Home Blog

Supreme Court holds Valedictory session in honour of late Justice Ogwuegbu on Wednesday

The Supreme Court of Nigeria (SCN) will on Wednesday, May 14, hold a valedictory court session in honour of the late Hon. Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu, a Justice of the court who died in October last year.

The valedictory session will hold at the Main Courtroom of the Supreme Court at 2 pm and will be attended by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, AGF, Prince Lateef Fagbemi SAN.

A statement on Sunday by the Director of Information and Public Relations of the Court, Dr. Festus Aweneri Akande said that the late judicial icon passed away peacefully in his sleep on 28th October, 2024, at the age of 91 years.

A quintessential legal giant with a humble background, Hon. Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu was born on 16th March, 1933 in Amainyi, Ihitte-Uboma Local Government Area of Imo State.

He was appointed a judge of the High Court of Imo State in November 1976, and served as Administrative Judge, Owerri Judicial Division from 1976 to 1979.

He was deployed to Aba Judicial Division in the same capacity of Administrative Judge in 1980. He was elevated to the Court of Appeal in September 1987 and served in Ibadan and Lagos Divisions, respectively.

Late Justice Ogwuegbu was subsequently appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in April 1992.

However, in recognition of his sterling contribution to the Nigerian judiciary, he was seconded by the Federal Government to serve on the Supreme Court bench of The Gambia, from December 1999 to 2002, before returning to the country to continue his meritorious service at the Supreme Court of Nigeria until his retirement on 16th March, 2003.

The Special Court Session will be presided over by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun, who will customarily pay tribute to the late Justice Ogwuegbu alongside other major stakeholders in the nation’s justice sector.

The president’s new Hausa, Igbo caps

By Lasisi Olagunju

One hundred and seventy-nine Anambra kings gave President Bola Tinubu a chieftaincy title last week. They said the title, ‘Dike si Mba’ means “Warrior from the Diaspora.” That title, plus its translation, get as e be. I heard them and asked questions. If they didn’t translate it, I would be quiet. But they did. Why Diaspora? Why not ‘Dike Mba’ (People’s Warrior) like Ojukwu’s ‘Ike Mba’ which means ‘Power of the People’? Why negativise Tinubu’s with ‘si’? Àtòhúnrìnwá! You can honour the president with chieftaincy titles without calling him an outsider. ‘Dike si Mba’ sounds like ‘Foreign Fighter’ or ‘Shadow Warrior’ or ‘Conqueror from Outside’ or even an invader.

Diaspora? No. The whole of Nigeria is the president’s constituency.

Warrior? Yes. That is what Tinubu is.

Foreigner? No. The president owns Nigeria.

Shadowy? No. He is bold and intrepid.

Invader? No. A president cannot invade his own country.

The installation circus was fascinating. It was pleasant to watch. The president got beautiful beads for his neck; he also had a temptation red cap for his fortunate head. For the neck beads, the ‘kingmaker’ counted one, two, three in Igbo before dropping the string. But why counting three? American anthropologist, Daniel Brinton, in 1894 linked that number to what he called an invocation of “the Past, the Present and the Future.” For the president’s red cap, the counting went beyond three; it reached seven. Again, Brinton says ‘seven’ represents completeness and perfection. To get that perfect state, add the four cardinal directions of East, West, North and South to the three conceptions of vertical space: Above, Below and Here. A warrior’s conquest is total and complete and perfect when it fuses the cardinal points to the vertical space. With that title, Tinubu will soon have it complete and perfect.

Until now, I had thought Ibadan people were the only ones who use hospitality to rattle their guests. A musician went to Ibadan some 50 years ago and almost got stuck there because of Oluyole’s goody-goody. Ibadan dùn.

The musician was the legendary Yusuf Olatunji, foremost Yoruba sakara musician of the 1960s, 1970s. He died on 15 December, 1978. His record, volume 33, is a vinyl of appreciation for the uncommon hospitality he got from the city of generous warriors.

Yusuf sings that he went to Ibadan and met someone “who fetes his guests so much that they get scared (A s’eni l’álejò k’érù ó ba ni).”

The singer is not done with his thanks. He draws a parallel: “Some people give you chickens to rear and they regularly count the number of eggs they lay. But son of Olagunju gave out horses complete with saddles. He entertained me so well that I couldn’t tell my wife anything when I got home… He blessed me with a babe (Ó fi baby kan ké mi/ enu ò gbà’ròyìn).”

It was with a great reluctance that he eventually went back home after his musical show. The man got home and waxed volume 33, promising to go back there: “People going to Ibadan should help me greet son of Lawani. They should tell him that I am coming back to Oluyole.”

The president went to Katsina two weeks ago – the week before Anambra. He came back to Abuja without his trademark cap. For much of last week, on the president’s head was a new headdress. It was Arewa all the way. He is probably the only one who could tell what ‘fura’ or ‘nono’ or ‘wake ntura’ he was fed with in Katsina. He had a nice time, it was obvious. Not even the glass-shattering impunity of some rude palace guards could unnerve him. He was loved. But he may soon find out that leaf turns to soap only at one’s home. Out there, the saying is that even if a log stays ages in the water, it never becomes a crocodile.

Famous Hausa musician, Dauda Kahutu Rarara, thrilled a clapping Tinubu with his latest song, ‘Omo Ologo’ (Child of Glory). “Bola Asiwaju/Omo Ologo.” Rarara sang in passable Yoruba. The president brightened up; he smiled, laughed and clapped. I watched that Rarara scene and remembered another line in Yusuf Olatunji’s song:

“If a man is wealthy and he uses his wealth to bless his relations, friends and the elderly; he will be celebrated till the evening of his life.” May God give us plenty of Omo Ológo (children of glory); the ones that will win at home and abroad and bring home uncommon slaves, crowns and coral beads.

Last week, the president moved from the North to the East, the land of the rising sun. In Anambra, Tinubu’s cap turned red with a conqueror’s feather as the icing on his cake. He got a war title.

“This is a title from all the royal fathers in the 179 communities of Anambra State. The title is called ‘Dike si mba’, meaning ‘Warrior from the Diaspora’, and it is in recognition of your good works across the country,” Igwe Chidubem Iweka, chairman of the Anambra State Traditional Rulers Council, told Tinubu as the installation drama reached the climax.

The Igwes said the president is a warrior from the diaspora. What informed that choice of title? ‘Diaspora’ is an ancient word that suggests externality. “It is an outer-national term”, that is what Paul Gilroy of the University of London says it is. In cues and clues, diaspora hints at being here without being ours. It connotes simultaneous acceptance and rejection. But what do I know and what does it take to become a chief in an alien land? If you learn how to wash your hands properly, you will have caps and feathers competing for your head. A million of such titles eye the president’s ever willing head. I am learning fast.

The Anambra rulers did it even better than those whose fathers installed chiefs a million years ago. The title is in recognition of the president’s “good works across the country.” It turned out that Chinua Achebe is right when he says that “whatever tune you play in the compound of a great man, there is always someone to dance to it.” The title givers had a backup in the Anambra youths who joined them with their own anthem of adulation: “Na our Papa be this o e/ We no get anoda one…” They sang, almost uncontrollably. They are the new converts to the religion called Bola Tinubu. It is hot in their blood. You remember what literature says about converts and fanaticism? They are a people who won’t be quiet and won’t allow other people to enjoy their quietude.

There is a character in Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’ called Enoch. He is a convert fittingly described by the villagers as “the outsider who wept louder than the bereaved.” Anambra and its philosopher governor played that character last week. And to think that a little over 200 years ago, there was no such things as kings in that corridor where 179 crowned heads crowned the president as their diaspora warrior.

Then came Governor Chukwuma Soludo who completed the rout by collapsing his APGA into Tinubu’s APC. Soludo said his provincial party had a character of grafting alien heads on its trunk at critical moments.

APGA is perennially Achebe’s efulefu “who sold his machete and then wore the sheath to battle.” Last week, it was time for that party’s pepper to prove that neither pounding nor grinding would remove or temper its fire of harlotry. Soludo said APGA, as it did in previous elections, had adopted the incumbent for a second term – even when neither the president nor the law had said it was time to start the 2027 campaigns.

Some people no dey carry last. The Anambra declaration was part of today’s political gold rush and rat race. The sprinters would swear that they jumped the queue because the prophet’s Yoruba rodents are too slow to understand what is going on. Again, Achebe says so in ‘Arrow of God’: “If the rat cannot flee fast enough, let him make way for the tortoise.”

Tinubu is an extremely smart and wise somebody. He has been around long enough to know how to walk this night of Nigeria.

But the feverish scramble to make Tinubu an emperor “is like digging the grave of a hunchback. It will not fit.” I read that wisdom in Elechi Amadi’s ‘The Great Ponds’, page 84. If you tell this to those working hard to sculpt a king out of a democracy, they won’t listen. Achebe was Igbo just like Soludo. Elechi Amadi wasn’t exactly Igbo, he was an Ikwerre man. The old writers wrote wisdom for their time, for our time and for time future. I wish Soludo and his adoptive chanters would read and listen to the prophets and be guided. If the new Dike demands to be the first king of this democracy, and the converts shout Hallelujah “with automatic alacrity”, how will they get the congregation to back them up with the appropriate chorus? And they need it.

Before Anambra, there was Katsina for Tinubu. And, you know, Sokoto may be proud as the seat of the Caliphate but Katsina is the place where the story started long ago. Bayajidda I was created somewhere in today’s Katsina State. Bayajidda II lives there. The president may have thought of that. If you are lucky and alert and attentive, your leg will always take you to the road that leads to good fortune.

Like Anambra, the president enjoyed the nights and days he spent with the kingmakers of Nigeria in Katsina. But a billboard of controversy which welcomed him to that state is roiling the state. It stands where it stood in defiance of critical reality. The message it carries is “Katsina ba korafi (Katsina has no complaint).” No complaint in poverty and bandit-ravaged Katsina? Critics ask that question even as Daily Trust quoted some elders as being angry with the governor for hiding his whitlow fingers from his physician, the president.

The governor disowned the billboard as soon as the president left. Who then owns it? Son of the soil and Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Ahmed Musa Dangiwa, said he does. Daily Trust quoted him as explaining that the billboard was mounted by his supporters to assure President Tinubu of the party’s support for him in Katsina State. “It is important for the public to understand that the billboard’s message was meant as a symbol of unity and support for the president, not to deny the existence of security or developmental challenges in the state.” Daily Trust said that was what the minister said, panting.

He don try. At least we have a three-word mantra as the take-away from that presidential visit.

Nigerians are pleased with their leader and his government; there is no complaint. Something to copy there for the Yoruba when the president comes visiting this week – or the next: Yoruba ba korafi. Yorubaland has no complaint. Our warrior son is the president.

FG ignores concerns, increases domestic borrowing to N10.85trn

Despite increasing apprehension over the country’s huge public debt and the severe impact of the rising cost of debt servicing on the economy, the Federal Government (FG) increased borrowing from domestic investors to N10.85 trillion in the first four months of the year.

Nigeria’s total public debt rose by 48.6 per cent to N144.66 trillion in 2024, from N97.34 trillion in 2023, with the Federal Government accounting for 95 per cent or N137.28 trillion.

As a result, the FG spent 150 percent of its total revenue in 2024 on debt service, representing a sharp increase from 65 per cent in 2023.

Data by the Debt Management Office, DMO, revealed that domestic debt service cost rose by 12 per cent, Year-on-Year, YoY, to N5.9 trillion in 2024 while external debt service cost rose YoY by 33 per cent to $4.7 billion from $3.5 billion in 2023.

This also led to deterioration in the country’s Debt-to-GDP ratio to 52.9 per cent in 2024 from 48.7 per cent in 2023. The Debt-to-GDP ratio is a key measure of Debt Sustainability, which refers to the economy’s capacity to manage its debt obligations without defaulting or needing external assistance.

The upward trend in the total public debt and debt servicing cost may persist given the rise in Federal Government’s domestic borrowing in the first four months of the year, January to April (4M’25).

Domestic borrowing
Financial Vanguard’s findings in the FGN Bond auctions by the DMO and Treasury Bills (TB) auctions by the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, showed that the total borrowing by the FG from domestic investors increased by 0.7% to N10.85trn in 4M’25 from N10.767 trillion in the corresponding period of 2024, 4M’24.

The increase was driven by increases in borrowings through TBs, and through the FGN Savings Bonds, which offset the decline in borrowing through FGN Bonds.

Further analysis showed that FG’s borrowing through TBs rose by 8.3 per cent to N8.377 trillion in 4M’25 from N7.74 trillion in 4M’24.
FG’s borrowing through TBs stood at N1.872 trillion in January but rose by 26 per cent month-on-month, MoM, to N2.36 trillion in February. The upward trend continued in March when borrowing through TBs rose MoM by 11 per cent to N2.61 trillion before declining by 41 per cent MoM to N1.537 trillion in April.

Financial Vanguard findings also showed that borrowing through the FGN Savings Bonds rose 49.5 per cent to N17.29 billion in 4M’25 from N11.56 billion in 4M’24.

In January borrowing through the Savings Bonds stood at N4.313 billion. This fell slightly by 3.2 per cent MoM to N4.18 billion in February. In March borrowing through Savings Bonds rose 6.8 per cent MoM to N4.46 billion but fell by 2.7 per cent MoM to N4.34 billion in April.

Investors remain bullish
Amidst the rising appetite for domestic borrowing the investors are equally expressing large appetite to lend to the FG through over-subscription to the instruments.

Total bond offered by the DMO during the four months stood at N1.45 trillion while the demand (public subscription) stood at N3.33 trillion.

In January, the DMO offered N450 billion bonds to investors. Total subscription to the offer stood at N670 billion while total amount allotted stood at N601 billion. In February, total bonds offered stood at N350 billion while the investment public demand stood at N1.63 trillion but the DMO allotted N910.39 billion.

Total bonds offered in March stood at N350 billion, while public demanded for N530.31 billion but the DMO allotted N423.68 billion. In April, public subscription to the N350 billion bonds offered by the DMO stood at N495.95 billion, while N520.9 billion was allotted.

IMF warns
The rise in FG’s domestic borrowing in 4M’25 is in total disregard to the advice of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, that governments should adjust their spending to reduce debt, so as to minimise impact of ongoing global tariff war.

While projecting that global public debt will increase by 2.8 percentage points this year and hence push debt levels above 95 percent of global GDP, the IMF, in its Fiscal Monitor April 2025 report said: “Fiscal policy should prioritize reducing public debt and establishing and widening buffers to address spending pressures and economic shocks”.

With respect to Nigeria, the IMF, though projected slight decline in Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio to 52.5 per cent in 2025 from 52.9 per cent last year, however projected that Nigeria’s Fiscal Deficit-to-GDP will worsen to 4.5 per cent this year from 3.4 per cent last year.
Consequently, the IMF called for greater efficiency in government spending in Nigeria to minimize the impact of increased global uncertainties on government borrowing and public debt.

Making this call, at the press briefing on the April 2025 IMF Fiscal Monitor report released on the sidelines of the ongoing Spring Meetings of the IMF and the World Bank, Deputy Division Chief of the Development Macroeconomic Division in the IMF Research Department, Davide Furceri, said: “It’s important to create additional fiscal space. In Nigeria’s case, that means focusing on two things: first, boosting revenue through improved mobilization efforts, and second, scaling up spending in key areas like social protection and investment.

“We understand that many countries, including Nigeria, face pressing spending needs. But spending must be done wisely. This means stronger prioritization and greater efficiency in how resources are allocated.”

Analysts’ comments
Analysts who spoke to Financial Vanguard on the IMF projection for Nigeria, said that an increase in the nation’s GDP will lead to a slight improvement in the Debt-to-GDP ratio. They however averred that the continued upward trend in FG’s borrowing will lead to a higher fiscal deficit and debt service cost.

In a review of the fiscal activities of the FG in January, analysts at FBNQuest Merchant Bank noted that debt service-to-revenue, worsened, MoM to 144 per cent in January from 44 per cent in December.

Consequently, they warned, “The escalating cost of debt service highlights the pressure of debt obligations on the FGN’s strained finances and continues to raise concerns regarding debt sustainability.

Looking ahead, we anticipate ongoing pressure on government finances due to underwhelming oil production levels, which currently stand at around 1.6mbpd (including condensates), well below the 2.1mbpd assumed in the 2025 budget.

“Given the subdued revenue outlook, a sustained narrowing of the fiscal space may result in the fiscal deficit exceeding the N765 billion monthly target envisaged in the budget in the coming months, complicating efforts to keep full-year deficit levels in check”.

Explaining why the upward trend may not lead to higher Debt-to-GDP ratio, Tunde Abidye, who is the Head of Equity Research at FBNQuest Merchant Bank, said: “The ratio uses GDP as a denominator. As such, it simply reflects the expected growth in nominal GDP. If GDP expands, the ratio will be smaller.”

Speaking in the same vein, Nnamdi Nwizu, Co-Managing Partner, Comercio Partners, said, “Though we have seen an uptick in borrowing, the government is aggressively trying to increase revenue and local activities, which will invariably drive GDP growth.

Explaining, Prof Uche Uwaleke, Chairman, Association of Capital Market Academics of Nigeria, ACMAN, said: “The projection of a decline in debt-to-GDP ratio may not be unconnected with the ongoing efforts by the government of Nigeria to rebase the country’s GDP. “The outcome of the exercise is most likely to be a higher GDP for Nigeria, which should translate to a lower debt-to-GDP ratio.

However, David Adonri, Analyst and Vice Executive Chairman at Highcap Securities Limited, warned that in spite of the expected increase in GDP and anticipated lower Debt-to-GDP, an increase in borrowing will lead the country to financial embarrassment.

He said: “Notwithstanding the headroom for debt in relation to GDP, the stress on FGN comes from the overwhelming debt service ratio which technically consumes public revenue. With the declining price of crude oil and anticipated negative impact on public revenue, refusal of the government to run a balanced budget will definitely lead to financial embarrassment to the country.”

The analysts, however, hinted that the dominance of TBs in FG’s domestic borrowing activities in 4M’25, which is encouraged by investors’ preference, will help to reduce debt service cost in the longer term.

According to Mallam Garba Kurfi, CEO, APT Securities Limited, “Borrowing through Bonds has reduced because of the high rate of interest and is always for long term, but borrowing through TBs is for short term, and whatever the rate will not last more than a year. So it is better for the FGN in view of the fact that rates may likely cash.

Nnamdi Nwizu of Comercio Partners said, “We have noticed reluctance by the DMO to issue long-term instruments due to the high interest rate environment, which naturally means high cost of debt funding. This strategy makes sense as rather than lock in 30 year debt at a high rate, it makes sense to issue Treasury bills, whilst they wait for rates to drop.

“It probably makes sense for the DMO to do short duration instruments in an environment where interest rates are high, as opposed to locking in high yields on a longer term basis”.

“It may also be due to investor appetite for near term securities due to the uncertain market outlook”, said, Tunde Abidoye of FBNQuest Merchant Bank,

Similarly, Ayokunle Olubunmi, Analyst/ Head Financial Institutions Ratings at Agusto & Co, said: “The anticipated decline in the interest rate prompted the focus on short-dated securities such as treasury bills.

“Investors have also taken advantage of the high yield environment to optimise returns on their investment portfolio.”

Credit: Vanguard

NDLEA officer arrested for attempted robbery, shooting of Abuja bolt driver  

Operatives of the Federal Capital Territory Command of the Nigeria Police Force have arrested an officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA).

The NDLEA officer was arrested for allegations of attempted robbery and shooting of a Bolt driver in Abuja.

A security expert, Zagazola Makama, said that the NDLEA officer identified as Felix Emmanuel was arrested about 12.10 am on May 9.

According to Makama, the police received a distress call of a robbery attempt at the City View Estate in the Galadimawa area of the FCT.

Reports said that Emmanuel, an inspector with the NDLEA FCT command, had attempted to hijack a Toyota Corolla from a bolt driver.

Israel Emeka, the driver of the vehicle with registration number KWL 736 SZ, was in motion when the officer attempted to snatch the car from him.

Sources said the driver was shot by the NDLEA during the struggle with a locally fabricated pistol.

“The victim was rushed to the Federal Medical Centre (FMC), Jabi, where he is receiving treatment.

“According to the police sources, its operatives from Galadimawa Division, led by the Divisional Police Officer (DPO), swiftly responded to the distress call and arrested the suspect at the scene,” Makama said.

Items recovered from the NDLEA officer included a locally made pistol and two live cartridges.

Falana says National Assembly lacks constitutional authority to summon state governors

Forthright human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Femi Falana, has criticized the House of Representatives Committee on Public Petitions for summoning the Governors of Benue and Zamfara States, Hyacinth Alia and Dauda Lawal, respectively, asserting that the National Assembly lacks constitutional authority to compel state governors or speakers of state assemblies to appear before it.

The committee had summoned the governors and state assembly leaderships following a petition submitted on March 27, 2025, by Mr. Ihensekhien Samuel, counsel to the civil society group, Guardians of Rule of Law and Democracy. The group alleged that lawmakers were illegally suspended in both states, impairing the legislative functions of their respective houses.

The CSO urged the National Assembly to invoke Section 11(4) of the 1999 Constitution to take over the legislative duties of the affected state assemblies, citing a breakdown in legislative activity.

However, both Governors Alia and Lawal failed to appear before the committee on Thursday, May 8, 2025.

In an interview with Leadership, Falana maintained that the National Assembly overstepped its bounds. He argued that lawmakers are only empowered to summon public officials in cases involving federal appropriated funds or during the legislative process of amending or enacting federal laws.

“There is no provision in the law that empowers the National Assembly to summon a governor,” Falana said. “Section 82, which they may rely on, does not cover this situation. That section only permits summons when the legislature is probing appropriated funds or making laws, none of which involves state governors.”

He stressed that governors are accountable only to their respective state Houses of Assembly regarding the use of public funds, and that the National Assembly cannot claim jurisdiction over state affairs in such matters.

Falana recalled a previous court ruling in Sterling Bank v. The Senate, where the court restrained the National Assembly from exceeding its constitutional powers by summoning individuals unrelated to federal appropriations or legislation.

“You cannot exercise powers you don’t possess,” he added. “This is a federal system. The National Assembly has no constitutional link to a state governor, nor can it arrest or compel their appearance.”

80-year concession rumour sparks bigger questions on FG’s airport deal strategy

By Dickson Omobola

About a month ago, social media erupted over reports that the Federal Government planned to concession the Akanu Ibiam International Airport in Enugu for 80 years.

The purported long-term agreement, which came as a shock to observers, also elicited jeers from interested quarters.

Amid the protests that greeted the contended deal, the Ministry of Aviation and Aerospace Development refuted the news, saying nothing of such existed.

The federal government, however, admitted that because many of the country’s airports were running at a loss, like apples among oranges, it is considering proposals for the concession of five major airports.

“While it is true that the federal government is considering proposals for the concession of five major airports, this is a proactive measure to ensure these vital facilities can meet and maintain international standards, given the increasing financial demands of their operations. At this stage, prospective concessionaires have indeed submitted various proposals, including different durations for the concession,” the ministry said.

Why concession?

Like the ministry stressed in the rebuttal statement, “many of our airports are at present running at a loss, so they have to be subsidised,” most Nigerian airports grapple with dilapidated infrastructure and poor services due to their inability to generate enough funds to optimise operations when compared to their international counterparts.

Unlike aerodromes in North, East and even West Africa, many Nigerian airports are an eyesore and a drainpipe on the finances of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria, FAAN, a situation that has led to persistent calls for their concession by industry stakeholders.

Recently, the outcry grew when the Managing Director of FAAN, Mrs Olubunmi Kuku, revealed that only three out of the 22 airports under FAAN’s management are profitable and contribute largely to the growth of the aviation sector.

Kuku said that 19 of the nation’s airports are being subsidised by FAAN as they do not get passenger traffic commensurate with their operational cost.

To buttress this, Saturday Vanguard observed that of 20 airports across the country, just those in Lagos, Abuja, Kano and Port Harcourt generated 96.4 per cent of FAAN’s total revenue of N358.2 billion in 2024.

16 other airports scattered across states, however, contributed as little as 3.6 per cent to government coffers, even though the Murtala Muhammed Airport in Lagos alone accounted for 67 per cent of the N358.2 billion.

Questions

Against this backdrop, industry analysts have called into question the concession model that Nigeria intends to operate as it seeks to reduce the burden of FAAN.

While some have reservations about the hybrid concession model where concessionaires of profitable airports  will develop two or more less viable airports, others deem the approach unworkable.

Sharing their views with Saturday Vanguard, they said any concession agreement being considered must include a clear and achievable airport development plan, noting that anything else will be short-changing the country.

Bunching viable and non-viable airports

Speaking to Saturday Vanguard, the Chief Executive Officer of Belujane Konsult, Mr Chris Aligbe, said: “I do not belong to the school of thought of bunching viable and non-viable airports when concessioning. We should be very careful about concessions. We cannot just say we want to concession these airports. There are so many types of concession agreements. We have to consider if it would be manage and transfer or develop, manage and transfer. For me, I think that if these airports are concessioned, the revenue coming from those airports should be used to develop the less viable ones.

Monitoring concessions

Aligbe stated that the longest concession agreement he has come across is “50 or 60 years somewhere in Eastern Europe,” adding: “As at the time the airport was concessioned, it was handling about three or four million passengers. But they said by the 10th year, they expect that this airport should be able to handle about 12 million passengers. And by the next 20 years, it should be able to handle a higher number. And they grew it to the point that it has the capability of handling over 50 million passengers. That is how to monitor concessions. You must put a mark. If you do not do so, you will not be able to monitor what is happening.”

Factors to consider

According to the aviation analyst, “that is why concessions must be carefully considered while keeping in mind transparency. We must look at population development and well-being. It might be domestic or international travel. You look at the development of the population. What are we likely to have in that airport capture area? What will be the population growth? And how many? We need more standard airports. Airports across the West Africa sub regions are better than ours, even Ghana is getting a lot better.”

Capable hands

Aligbe, however, said while assessing proposals, the ministry should tap into Adebayo Ogunlesi’s and Kuku’s experiences, adding that their combined knowledge will be beneficial to the country in the long-term.

“She (Kuku) worked in Ernst & Young, a consultancy firm that has been consulting for airport development and business globally. They have been in the aviation sector. So, she has a lot of experience on airport concessions.  They should tap heavily from her knowledge. For me, it is a lot that they have there, and it is good that we need it in this country. We do not need to start looking elsewhere when we have someone in the agency. I think that the MD of FAAN has at least shown signs that she knows what to do and she can do what will make us grow. It is not just because she is the MD of FAAN, but because she has a wealth of experience.

“We need to have the best. We cannot stay in a country where we have very good hands and we leave them. We should also tap into Adebayo Ogunlesi’s experience. That is the best we have for now in our country. There is no other person that can stand up and say man to man, I can compare. It is not possible. Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission, ICRC, has no competence when it comes to airport concession. That is where you must have a sound adviser that has the knowledge,” he said.

Excuses and extortion

On his part, the Chief Executive Officer of Centurion Security and Safety Consults, Group Captain John Ojikutu, retd, argued for a concession model in which unviable airports would be developed alongside viable airports.

Ojikutu said: “I have said it long ago, as far back as 2019, even in my book: ‘Troubled Skylines: Travails of Nigerian Commercial Aviation’, that whenever government wants to concession, it should not concession only the international airports. In fact, federal government should not concession five airports alone. If it does, it will give room for excuses and extortion. If the federal government wants to concession airports, it should concession one international airport with at least four domestic airports.”

Duration

The aviation analyst also warned that the concession agreement should not be more than 20 to 30 years.

“Concession only the non-aeronautical services, you cannot concession the aeronautical services especially at joint user airports owned by government for the military and civil. Anything that has to do with terminal building, cargo terminal, car park, including the land area can be concessioned. This is because we owe an obligation to the International Civil Aviation Organisation, ICAO, when it comes to aeronautical services. The concession agreement should not be more than 20 to 30 years,” Ojikutu said.

Achievables

He added: “The concessionaire should be assessed for 20 years based on the things that they have been told to achieve. What are those things? Enhanced security among others. You must tell them what they will build. If after 20 years they are unable to achieve that, then you can stop the concession and give it to someone else. You must give a goal that they must achieve to meet up with international standards. If they do not, the concession can be easily suspended.

Business plan

“Also, the concessionaire must have a business plan. They must not give excuses like some of the airlines are currently doing. They must not come in and after a while start asking for government’s intervention.”

Aviation College losing talent to better-paying agencies — Rector

Rector Nigerian College of Aviation Technology, Dr Danjuma Ismaila, has lamented the poor wages received by staff, saying it is resulting in talent loss and exit of trained professionals to other agencies.

Ismaila said this during an oversight visit to the College by the Chairman, House Committee on Aviation Technology, Tajudeen Abisodun.

A statement signed by NCAT’s Director of Information, Dr Jude Amadi, said during the tour of NCAT’s facilities, the rector said while NCAT was a leading provider of skilled professionals in the Nigerian aviation industry, inadequate compensation was leading to brain drain and disruption in training continuity.

The statement said: “Our trained personnel are regularly poached by sister agencies and private companies offering significantly higher salaries. This situation is not sustainable.”

The statement said Ismaila insisted that while the college enjoyed government support, retaining experienced staff had become a significant challenge due to better incentives outside NCAT and called for legislative backing to review the salary structure of staff.

According to the statement, the rector “emphasised that more effort is needed, particularly in budgetary allocations. According to him, this will help the college meet rising demands and address pressing operational gaps.”

In response, Chairman House Committee on Aviation Technology, Abisodun, commended the leadership and contributions of the college.

He said Ismaila’s presentation gave a clear picture of the institution’s priority needs and assured that the committee would assess them carefully.

Vanguard

Nigeria: The Making of a Judicial Selectorate

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Anambra North senatorial constituency comprises seven Local Government Areas (LGAs). These are: Anambra East, Anambra West, Anyamelum, Ogbaru, Onitsha North, Onitsha South, and Oyi. The contest to represent it in the election to the Senate in 2007 turned out to be memorable for all the wrong reasons. Voting in the election occurred on 28 April 2007. At the end of the contest, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), returned Joy Emordi, the incumbent senator and candidate of the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), as the winner.

In the race for the party ticket which preceded the election, Senator Emordi beat out the challenge of a little-known member of the House of Representatives, Ubanese Alphonsus Igbeke. Having lost the contest for the party ticket, however, Ubanese promptly defected to the opposition All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), which granted him the ticket to fly its flag in the contest for the election to the senate in Anambra North.

Following the announcement of the election results by the INEC, five of the losing candidates headed to the election petition tribunal to challenge the announcement of Senator Emordi as winner. They included Jessie Balonwu of the Labour Party, and Ubanese of the ANPP. An essential complaint was that there was no lawful voting in Anyamelum and Onitsha South LGAs. If their complaint was upheld, the logic would have necessitated a re-run.

Over one year after the conclusion of the election, on 14 June 2008, the tribunal dismissed the petitions, and affirmed Joy Emordi as duly elected. The losing candidates appealed.
Jessie Balonwu’s appeal was the first to be decided. On 10 February 2009, a Court of Appeal panel comprising three Justices of Appeal – Victor Omage, Ladan Tsamiya and Olukayode Ariwoola – found that there was no evidence in support of the claim that there were no elections in the two LGAs. The Court of Appeal, therefore, affirmed the decision of the Election Petition tribunal. At the time, appeals concerning elections to the senate ended in the Court of Appeal.

Like the other losing candidates, Ubanese lost his case at the election petition tribunal. Like them, he also appealed. Nearly three years after the election, on 24 March 2010, another panel of the Court of Appeal, this time comprising Amiru Sanusi (who was not on the earlier panel) as well as Ladam Tsamiya and Olukayode Ariwoola – both of whom had decided Jessie Balonwu’s case nearly a year earlier – nullified the election of Joy Emordi, declared Ubanese the winner of the election and ordered INEC to issue a certificate in his favour affirming his victory.

Six years after that judgment, the National Judicial Council (NJC), sacked Ladan Tsamiya as a judge in connection with judicial corruption in another election case from neighbouring Abia State.

Returning to the Anambra North senatorial contest from 2007, Senator Emordi applied to the Supreme Court for a review of the two ostensibly conflicting decisions of the Court of Appeal but the court struck out her case, holding that it did not have jurisdiction to hear her. With one year left to run on the tenure and armed with the judgment of the Court of Appeal, Ubanese ousted Joy Emordi from the Senate in May 2010 to become the Senator for Anambra North. Once there, he promptly defected back to the ruling PDP from the ranks of the ANPP.

That was not the first time that Ubanese would be returnee as legislator by the votes of judges alone. His first tour of duty as a legislator in the House of Representatives in 2003 was made possible also by highly priced judicial votes.

He was not the only one to be selected in this manner in 2003. In the contest for the Anambra South seat for the Senate, the Court of Appeal in Enugu manufactured victory for Ugochukwu Uba – who was not a candidate in the election – after two of the three Justices of Appeal collected humongous bribes to rule in his favour against the candidate who was actually elected. Ugochukwu Uba’s younger brother, Andy, was a very influential presidential confidante at the time.

2010 was not the last time that Ubanese’s entire electorate would comprise exclusively of members of the Nigerian judiciary. Thisday newspaper famously described him as “the serial senator who never wins an election.”

In 2011, another high court in Abuja also issued an order requiring the INEC to return Ubanese yet again as Senator for Anambra North after the election had been concluded and a winner declared. The order was stupefying because only an election petition tribunal could issue it.

This time, the Attorney-General of the Federation had Ubanese arraigned before the Federal High Court in Abuja on charges of forging and altering the outcome of the party primaries that he lost, misrepresenting to the High Court in Abuja that he had in fact emerged as the winner.

Ubanese was ultimately unsuccessful in returning to the Senate in 2011 but had pioneered an electoral business model that would prove both lucrative for all involved and resilient beyond his wildest imagining.

Ubanese showed judges how a joint enterprise with politicians could prove effective in making both sides influential, wealthy and powerful while at the same time sidelining the voters from the constitutive enterprise of deciding who controls their destinies. This guarantees that elections no longer end in the polling units. Instead, what we call elections only pare down the candidates who are required thereafter to proceed to court units, where the ultimate selection is determined by judges who alone have the right to vote. The cost of entry into this stage is prohibitive. Only the truly moneyed dare to show up.

The constitution may have anointed the people as the electorate but, in Nigeria, the winners and losers in elections are now decided by a judicial selectorate who do not feel themselves beholden to anything that the constitutional electorate may wish, seek, or say.
According to a former national vice-chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Salihu Lukman, “citizens can vote but winners are decided in the courtroom by conclaves of judges.” Former president, Goodluck Jonathan, acknowledged in Asaba, capital of Delta State in June 2024 that Nigerian judges increasingly “declare who doesn’t win the election that they are winners.”

Selectorate Theory explains how elites access and retain power. It distinguishes between three categories of actors for this purpose. Interchangeables notionally have a role but hardly fit the part. Influentials sometimes may do so. But the focus is on a small category of “Essentials” who decide nearly everything. The clever power seeker focuses on doing a deal with the Essentials at the expense of the Influentials and the Interchangeables.
In Nigeria, the judges have made themselves the indispensable Essentials in winning power and retaining it. The people have become very expendable Interchangeables. The national exchequer, meant for the people, now goes to financing the fancies of these electoral Essentials in order to protect the joint enterprise with the politicians. This is all done under ruse of law which, it is claimed, is indispensable to democracy.

The “ownership” of judicial figures has thus become an essential political accessory in Nigeria. Every ambitious politician knows that they need to own some judges or at least one. This political business model is a deeply Nigerian variant on Selectorate Theory which is now taking firm root across Africa. For this export, we must thank Ubanese Igbeke and the Uba brothers of Uga in Anambra State.

This week, publishers Narrative Landscape will be releasing, The Selectorate, my book which tells the story of how Nigerian judges toppled the people. It is a story that has been long in the making.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Bought, beaten, betrayed: Inside Nigeria’s sex trafficking hell in Libya


By Oghenetega Urherebrume

Each year, desperate Nigerians, especially women, naively entrust their lives to traffickers who promise a better life in Libya. Fuelled by hope, they embark on perilous journeys through deserts and irregular routes, only to end up in hellish detention camps, held in inhumane conditions.
While many are trapped in cycles of abuse, imprisonment, or killed, a few return home traumatised and broken. Oghenovo Egodo-Michael writes that for these survivors, healing is a painful journey as it is marked by deep emotional scars and the relentless struggle to rebuild their lives

In 2014, Lara stood at a crossroads, unaware that the path she was about to tread would spiral into the darkest recesses of human suffering.

The oath she took that day, sealed with a bizarre concoction, seemed like a minor ritual, a strange but necessary formality on the road to rewriting her destiny.

For the single mother in her mid-20s, the journey to Libya was meant to be her golden ticket, a desperate yet determined attempt to build a better life for her child.

She had taken the oath alongside four friends, but when it came to paying the travel agent, she was the only one who could afford the fee.

The others dropped out, and Lara, fuelled by hope and a mother’s grit, pressed forward, entrusting her future to Festus, the travel agent who had promised her a bright new beginning.

“I didn’t even know it was an oath-swearing until we got there,” Lara recalled. “We swore never to betray or report them. We swore to pay the money back, no matter what happened. We were told not to speak about the plans with anyone until the journey was complete. Then came this odd concoction, some kind of sauce mixed with dried fish. They claimed it was made with shredded new naira notes. Looking back now, I think it was all a psychological trick, something to instil fear.”

Before then, Lara had worked at parties, managing food and drinks. It was through those gigs that she met Festus at a friend’s business launch.

His smooth tongue and seemingly genuine interest in her aspirations drew her in. “He had visited my place once. We talked about our dreams. I told him I wanted to go back to school, study abroad someday. He listened. He told me it was possible,” she said with a smirk.

With her daughter’s father absent and no one else to depend on, Lara had ventured into the events business to stay afloat. But she craved for more, a new start, a bigger life.

So when Festus called one day and told her a man in Malaysia was helping people travel, she saw it as her chance.

“I didn’t even have the full money,” Lara said, “but the agent told me I could pay whatever I had.”

On the day of departure, Lara was brimming with anticipation. She imagined Europe, education, and a career. But as the journey unfolded, the cracks began to show.

She joined others travelling by road, through treacherous back routes that linked one West African country to another.

The conditions quickly descended into a nightmare: scant food, little water, no clear destination. The air was heavy with confusion, illness, and the rising stink of despair.

In Agadez, a desert town in Niger Republic, infamous as a hub for human trafficking, Lara’s illusions began to collapse. Whispers from fellow travellers chilled her blood.

“At first, I wasn’t too worried. Festus had said part of the journey would be by road, the rest by flight. But days turned into weeks, and nothing made sense anymore. There were too many stops. We were moved like cattle. One day, I listened closely to what others were saying. Some talked about going to Italy, some to Libya, others had no clue. ‘My aunty said this… my brother promised that…’ That’s when I realised no one truly knew where we were headed.”

Terrified, she asked one of the travellers, “Where exactly are we going?”

The reply was chilling: “If you no know where you dey go, just dey look. No be me go tell you.”

Fear clawed at her chest. Thoughts of escape flashed through her mind, but another warned her, “If you try to run, they’ll know. They might kidnap or kill you.”

By the time Lara reached Libya, the truth was horrifying.

The woman she was handed over to, the burger, spelt it out: all the promises were lies.

“She looked us dead in the eye and said we were brought to work in a connection house, a brothel. She laughed when I told her I thought I was coming to work in a restaurant and would be going to school. Another girl thought she would be a housemaid. It was all fake. We had to work as sex workers and pay back N5m, or N2.5m if we could pay upfront.”

Lara’s soul shattered. She refused to trade her body, but refusal came at a cost. They beat her relentlessly and mercilessly, every day for five months, until resistance was wrung out of her body.

The connection house was a prison draped in the disguise of business. Three flats stood like tombs—each with a grim function. One was a waiting room where the girls stayed; another was for the “work,” with a final room serving as a grotesque lounge for customers to eat and wait. The men came from everywhere; there were Lebanese, Somalians and Ghanaians. If a girl said no, she was beaten until a yes was forced out of her mouth.

For Lara, the pain of her physical torment paled in comparison to the emotional scars.

Dreams of a better life, education, and freedom slowly faded as she became trapped in the cycle of exploitation, her mind and body reduced to nothing more than commodities in a foreign land.

Harrowing journey

“The food was barely edible. Every night it was banku, and in the mornings, rice or spaghetti if we were lucky. If you wanted anything else, you had to earn it, through sex or from men who fancied you enough to bring snacks. We were trapped in a place they called ‘the garage’, a slum overrun by drug dealers, cultists, and criminals. It was haram in Libya, but the entire neighbourhood knew what was happening,” Lara recounted.

They pumped them full of drugs and alcohol. There was no medical help, no dignity, no humanity.

“They forced things into our systems, drinks and pills. We had to hustle for customers like it was a job. My burger called me ‘virus.’ Even when we were sick, there were no doctors. If you weren’t dying, you just had to endure,” she added.

For two brutal years, Lara survived unimaginable torment. Her body bore the bruises, but it was her spirit that came closest to breaking.

Then, in October 2016, a miracle happened. A customer took pity and helped her escape.

By August 2017, Lara finally made it back to Nigeria. But she did not return as the same woman who had left.

She came back with scars, some seen, most buried deep within her psyche. Her dream of a brighter future had turned into a nightmare, her trust weaponised against her.

The necessary evil

Cross-border migration for work has long been a hallmark of global inequality. For women like Lara, economic hardship, maternal responsibility, and a yearning for self-betterment make them vulnerable to traffickers who exploit these dreams.

As the world grapples with uneven development, demographic shifts, and widespread poverty, stories like Lara’s remain common, hidden in silence and wrapped in shame.

Socio-economic factors driving human trafficking

A seasoned sociologist and expert in criminology, Professor John Gyong, has extensively studied human trafficking in Nigeria.

His research sheds light on the socio-economic factors driving this illicit industry, particularly the trafficking of women.

Gyong explains that human trafficking has become a lucrative business, especially for women.

He said, “Some women knowingly choose this path, fully aware of what they want, while others are deceived by promises of a better life, especially in Europe, where they are told wealth and success are within reach with minimal effort.

“Economic hardship in Nigeria forces many young girls to see their bodies as their only asset.

“In a country where opportunities for prosperity are scarce, these girls turn themselves into commodities. To be marketable, they must possess physical beauty and be considered ‘sellable’ in this underground economy. This is why the women trafficked are often very young.”

Through his research, Gyong discovered that human trafficking thrives in regions like Benin and Kano, where different models of trafficking operate.

“In these areas, women are coerced into taking blood oaths, binding them to silence and obedience to their traffickers. Many of these women end up in Libya, where the conditions are grim. Libyan authorities are hostile and view Nigerians with distrust, making the ordeal even worse,” the don stated.

Gyong, while describing the harrowing experience of Nigerian women trafficked to Libya, said they endure unspeakable suffering at the hands of both authorities and traffickers.

“Survival is a matter of resilience. Some women make it through, but many end up in Libya’s prisons, one of the most desolate places in the world, where they are subjected to dehumanising conditions,” he explained.

Prisoner in a foreign land

At the age of 17, Precious Williams set out from Nigeria, full of hope and ambition, unaware of the horrors that awaited her.

Fresh out of secondary school in 2019, she was eager to start a new life abroad. Her father, believing the lies told by her stepmother about Libya being a land of opportunity, consented to her departure.

“My dad thought that if I spent a year in Libya, I’d return with enough money to change our lives,” she recalled, her voice tinged with regret. “But everything was a lie.”

Her journey to Libya in 2021 turned into a nightmare. Precious endured a gruelling, one-and-a-half-month journey across desolate deserts, her body pushed to its limits as she travelled in a cramped Hilux truck with other hopeful migrants.

Starvation, fear, and uncertainty were her constant companions. The worst came during a raid by the police in Agadez, where chaos erupted.

“I was asleep when the police arrived. I didn’t even understand what was happening. The truck almost ran over me,” she recounted, her voice barely above a whisper.

But the true tragedy struck in the desert. “My friend died there. She was the only child of her parents and thought she was heading to Europe for a better life. She fell ill and begged for water. One night, the cold wind blew, and by morning, she had frozen to death,” Precious said, her eyes filled with tears.

Upon arriving in Libya, Precious faced an even bleaker reality. She couldn’t find the people she had hoped to meet, her stepmother and sister, and instead, she was sold to an Arab employer.

Forced to work in hospitals and schools, she endured constant mistreatment. She eventually bought her freedom, settling a debt of nearly N2m, which allowed her to start working independently.

But this brief taste of freedom came at a steep price. After resisting sexual advances from her stepmother’s husband, she was thrown out onto the streets at midnight.

“I had no choice but to find somewhere to stay,” she explained.

Her ordeal continued when the house she rented was raided by police, leading to her arrest and imprisonment in a Libyan prison.

“The prison was hell. It was like being in hellfire. I can’t even describe it,” she said, trembling.”

“There were thousands of people crammed into overcrowded cells, men, women, and children. Some women gave birth in prison, only to be tossed back into their cells afterwards. The babies were given nothing but bread soaked in water.”

Precious’s suffering didn’t end with her imprisonment. “When my period came, I had no choice but to tear up my clothes and use them as makeshift sanitary pads. That was all I had,” she said, her eyes brimming with unshed tears.

The young lady spent over a month crying in prison, reflecting on the life she had left behind in Nigeria.

“I thought about how I had everything back home and now, here I was, in this nightmare,” she said, shaking her head. “Nothing I experienced in Libya compared to the horror of the prison. That was the real hell.”

Miraculously, Precious reunited with a long-lost friend in prison, someone she had not seen in over a year. Fearful of dying in the hellish conditions, Precious registered for deportation with the International Organisation for Migration.

And in January 2024, she returned to Nigeria, penniless, broken and battered.

“I’m healing, little by little, but it’s still hard to forget,” she said.

Forced displacement

As the global refugee crisis continues to worsen, the United Nations estimates that in 2024, there were 304 million international migrants, with 167.7 million international migrant workers making up 4.7 per cent of the global workforce. Women and girls, especially those from conflict-prone areas in some parts of Nigeria, are disproportionately affected by human trafficking.

According to the International Organisation for Migration, over 20,000 Nigerians have voluntarily returned home, with women and girls constituting 88 per cent of the returnees.

Among these, Libya has emerged as a major hotspot, accounting for 53 per cent of the exploitation cases, followed by Mali at 29 per cent.

The organisation noted that these numbers highlight the scale of the trafficking problem and the desperate need for more comprehensive solutions.

Trapped in Libya

On February 27, 2025, at 4:14 PM, Titi, a single mother, made a desperate plea for help, recounting the horrors faced by Nigerians abandoned in Libyan prisons.

The 30-year-old mother shared with Nigerians the agonising four months she spent in a Libyan prison, an experience that nearly drove her to madness.

“I am a single mother of one. I spent four months in prison before I was deported. My friends tried to bail me out, but it was impossible. There are too many Nigerians in prison, and some have already lost their sanity. Some who were supposed to be deported couldn’t because they couldn’t sign the Terms and Conditions form,” Titi explained, her voice filled with emotion.

She described her harrowing journey to Libya in 2022, after paying a broker for one year and six months of work, only to be sold into slavery.

Recalling a day she was arrested by the police, Titi said, “One day, I went out with my new boss. When we returned, we found the police waiting for us. My neighbours had fought, and someone had called the police.

“We barely got home when we heard a knock on the door. The police handcuffed us before we could speak, demanding money. They confiscated our phones once we arrived at the prison.”

Titi reached out to our correspondent to shed light on the plight of many Nigerians trapped in Libyan prisons.

“No one knows what happens in these prisons. When they arrest you, they take your phone. The food we’re given is laced with drugs. In the morning, we get a portion of rice with sauce, worth about 100 Naira. At night, it’s watery macaroni. After eating, your throat feels weak. Some try to go to the toilet but collapse from dizziness. On January 1, while others celebrated the New Year, some died. Another death occurred the next day. In Libya, they can break into your house, take your money, and throw you in prison without committing a crime,” she said bitterly.

Titi also shared that her menstruation stopped from the moment she entered prison.

Failure of Nigerian Embassy

Titi relentlessly criticised the Nigerian embassy in Libya, accusing them of neglect. “What I want you to know is that the Nigerian embassy isn’t doing anything there. Other embassies visit and care for their citizens in prison. But when the Nigerian embassy officials come, they bring nothing.

“They only ask who wants to register for deportation, and that’s it. Sometimes, they register 150 people, but only bring names for 60 and collect money from others who aren’t even in prison.

“They claim the documents for others registered aren’t ready. The embassy is only good at sharing money. Even the Libyan officials tell us it’s our own officials causing the problems. Many African nationals are rotting in the same prison, from Sudan to Niger.

“Any time the Gambian embassy visits, they bring bedsheets, toothpaste, and even food like milk for their citizens. But the Nigerian embassy officials would just show up, sometimes we won’t even know they came. I was deported with mothers holding their children and pregnant women,” Titi said, weeping.

She also revealed the despair of some Nigerian women trapped in prison.

Mental strain of human trafficking

A professor of Psychology at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Toba Elegbeleye, discussed the severe psychological toll of being trapped in confinement.

He explained that such experiences could make a person mad.

“It creates immense stress, leaving you disoriented and completely out of sync. You are denied freedom, placed in a foreign land with no hope of escape. Once you’re robbed of your basic rights, you are left to rely on divine intervention for any sense of relief. It can certainly cause loss of sanity.”

He, however, noted that some returnees of African descent often recover more quickly than those from other parts of the world because African culture is deeply accommodating and flexible.

“While some returnees might face discrimination, society generally embraces them. Even if they’ve violated some of our most cherished norms, our culture doesn’t quickly reject our own. There may be reprimands, guilt, or tough conversations, but ultimately, African culture welcomes returnees and thanks God for their safe return.”

Nigerians in Libya: Political instability and migrant struggles

Mike Adeyemi, known as Immabee, a house painter and content creator based in Tripoli, Libya, shared insights into the challenges faced by Nigerians in the country.

“I assist various countries on a turn-by-turn basis. Many individuals in prison have been abandoned, with the embassy rarely visiting them. These individuals’ only hope lies in if IOM reaches out. Many are in camps because they can’t afford rent, have been stranded, or were kidnapped,” he explained.

Immabee also revealed that Libyan police rarely investigate incidents thoroughly and often round up people indiscriminately.

“While some detainees may be guilty, many are innocent,” he added.

Despite prostitution being illegal, Immabee noted it thrives due to political instability and division in the country.

He said, “Prostitution is illegal in Libya, a Muslim country, with penalties of up to seven years in prison. However, powerful groups have destabilised the country, creating regions ruled by different factions. Corruption has thwarted efforts to unite and hold elections.

“Some areas are controlled by drug lords or those involved in prostitution, each with their own police force, making it nearly impossible for outsiders to intervene. For women trapped in these situations, escape is incredibly difficult. During Gaddafi’s regime, foreigners, especially Nigerians, had more freedom. Unfortunately, the country has been in conflict for nearly a decade.”

NIDCOM warns against irregular migration

The Nigerians in Diaspora Commission has issued a stern warning to Nigerians, urging them to avoid illegal migration.

The commission emphasised that when citizens find themselves in vulnerable situations due to irregular migration, the government cannot be held responsible.

The commission’s spokesperson, Abdur-Rahman Balogun, reiterated that Nigerians should migrate through legal channels.

“We have always advised Nigerians to migrate lawfully. When you migrate irregularly or illegally, you’re treated like a criminal, with no integrity,” he stated.

On the issue of Nigerians being stranded abroad, Balogun said, “They put themselves in this situation, and we didn’t know when they left. How could we know they were uncomfortable or abandoned in foreign countries?”

He said, despite challenges, NIDCOM has made significant efforts to assist citizens in distress.

“In the last six years, over 20,000 Nigerians have been evacuated from Libya, even though it is not our responsibility to carry out such evacuations. From January to March 18 this year, 956 Nigerians were brought back home with the help of the IOM and other relevant agencies,” Balogun said.

He also highlighted the grim reality of young Nigerians, particularly girls, being trafficked for prostitution.

“In Ghana alone last year, we helped bring back nearly 300 girls, aged between 13 and 21, who had been lured into prostitution. Some even sold family property to fund their journey,” Balogun revealed.

He advised Nigerians who find themselves in distress abroad to approach the Nigerian embassy or high commission for help.

“However, many victims are often hesitant to seek assistance due to fear. The traffickers often confiscate their passports, leaving them with no documents to prove their nationality. But the embassy will ensure that a true Nigerian is identified,” he assured.

Balogun further encouraged stranded Nigerians to use alternative communication methods if they do not receive adequate assistance from the embassy.

“This is the age of ICT. If they turn you down, you can email NIDCOM or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We respond appropriately to complaints,” he said.

This article, written by Oghenetega Urherebrume was culled from The Punch Newspaper of 10th May 2025.

African Bar Association mourns death of founding President, Rodger Masauso Alives Chongwe

African Bar Associaton (AFBA) has described the record set by its recently deceased founding president, Dr. Rodger Masauso Alives Chongwe, as “unblemished.”

AFBA in condolence letters addressed to Dr. Chongwe’s family and the Law Association of Zambia which he once headed said: “the story of his life wiil continue to be re-told being a deep history to the pathway of what service to humanity entails.”

A part of the letter signed by High Chief Ibrahim Eddy Mark, President of the African Bar Association reads:

African Bar Association is in receipt of the news of the death of Dr. Rodger Masauso Alives Chongwe (.SC), which occurred on 6th  May, 2025.

African Bar Association is fully aware of the invaluable service of late Dr. Chongwe as President, Law Association of Zambia and founding President, African Bar Association.

Dr. Chongwe and other eminent Africans in 1971 gave birth to African Bar Association, finding the need to unite African lawyers in pursuit of service to humanity and professional growth as legal practitioners.

Late Dr. Chongwe, provided service and leadership when needed in Africa for  the  legal  profession  and provided the  root  on  which  African  Bar Association stands till date.

We offer our condolence to Law Association of Zambia and the good people of Zambia in the monumental and irreparable loss of one of the finest African sons.

We pray God to give his soul eternal respite and grant the people of Zambia the fortitude to bear the loss.

Big lie Soludo told Tinubu during Presidential visit to Anambra

By Valentine Obienyem

Today, Governor Charles Soludo once again revealed his fixation on Mr. Peter Obi by using President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to Anambra State as an opportunity to launch veiled and unwarranted attacks against him.

During the visit, Governor Soludo claimed in his speech that the last visit by a sitting President to the state was merely to commission a brewery and other private investments. This assertion is both misleading and historically inaccurate.

Contrary to Governor Soludo’s claim, former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan paid five official visits to Anambra State during his tenure – each marked by impactful public and private sector engagements that significantly advanced the state’s socio-economic development.

On October 15, 2010, President Jonathan paid his first official working visit to Anambra. During the visit, he commissioned several key projects, including the Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing plant in Nnewi; the Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu Teaching Hospital, built from the ground up by Mr. Obi; the Kenneth Dike Central Library; the twin-building State Secretariat (the first in the state’s history); and the Emergency Management Complex. He also launched the Parenteral Drug Factory of Juhel Pharmaceuticals and commissioned a number of state roads, including Zik’s Avenue, Odor Bridge, the eight-lane Head Bridge–Upper Iweka Road, among others.

On August 30, 2012, President Jonathan returned to Anambra to inaugurate Orient Petroleum’s oil drilling facilities in Aguleri-Out, made possible by massive state investment under Mr. Peter Obi. He also inaugurated the Onitsha River Port Complex and commissioned various private-sector-led investments inspired by Mr. Obi’s administration. Over 15 roads within the Onitsha Harbour Industrial Estate were completed and commissioned during the visit. Key facilities commissioned within the estate included SABMiller Brewery (Intafact), Orange Drugs Company, Krisoral Company, and Brollo Steel Company, among others.

His third and fourth visits were to sympathise with victims of the devastating floods in Anambra and to attend the funeral of Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, respectively.

His fifth and final visit came on March 10, 2014, when he officially flagged off the construction of the N117 billion Second Niger Bridge. This historic occasion – held just days before Mr. Obi left office – saw President Jonathan acknowledge Mr. Obi’s persistence and instrumental role in pushing the project forward. The contract was re-awarded to Julius Berger following Mr. Obi’s insistence on a reputable contractor to ensure quality delivery.

It is important to underscore that Mr. Peter Obi deliberately encouraged the commissioning of private investments during presidential visits. His rationale was clear: while public infrastructure is expected from government, real economic growth requires private sector participation, which in turn benefits from federal attention and encouragement. This strategy attracted some of the most consequential investments in Anambra’s history – many of which remain top employers and major taxpayers today.

Intafact Brewery, which Governor Soludo referenced dismissively, stands today as not only the highest employer of labour in the state but also Anambra’s largest taxpayer. Its contribution to the state’s economy is immense. Other states, including Enugu, would consider themselves fortunate to host such a facility.

It should also be noted that the amusement park commissioned during President Tinubu’s visit was, until Mr. Obi’s intervention, a flood-prone wasteland. It was Obi who reopened the closed water channel, constructed a massive culvert, and made the area accessible for future development.

Beyond Jonathan’s visits, former President Olusegun Obasanjo also visited Anambra during Peter Obi’s tenure. In 2006 and 2007, he commissioned several strategic projects, including the Onitsha Business Park, the Revenue House in Awka, the Anambra State Fire Service Headquarters, and flagged off the Awka–Nibo–Nise–Enugwu-Ukwu ring road. These events clearly dispel any notion that Anambra lacked presidential attention during Mr. Obi’s time.

Regarding Soludo’s reference to the South-East’s endorsement of President Jonathan in 2011, it is worth pointing out that this was a collective decision by the South East’s leadership. They chose not to field a candidate for the presidency or vice presidency, opting instead to support Jonathan with the hope of reciprocal support in the future. It is therefore curious that Soludo failed to mention the type of adoption he meant which actually was the adoption of President Mohammad Buhari in 2015 and 2019.

Regrettably, Governor Soludo’s recent remarks continue a pattern of publicly undermining Mr Peter Obi – a trend that has persisted since the 2023 presidential campaign. Even more perplexing is that, rather than using President Tinubu’s visit to market Anambra and attract investment, Soludo chose to peddle a distorted version of history that downplays the state’s developmental strides.

While we sincerely thank President Tinubu for visiting Anambra and for the promises made – promises we hope will be fulfilled – it is essential that public officials speak truthfully, especially in the presence of national figures. Rewriting history for political gain not only disrespects past administrations but also insults the intelligence of Ndi Anambra.

Facts remain sacred. No amount of distortion can erase the visible legacy of impactful governance delivered during the Jonathan–Obi era.

•Obienyem was Special Adviser on Media to then-Governor Peter Obi.