlier in Charles VI, remembered bluntly as Charles le Fou—Charles the Mad.

The French were more inventive. For John I (28 May 1371 – 10 September 1419), they had him as John the Fearless (Jean sans Peur ). There was also Philip II the Bold (Philippe II le Hardi) who reigned from 17 January 1342 – 27 April 1404). Long before the revolution fulfilled the prophecy, Louis XVI was already mocked as Louis le Dernier—Louis the Last. And during the turbulence of the French Revolution, Louis-Philippe got a nickname. Louis-Philippe came to power after the barricades of the July Revolution of 1830, and because of that, he was called “king of barricades.”

Across the Atlantic, American politics produced its own gallery of biting nicknames. The wood, Hickory, has a reputation as a very strong, flexible, and shock-resistant wood. Andrew Jackson was celebrated by his supporters as “Old Hickory,” a nickname earned during the War of 1812 for his toughness and stubborn endurance. His critics, however, sharpened the image into “King Andrew I,” accusing him of ruling the young republic with monarchical arrogance.

Martin Van Buren, the 8th president of the United States (1837–1841), was mocked by opponents as “Martin Van Ruin,” a taunt born of the economic distress that defined his presidency. A century later, Richard Nixon acquired the corrosive label “Tricky Dick,” a nickname that reflected widespread suspicion of his political tactics.

Even cabinet officials have not escaped such satirical baptisms. During the Cold War, ponderous Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who once described himself as “a cold fish” was derided by critics as “Dull, Duller, Dulles.” In the United States, as elsewhere, the nickname often becomes a political weapon sharper than argument.

In contemporary Britain, the tradition survives. Political opponents and tabloids have long tried to pin labels on the current Prime Minister, Keir Starmer. During the COVID 19 pandemic debates, Starmer, as leader of opposition, was called “Captain Hindsight” by his opponent, Boris Johnson in mockery of his criticisms which were done “with the benefit of hindsight.” At another point, Johnson again taunted him as “Sir Beer Korma” in reference to an investigation into a lockdown era allegation that Starmer had breached Covid-19 social distancing rules “while eating a takeaway meal and drinking beer at an MP’s office.”

The system is not done with Starmer. At a point, the Conservative politician, Rishi Sunak borrowed a tabloid headline and slammed it on Starmer calling him “Sir Softy,” an attempt to portray him as weak on crime. The Sun newspaper, it is said, owns the proprietary rights on that “softy” invention. The label later migrated to the parliament which snatched and ran away with it. But analysts won’t call what happened theft; they say it is proof of the feedback loop between media rhetoric and political combat.

In Nigeria’s political theatre, presidents have rarely escaped the sting of nicknames. Goodluck Jonathan was branded “the Clueless One” by the opposition All Progressives Congress, a label meant to portray his government as drifting without direction. His successor, Muhammadu Buhari, came and acquired the mocking sobriquet “Baba Go Slow,” a jab at the perceived sluggish pace of his administration. Today, Bola Ahmed Tinubu is derided in Obidient circles as “Bulaba”, one of his many campaign gaffes.

The case of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was different and complicated. He was slow and absent. His presidency was defined by circumstance, his prolonged illness and absence from public life, leaving history to remember him less by a mocking title than by the quiet fragility of his tenure.

Now we have a minister garbed in the golden apparel of dank darkness.

Elisabeth Staab’s ‘King of Darkness’ might well look on with envy at the appropriation of its sunless title by Nigerian politics. The same reaction may be expected from ‘Kings in Darkness’, a 1962 sword-and-sorcery short story by the English writer Michael Moorcock. In that story that reads like Nigeria, two distressed adventurers who barely escape with their lives from a city of beggars, stumble into a cursed forest. The title feels oddly apt for Nigeria of today.

Back to Nigeria’s power crisis and the anger in the streets: are we condemned to spend this century groping through darkness?

We have a peacock government that prances and preens as though it were the best that will ever be. But if the unwell is left to roam the streets as he pleases, he will soon turn the neighbourhood into a warehouse of filth. We should be talking and acting. Is the mockery of the minister part of that talking? I don’t know.

I suspect the government will calm the angry by telling them that there is nothing new or unseemly in the unfurled darkness over the Nigerian skies. The price of petrol competes in space with war missiles in the Middle East. Electricity tariff here does not do that. The cost of power does not rise every day and night like the third leg of the lecherous. That should be a plus for this government, and for which it should be praised.

American writer and poet, Carl Phillips, says that restlessness might not solve any problem, but it is a force which he would not refuse. In search of clues from history, I always turn to books and scholars. David E. Nye’s ‘When the Lights Went Out: A History of Blackouts in America’ recounts how, during a major power failure in July 1977, New York City slipped into arson, looting and riots. So, as they do on earth, so they do in heaven! Hillard G. Huntington’s ‘The Historical “Roots” of U.S. Energy Price Shocks’ reminds us that energy disruptions have long shaken economies. Huntington traces “sustained energy price increases” as far back as the 1890s and shows how such shocks often precede economic decline. What my restless search found is that wrong policies (or the absence of policy altogether) have a way of switching off the light in people’s lives.

Indeed, as late as the 1970s, the United States (today’s emblem of industrial stability) was itself trapped in an energy crisis that rattled its politics and economy. Long queues at petrol stations suggested a sudden oil shock. Energy historian Robert D. Lifset, in ‘A New Understanding of the American Energy Crisis of the 1970s’, argues that the crisis ran deeper. He said what looked like an oil shortage was in fact the convergence of structural distortions across oil, natural gas and electricity—rising consumption, policy missteps and market imbalances that had accumulated for years until external shocks exposed them.

Nigeria’s present electricity emergency fits that pattern almost perfectly. The threat by gas suppliers to halt supply to power plants over mounting debts is not the disease but merely a symptom; it is the evidence of a distorted power market, a broken payment chain, and a dangerously centralised electricity system where a single financial blockage plunges an entire nation into darkness.

My point, therefore, is that Nigerians protesting blackouts are reacting to symptoms that manifest as outages. They should instead be seen, and heard, rebelling against a federal system designed to malfunction. Perhaps if we studied how the United States confronted and eventually resolved its energy crisis some fifty years ago, we might learn something useful. But such learning presumes a federation that works. Nigeria stopped working soon after independence. It stopped thinking right a long time ago. America’s response to its own crisis was anchored in a federal structure that allows its states and markets room to innovate and correct failure. Nigeria, by contrast, remains trapped in a dubious federal arrangement whose excessive centralisation breeds the very pests (and blood-sucking bedbugs) of crises it endlessly pretends to fight.

In any crisis, clarity of vision and sincerity in leadership matter. The president promised while asking for votes the last time: “Whichever way, by all means necessary, you will have electricity, and you will not pay for estimated bill anymore. A promise made will be a promise kept.

“If I don’t keep the promise and I come for a second time, don’t vote for me. Unless I give you adequate reasons why I couldn’t deliver.”

He launched his reelection campaign the very day he was sworn in. Has he given any reason why he failed to fulfill his electricity promise? None. The hungry man who once begged for èbà on credit has now married his creditor and is threatening to impregnate him with heavier debts.

A president who campaigned with the promise of light now rules with the torch of darkness. And everyone seems to have surrendered to him, even while sleeping and waking in utter hopelessness. It is tough for everyone; businesses are sweating blood under the weight of diesel and its cost which swells per minute like garri Ijebu. “Life here is tough. One has to be a devil to survive.” Donne, the principal character in Wilson Harris’s ‘Palace of the Peacock’, might well have been speaking of today’s Nigeria when he uttered that line.

“Olókùnkùn Birimù Birimù” has the cadence of poetic excellence. Political nicknames compress criticism into memorable phrases that travel faster than argument. Yet, satire also demands intellectual consistency. If Adebayo Adelabu is to be enthroned as Kábíyèsi over the kingdom of darkness, the crown cannot sit comfortably on his head. A chief cannot be king. The minister is not the head. In any system of delegated authority, the crown of responsibility climbs the ladder to the top.

So, enough of straw-stuffed dummies and effigies that are easily knocked down and destroyed. Throw the dart where the problem lies. If darkness reigns, the court must decide who truly wears the crown. After all, in the old, and even in contemporary Yoruba courts, no one addresses a courtier as king. Haughty Basorun Gaa was once greeted as “Kábíyèsi” by some frightened townspeople; he rebuked them: “K’áraóle là ń kí Ọsòrun.” (It is “be well” that we say to the Basorun.) The president professes this failure and must therefore receive the commensurate commendation for it. My muse gave me a proverb: “àṣẹ ọba ni ìlú fi ń ṣàye” (it is the king’s authority that sets the town in motion—or in demotion). The president, who has chosen politics as his only core course, is the true sovereign of this empire of darkness: I call him Ààrẹ Olókùnkùn.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

6 ways to handle a child with substance abuse, By Babatunde Titilola

Substance abuse among children is a significant concern, with various studies indicating that it often begins from adolescence.

According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which is part of the United States National Institutes of Health, factors influencing drug use in children include peer pressure, mental health issues, and accessibility to substances.

It further noted that early exposure can lead to dependency and long-term health consequences.

Addressing your child’s substance abuse can be one of the most challenging and daunting experiences a parent or caregiver faces.

A recent study conducted by Samuel Bunu, Ronari Charles, Oyintari Charles, and Patricia Okafor on the assessment of teenagers’ involvement in drug and substance abuse in Nigeria showed a rapid increase in the unhealthy use of drugs among teenagers, with more than 66.50 per cent, including both males and females, engaging in the misuse of substances to enhance their physical activities and for other reasons.

To solve this problem, understanding the complexities of addiction and its impact on a young person’s life is crucial for effective intervention. Experts say it is important to approach the situation with empathy, patience, and a willingness to seek help.

Every child’s journey with substance use is unique, and recognising the signs early can significantly improve the chances of recovery.

Here are six ways to handle the situation if your child is struggling with substance abuse.

Sit them down and discuss

According to mental health practitioners, the first step for any parent or guardian is to sit the child down and discuss the adverse implications of substance abuse.

Experts agree that conducting joint research online or using the story of a known substance addict can help the child understand the impacts of substance abuse.

Behaviour analyst, Ibukunola Afolabi, said parents should remain calm during the conversation about substance abuse, noting that such discussions can prevent further crises that might worsen the addiction.

“When a child abusing substances feels heard by the parents, it can help the child reveal secrets that will assist in navigating the recovery process. Many children abusing substances often feel neglected or unheard of by their families, which is why they go along with the crowd.

The first step in handling a child with substance abuse is to sit down as a family and talk about it,” the expert said.

Go for family counselling

After having a heart-to-heart conversation with the child, a psychologist, Idris Abayomi, said parents should also enrol in counselling sessions to understand how to interact positively with the child. He said this would help prevent ill feelings between them and the child.

“To address dysfunctional dynamics, enhance communication, and support the child’s recovery, it is critical for the entire family to set an example and participate in thorough and continuous counselling sessions, in addition to involving a professional.

Long-term success may depend on positive family actions, as this fosters a supportive environment,” he said.

Invite an expert

Abayomi said professional help should be sought to address the underlying triggers of substance abuse. He explained that employing a mental health specialist for the child will support recovery efforts and create a nurturing environment.

“Cognitive behavioural therapy is one therapeutic strategy that can assist in addressing underlying difficulties, creating coping mechanisms,” he added.

Establish discipline

The psychologist further said parents should create a structured and supportive environment at home and establish clear rules and consequences related to substance use, while also providing positive reinforcement for healthy behaviours.

This will help the child understand that there are consequences for certain actions and rewards for good conduct.

He added that parents should “encourage the child to associate with peers who have a positive influence and allow them to join support groups.”

Afolabi also advised parents to reassess their values and rebuild character within the home. He said this would help reorient the child and other family members, leading them to adopt new morals and realign their lives for better living.

Never abandon them

Afolabi advised that when a child struggles with substance abuse, it is crucial for parents to provide consistent support and understanding, even in the face of setbacks.

“Abandoning the child during difficult times can increase feelings of shame and isolation, making recovery more challenging. Instead, parents should maintain open lines of communication, express unconditional love, and reinforce the idea that setbacks are part of the recovery journey,” she said.

Get medical help

Additionally, consulting a medical doctor for any complications arising from a child’s substance abuse is essential for their overall health and safety. Substance abuse can lead to various physical and mental health issues, including withdrawal symptoms and damage to vital organs. A healthcare professional can conduct comprehensive evaluations to identify any health complications and recommend appropriate treatments.

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