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If I were Asue Ighodalo

Ikechukwu Amaechi

By Ikechukwu Amaechi

I had very instructive discussions with two A-list Nigerian politicians before and after the Edo State governorship election; the first being on Wednesday, three days before the poll. Both men have held positions of responsibility in government both at the state and federal levels.

The first politician dismissed the optimism of those who believed that given the pedigree of the 18 candidates and sophistication of the Edo electorate, the odds favoured the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Dr. Asue Ighodalo.

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), he was unequivocal that the result of the election had already been written. “I don’t know why Nigerians are so naïve. They don’t seem to know what they are up against. Which election are they talking about? The same election which result had already been written?” he asked.

That was incredulous. I reminded him how the Edo electorate stepped up to the plate in the 2020 governorship election. He riposted that times have changed and INEC has become more brazen, emboldened by the unscrupulousness of the new kids on the leadership block.

We left it at that, but I hoped to prove him wrong. It turned out on Saturday that he was spot on and I was wrong. On Sunday, at exactly 2.33 pm, when INEC’s deviousness was on full parade, he sent me a text message: “I told you.”

Earlier on Sunday, at exactly 9.37 am, the second politician called to lament. What he said was spine-chilling. “Have you seen what is happening in Edo? These guys have become so brazen. This is unbelievable. What this means is that anyone contesting elections in Nigeria today will be doing so at his own risk.” He was hoping to run for the governorship of his state in 2027. Not anymore after the Edo electoral heist by the APC, he said.

None of them is from Edo. So, they had no dog in the fight, so to speak. But as stakeholders, they are as worried as every other well-meaning Nigerian. But I am more worried now because of what they said.

Before now, the risk we faced as a result of the insufferable duplicity of INEC was voter apathy. Over the years, as people came to the realization that their votes never counted, voter enthusiasm waned.

According to INEC records, only 28.63 per cent of all eligible voters participated in the 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections. That was a new low in what has become a steady decline in the turnout of voters during elections. For instance, while as in 2011, voter turnout was an impressive 53.7 per cent, it dropped to 43.7 per cent in 2015 and 34.75 per cent in 2019.

After the 2023 elections, it was apparent that the voter apathy will intensify and the Edo governorship election where only about 22 per cent of the 2,629,025 registered voters voted has confirmed that. One would have thought that such embarrassing statistics will make the electoral umpire have a rethink. No! Instead of thinking of how to clamber out of the putrid hole of electoral malfeasance, the hardened enablers of electoral fraud are still digging.

Now, the consequence stares us in the face. Even politicians no longer have faith in INEC and if things remain the way they are, no credible Nigerian will waste his time and resources contesting elections again. The implication is that going forward, certificate forgers, age cheats, drug barons and sundry fraudsters will have the electoral field all to themselves.

The Edo election has confirmed what every discerning Nigerian knows: the Mahmoud Yakubu-led INEC is a fraud with no moral fibre to conduct free, fair and credible elections.

But by this brazenness, INEC has also finally overreached itself. As the legendary Chinua Achebe said in his book, A Man of the People, Yakubu now epitomizes that vile character, Josiah, the local shopkeeper, who tricked a blind beggar and stole his walking stick. As one of the villagers said, “Josiah has taken away enough for the owner to notice.” In the same vein, Yakubu and the INEC gang have crossed a line with the conduct of the Edo poll and longsuffering Nigerians have noticed.

Already, director of the Abuja school of social and political thought, Dr. Sam Amadi, has called for the disbandment of INEC as presently constituted, insisting that evidence abounds the electoral umpire was to blame for every bad election conducted in the country.

I agree in toto! And I make bold to say that the APC candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo, didn’t win last Saturday’s Edo governorship election. He lost woefully to the PDP candidate, Asue Ighodalo, no matter what the fraudulent INEC says. And this is not a speculation. Results announced at the polling booths confirm Ighodalo’s victory to the eternal shame of those who toy with the sovereign will of the people. What INEC did was a perpetuation of the electoral fraud that has made Nigeria a laughing stock in the comity of democratic nations.

If you are still in doubt, consider the fact that all the accredited civil society organizations (CSOs) that observed the poll have rejected the result, insisting that it lacks integrity. The problem, as it has always been the case, started at the point of result collation from the ward, local government to the state level, which flew in the face of the Electoral Act 2022.

A coalition of civil society groups, including Advocacy for Quality Leadership and Health Awareness Foundation; Grassroots Development and Peace Initiative; Citizens Rights and Leadership Awareness Initiative, etc., alleged on Sunday that INEC used two sets of result sheets — one used in the field and another that favoured the APC – during the collation in specific senatorial districts.

The Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room and some of its accredited member organisations, including Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa), Yiaga Africa, Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI), Nigerian Women Trust Fund (NWTF), and TAF Africa, were even more scathing in their report.

In a statement on Monday, they noted that while as “the voting process was concluded in a relatively peaceful atmosphere, the results collation process in some LGAs were not peaceful and did not meet electoral integrity standards.”

Concerned that the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines on collation were wilfully compromised, particularly in Egor, Ikpoba Okha, Oredo, Esan West and Ovia South-West LGAs, they said: “Our observation of the collation process shows that it was neither transparent nor opened to representatives of the various candidates in some cases. In addition, it lacks transparency in the application of the provision of the Electoral Act and the INEC Guidelines on over-voting and cancellation of results from polling units.”

Bemoaning the over-voting that was reported from more than 370 polling units across the State, they returned a damning verdict: “It is our observation that the Edo State Governorship election 2024 failed to fulfil the requirement of the conduct of credible elections, and again, raises questions about election credibility in Nigeria. As with recent polls, INEC’s ability and willingness to conduct credible elections in Nigeria remains questionable.”

The big elephant in the room has always been collation and Yakubu knows. As a history professor, he is most likely aware of the admonition of the Soviet dictator, Joseph Stalin, to his party apparatchik in 1923 thus: “I consider it completely unimportant who in the party will vote, or how; but what is extraordinarily important is this — who will count the votes, and how” because, “Those who vote decide nothing. Those who count the vote decide everything.” The devil in Nigeria’s elections is always in the counting.

So, INEC allowed the electorate to vote in Edo and then willfully manipulated the counting to decide the “winner.” What is even more worrying is the impunity. For instance, as at 8:40 am on Sunday, results from 4455 out of the 4,519 polling units where elections were held – 98.58 per cent – had been successfully uploaded on the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IREV), which means that Nigerians knew as a fact who won the election. Yet, bypassing its own portal, the self-same INEC had the audacity to collate results from only God knows where that was totally at variance with what was uploaded.

Those who want to be diplomatic have called for calm, asking those holding the short end of the electoral stick to follow due process in seeking redress.

Due process would mean going to court. That will be foolhardy because it is another layer of the fraud. As Mr. Jibrin Samuel Okutepa, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), noted recently, “No matter the volumes of evidence, the judiciary appears to have taken stand and seems to be siding with the people who have no regard and respect for the sovereignty of the people.”

To be sure, no petitioner can successfully sidestep the daunting legal banana peels starting from dubious concepts of demonstration of documents, dumping of documents and calling of agents polling unit by polling unit, to the requirement that certified true copies of public documents must be tendered by the makers and the new, albeit impossible proviso that no subpoenaed witness can testified unless his or her frontloaded statements on oath are filed along with the petitions within 21.

Here, Okutepa’s advice, for me, suffices. “It is my proposal to all ‘losers’ of elections in Nigeria not to waste time and resources to file election petitions because it is easier for an elephant to go through the eyes of the needle than for anyone who was robbed of victories in our elections to get immediate remedies and electoral justice.”

If I were Asue Ighodalo, the latest victim of Nigeria’s soulless electoral mafia led by Prof Mahmoud Yakubu, I will not go to court. The matter will be settled on the streets of Edo. If that is what those inclined to being politically correct call anarchy, so be it.

Truth be told, unless and until Nigerians show the capacity to resist the malfeasance of INEC and their enablers on the streets, not in courts, this impunity will not stop.

African Bar Association writes Speaker, alleges ‘deceptively drafted’ LGBT provisions in Samoa Agreement

While the National Media Complaints Commission (NMCC), also known as the Ombudsman has asked the Daily Trust to issue an apology over the inaccuracies in its report on the Samoa Agreement, the African Bar Association has written Nigeria’s House of Representatives, highlighting purportedly deceptive LGBT provisions in the recently signed Samoa Agreement.

The Ombudsman in the 19-page report of its investigation into a complaint made to it against the Daily Trust by the Federal Ministry of Information and National Orientation said the newspaper’s report complained about, which was published on July 4, 2024, was found to be inaccurate, particularly in suggesting that the Samoa Agreement contained provisions relating to the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) rights.

But, in the letter to Tajudeen Abbas, the House Speaker, dated September 12, 2024, and titled, “Re: Identification, Analysis And Implication of Deceptively Drafted LGBT Provision In The Samoa Agreement”, the association identified twelve specific provisions within the Samoa Agreement that “contain embedded references to sexual orientation and gender identity promoting LGBT agenda”.

The agreement, signed by Nigeria on June 28, 2024, sparked public outrage for its implications on Nigeria’s stance regarding LGBT rights, especially since the country previously delayed its endorsement. But Nigerian authorities denied such provisions.

Abubakar Bagudu, the minister of budget and economic planning had stated that LGBT references were absent from the agreement.

“Nowhere in the documents were LGBT or same-sex marriage mentioned even remotely, and emphatically stating that it would be wrong for anyone to imply that Nigeria had accepted those tendencies”, he had said in response to public outcry.

Yakubu Chonoko Maikyau, president of the Nigeria Bar Association had weighed in, stating that: “I wish to state that there is no provision in the SAMOA agreement that requires Nigeria to accept or recognize LGBTQ or gay rights, either as a precondition for a loan of $150 billion or at all.”

Yet critics, including the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, expressed concerns that the agreement might inadvertently recognize international LGBT rights, thereby conflicting with Nigeria’s longstanding stance against such ideologies.

In response, the African Bar Association’s Family Law Committee said it decided to analyze and research the context of the SAMOA agreement in depth.

“The Family Law Committee finds that LGBT affirmative language is by content, context and implication deceptively embedded in the provisions, programing and implementation of the SAMOA Agreement”, the letter read.

These provisions, they claim, include vague language around “sexual orientation” and “gender identity,” which could undermine Nigeria’s laws and cultural values.

Among these are implications regarding non-discrimination clauses and the requirement for comprehensive sexual and reproductive health education, which the association interpreted as supporting LGBT agendas.

The Committee also raised concerns that grant recipients for the treaty’s implementation will include NGOs and agencies that actively support LGBT initiatives. It warned that this could lead to a gradual acceptance of these ideologies under the guise of international obligations.

“There is a seriously overlooked problem, one of which ACP countries likely don’t have on their radar at all, and that is the fact that many of the grant recipients for implementing the treaty will be LGBT-supportive NGOs, businesses and UN agencies that are, even now, working to advance the LGBT agenda in Nigeria with EU funds.”

This Association noted that its report does not provide an exhaustive list of problematic provisions, adding that there are too many to address including the treaty’s assault on the national sovereignty of ACP countries with its supremacy clause, its requirement for ACP countries to hold joint positions and voting in international fora, and its mandated stakeholder approach for implementing the treaty, among others.

The association however said its report would provide enough material for the House of Representatives to pronounce itself on whether the SAMOA Agreement contains LGBT-promoting provisions.

Read the letter and the full report here.

The-letter-and-Report

How Falana in 2022 revealed Nigerian prison officials arrange for young people to serve jail terms for convicts

  • As FG orders probe, suspends senior prison officials over Bobrisky allegations

Although the Federal Government has suspended some senior officers of the Nigerian Correctional Service over bribery allegations regarding controversial crossdresser Idris Okuneye, widely known as Bobrisky, the April 2022 allegations of rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) that Nigerian prison officials arranged for young people to serve jail terms for criminals, is a clear indication that deeper investigation should have commenced in the prison sector long ago.

Below is a reproduction of that report.

Speaking on 8 April 2022 at a media session titled, “Forget the past, forfeit the future: A nation seceding from humanity” in Lagos, Falana revealed that criminals who have been convicted of a crime are allowed to walk freely on the streets after warders connive with convicts to pay youths willing to serve jail terms on behalf of criminals.

According to him, some of them who have been condemned to prison terms in Kirikiri hardly get there as the exchange is made at Mile 2, a few kilometres to the prison.

He also said that there were some convicts who don’t seek a replacement or representation in prison but simply pay court officials after which he goes from the court to his house.

He noted, “This will surprise you, when a judge pronounces a jail term, sir, before getting to Kirikiri, at Mile 2, warders have an arrangement whereby some prepared young persons will replace the convict. That is the person that will enter the prison, he’s paid.

“The second one, in the court premises, there’s a syndicate by the defence counsel, prosecutors, warders and court clerks. Once the judge turns his back, the convict will arrange and pay them and the convict will walk back home.

“There’s a study in Lagos, I think 2005/2006, 199 people sentenced for drug trafficking, none of them made it to the prison. It’s a very serious crisis we are facing. If you want to discuss the security of our country, it goes beyond calling for mercenaries.”

A blogger, Martins Otse known as VeryDarkMan, had alleged in viral videos that some officers of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) collected ₦15 million from Bobrisky for the anti-graft agency to drop money laundering charges against him during his naira spraying ordeal in April after which a court sentenced him to six months’ imprisonment.

The blogger also alleged that Bobrisky paid some millions of naira to secure a choice place in prison.

Bobrisky has since denied the allegations while the EFCC and the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS) had ordered investigations into the allegations by the blogger.

In a statement on Thursday, the Civil Defence, Correctional, Fire and Immigration Services Board said the suspension of the officers followed a viral video on alleged infractions against them.

The statement which was signed by Ja’afaru Ahmed said the suspension of these officers is to allow for further investigation of the various allegations while assuring that the outcome would be made public when concluded.

The officers are “Michael Anugwa, Deputy Controller of Corrections (DCC), in charge of Medium Security Custodial Centre (MSCC), Kirikiri, Lagos State; and Sikiru Adekunle, Deputy Controller of Corrections (DCC), in charge of Maximum-Security Custodial Centre (MSCC), Kiri-kiri, Lagos State.”

The Board has suspended ASC II Ogbule Samuel Obinna, serving at the Medium Security Custodial Centre (MSCC), Afikpo, Ebonyi State, for allegedly accompanying a convicted inmate out of the Custodial Centre to a location outside the facility.

“In another related development, the Board has equally suspended another Senior Officer of the Service, Iloafonsi Kevin Ikechukwu, Deputy Controller of Corrections (DCC), In-Charge of Medium Security Custodial Centre (MSCC), Kuje- Abuja, for allegedly receiving monies on behalf of an inmate.”

Breaking The Silence: Digital rights for women and girls in Nigeria

Mojirayo Ogunlana

Imagine logging into the internet, eager to explore opportunities, only to be shut out—not because of your abilities, but because of your identity. This is the reality for many Nigerian women and girls, who face a growing digital divide that limits their access, opportunities, and safety online.

Though the Nigerian Constitution enshrines digital rights—like privacy (Section 37), freedom of expression (Section 39), freedom of peaceful assembly and association (Section 40)—these rights remain elusive for many women and girls. Discriminatory barriers in the digital space continue to silence their voices and limit their potential.

Amina, a 19-year-old aspiring writer from Kano, represents this struggle. She has a phone but limited internet access due to a family that believes a woman’s place is at home. When she manages to access the internet, she faces harassment and pressure to conform to traditional gender roles. 

Women across Nigeria face not just limited access, but disproportionate levels of online abuse. According to Paradigm Initiative, 55% of Nigerian women have experienced online violence, including cyberbullying and image-based abuse. These attacks silence women, stripping them of the internet’s potential to provide education, career growth, and political participation.

Access to technology is another hurdle. Despite Nigeria being one of Africa’s most connected nations, only about 35% of internet users are women, according to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). This digital divide is most severe in rural areas, where financial barriers prevent women from affording smartphones or laptops. In urban areas, even where access is greater, cultural and economic obstacles persist, leaving many women without the necessary digital literacy.

Blessing, a young entrepreneur from Lagos, had hoped social media would help her grow her fashion business. Instead, she encounters lewd comments and threats, not because of her work, but her gender and appearance. This kind of objectification and sexualization discourages women from participating in digital economies, turning platforms of empowerment into spaces of disempowerment.

Judicial Precedents: A Path Forward for Nigeria

To address these issues, judicial activism and legislative reform are essential. A landmark case from India provides a framework for advancing women’s digital rights. In Anivar A. Aravind v. Union of India & Ors (2021), W.P.(C) No. 21485 of 2020, the Kerala High Court ruled that restricting internet access disproportionately affects women and marginalized groups, violating their fundamental rights to freedom of expression.

The court recognized that access to the internet is essential for full participation in modern society and emphasized the state’s duty to ensure equitable access to technology.

This ruling offers valuable lessons for Nigeria. By recognizing the unequal impact of digital restrictions on women, Nigerian courts could play a proactive role in safeguarding women’s constitutional rights online. 

The Anivar case illustrates that courts can challenge socio-cultural norms that limit women’s access to the internet and push governments to address digital inequality through targeted policies.

Recommendations for Legislative and Judicial Reform

1.  Strengthen Legal Protections Against Online Harassment

Nigeria’s Cybercrimes Act (2015) criminalizes online harassment, but it fails to address the gendered nature of such violence. Legislative reform should introduce provisions specifically targeting online abuse that disproportionately affects women. Inspired by the Anivar ruling, Nigeria’s laws should recognize the unique barriers women face in accessing the internet and ensure stronger legal protections for women’s digital rights.

2.  Enact Digital Equality Legislation

Nigeria needs legislation focused on promoting digital equality, including universal access to affordable internet, particularly for women in rural areas. Following the precedent set in Anivar, the Nigerian government should prioritize digital inclusion programs to ensure women and marginalized groups can fully participate in the digital space.

3.  Judicial Activism and Public Interest Litigation

Nigerian courts should follow the example of Anivar by recognizing digital access as a fundamental right. Public interest litigation could be an effective tool for advocacy groups to challenge digital inequalities. A proactive judiciary, which acknowledges the unique barriers women face online, could drive stronger legal protections and hold the government accountable for providing equitable access.

4.  Expand Digital Literacy Programs for Women

Digital literacy programs must be designed specifically for women, particularly in rural and underserved areas. These programs should go beyond basic internet skills, teaching women how to safely navigate online spaces and leverage technology for education and entrepreneurship. Empowering women with digital skills will help break the cycle of exclusion and foster greater participation in the digital economy.

A Call to Action

Nigeria must act decisively to ensure women and girls can fully participate in the digital age. Judicial activism and legislative reform are crucial in dismantling the socio-cultural and economic barriers preventing women from accessing and benefiting from technology. As demonstrated in the Anivar case, courts can drive legal changes that recognize the unique challenges women face online and hold governments accountable for addressing the digital divide.

For women like Amina and Blessing, the internet should be a tool for empowerment, not another space where gender inequality is reinforced. Protecting women’s digital rights is not just essential for their personal empowerment but also for Nigeria’s democratic future. It’s time to break the silence.

Mojirayo Ogunlana is a Digital, Media, Gender and Human Rights Advocate

Otu Oka-Iwu Abuja congratulates CP Peter Opara

Press Release

The Otu Oka-Iwu Abuja extends its heartfelt congratulations to our esteemed member, CP Peter Opara, on his well-deserved promotion to the rank of Commissioner of Police.

We equally commend his deployment to the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Command as the Commissioner of Police, albeit for a brief period, and now celebrate his redeployment to the Delta State Command.

As a distinguished lawyer and a proud member of Otu Oka-Iwu, we are confident that CP Opara’s legal expertise, leadership experience, and unwavering commitment position him as the ideal leader for the Delta State Police Command.

However, to ensure his immediate effectiveness, we call upon the Inspector-General of Police to facilitate the formal handover ceremony between CP Opara and the outgoing Commissioner, who has now been redeployed to Rivers State. This critical step will enable him to hit the ground running and execute his duties without delay.

We trust that with the right support and by God’s grace, CP Opara will lead the Delta State Command with wisdom, integrity, and strength.

Once again, we offer our congratulations and best wishes for your success.

Chidi Udekwe
President, Otu Oka-Iwu, Abuja

The Femi Falana angle in the Bobrisky prison-tales controversy

By Sylvester Udemezue

(1). While we await report of the “investigation” said to have been “launched” by the EFCC, I need to humbly offer my opinion on an aspect of this video which, in my view, smacks of crass ignorance of the law on the part of the presenter of the video clip.

(2). Assuming it’s true that Femi Falana, SAN, had indeed advised Bobrisky to apply for pardon (prerogative of mercy pursuant to Section 175 ,CFRN, 1999), does this fact bring any taint upon Mr Femi Falana or in any way make Femi Falana complicit in any alleged or seeming perversion of justice or encouragement of corruption?

(3). The answer in my opinion is NO.

(4). MY REASONS:

(a). With due respect, there is absolutely nothing wrong in a prisoner approaching a lawyer for legal advice. If Bobrisky had indeed contacted FALZ and FALZ got his father, the respected learned silk Femi Falana to offer legal advice, that if Bobrisky wished to come out before the end of his jail term, one option open to Bobrisky was to apply for pardon pursuant to Section 175 of the CFRN, 1999, I see absolutely nothing wrong in the advice.

(b). Also, such a piece of advice by the learned silk under the circumstances, does not mean the learned silk was encouraging corruption; from the facts Bobrisky wasn’t convicted of with corruption but of spraying money, which in my view, is a very minor offense that has nothing to do with corruption or money laundering. I was even shocked that Bobrisky was sent to prison over such a minor breach of the law, especially considering he had pleaded; payment of fine should have been enough punishment for such minor infraction. Every right-thinking person should be surprised, as I am, especially considering we are in an era when restorative justice is being encouraged.

(c). Finally, it’s possible that as of the time Mr Falana offered the alleged legal advice, Mr Falana was not aware that Bobrisky wasn’t serving the jail term in any prison but at a lodge near prison. There is no evidence showing in the video clip, that Bobrisky disclosed such fact to Mr Falana. Hence, Mr Falana was entitled to assume that Bobrisky was speaking to him from the prison yard. After all, more often than not, prisoners are allowed even by prison wardens to use phones imfrom inside the prison.

(4). Conclusion: In my opinion, if this story is true, then the evidence available from only the video clip exculpates learned silk Falana from any wrongdoing and from any unprofessional conduct. With due respect, the presenter of the video has unjustifiably called out Mr Falana, out of his (the presenter’s own) ignorance of the extant law. He accordingly owes Mr Femi Falana, SAN, an apology for this smear campaign, founded upon ignorance, against Mr Falana. He should additionally retract this false allegation and false representation against the learned silk.
Respectfully,
Sylvester Udemezue (Udems),
Proctor,
The Reality Ministry (TRM).
08109024556.
[email protected].
(25/09/2024)

Justice Delivery: How Sanwo-Olu appointed 38 judges within 2 years in Lagos

  • Akaraiwe, SAN, Advocates for appointments of more judges, on a ratio of 50 cases per judge in a year

Lagos State Governor Babjide Sanwo-Olu on Tuesday revealed that between 2023 and 2024, 38 judges were appointed by his government to enhance the speedy dispensation of justice in the state.

Speaking at the special thanksgiving service for the opening of the 2024/2025, new legal year of the Lagos State Judiciary held at the Cathedral Church of Christ in Marina, Sanwo-Olu who was represented by his wife, Dr. Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu, stated that his administration will continue to support the judiciary.

The Governor reaffirmed the government’s dedication to ensuring that the judiciary remains independent, well-resourced, and capable of delivering impartial justice.

Commended the judiciary for its efforts in enhancing justice delivery through reforms and infrastructural improvements, he used the occasion to highlight his administration’s key achievements, including the digitalisation of court processes, judicial appointments, and training programmes for judges.

“The construction of new court complexes and the renovation of existing judicial infrastructure have created a more conducive environment for the dispensation of justice,” the governor stated.

He particularly lauded the success of the judiciary’s e-filing systems, noting that these digital reforms have helped to reduce delays in case filings, ensuring quicker and more efficient justice delivery.

“I am particularly proud of the digitalisation of the judiciary’s filing processes, which has significantly reduced delays in filing cases,” Sanwo-Olu added.

He stressed that these reforms are part of a broader effort to make the Lagos judiciary a model of efficiency and a beacon of hope for all citizens.

“Our judicial officers have fully embraced these innovations while remaining firmly committed to the timeless values of fairness, equity, and justice,” he remarked.

In line with the commitment to improving the efficiency of the judiciary, Sanwo-Olu acknowledged the steady increase in the number of judges within the state; pointing out that, in 2023, Lagos State appointed 25 new judges, with an additional 13 judges added by May 2024.

“To maintain efficiency in the swift administration of justice, the judiciary has steadily increased the number of judges. In 2023, 25 judges were appointed, followed by an additional 13 in May 2024.

“As we move forward into the new legal year, I extend my warmest wishes for a successful 2024 and 2025 of continued progress, reform, and justice for all.

“The vital role you play in interpreting our law, adjudicating civil and criminal matters, and providing Mechanisms for alternative dispute resolution are immensely instrumental in achieving an effective justice delivery,” he said.

Earlier in his sermon, the Diocesan Bishop of the cathedral, Rt. Revd. Ifedola Okupevi, urged judges to refrain from being partial, or bribery in order to pervert the cause of justice.

The bishop said: ” The judiciary is the hope of the citizens in Nigeria, both rich and poor because justice delayed is justice denied.

“We have come here today to rejoice and thank God for the new legal year but if you take bribe and do not treat people fairly, it will distort the prosperity of our land because the judiciary is the last hope of the common man.

“Bribery will not allow one to see the truth. The point is that one cannot take a bribe and be impartial.

“As you give judgment, those that are right, give them the right judgment and those that are wrong, tell them that they are wrong.

“As Christian judge, lawyers, do not pervert justice because the children of Eli did so and died on the same day,” he warned.

In an interview with Law & Society, an ex-1st Vice President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ikeazor Akaraiwe, SAN, advocated for more judges and courtrooms to tackle the perennial problem of overloaded dockets and abortion of justice occasioned by the snail-paced justice system.

“We need to have a judicial policy that judges or magistrates should not have more than 50 cases in his / her docket in a given year. This is to enable day-to-day trials, and therefore, soon a conclusion of cases. Nigerian lawyers and judexes do not know that adjournments of one, two, three months during hearing are an aberration.

“Secondly, the judicial policy should insist on day-to-day trial of all cases. When cases are filed, judges may fix hearing against 6 or 12 months’ time, and thereafter, hear those cases daily until the conclusion. Adjournments should not be entertained.

“Thirdly, the judicial policy should ensure that when judges’ dockets begin to go beyond 50 cases in a year, new judges are appointed. I still cannot get over the 60-court complex we saw in Vancouver, Canada in 2010, when some of us took a break from the 2010 IBA Conference to visit their courts.

“We wondered if the 60-court complex was for the entire Province of British Columbia, and the court administrator said ‘No, Victoria City, the capital next door had a similar court complex!’ Directly opposite this court complex was a similar-sized magistrates’ court complex!

“My drift? Deal with causes of delay, beginning with infrastructural – electronic recording of hearings as opposed to longhand recording with the necessary electricity infrastructure put in place by policy; appointments of many more judges, on a ratio of 50 cases per judge in a given year, with a disciplinary mechanism to ensure that those who cannot conclude 50 cases in a year are shown the way out.”

Menstrual Health and Hygiene in Crisis: A Call for urgent action in Maiduguri

By Mabel Adinya Ade

The recent floods in Maiduguri have left countless families stranded, with many cut off from basic necessities. Among the hardest hit are women and girls, whose menstrual health and hygiene needs are often overlooked in emergency situations. With food supplies dwindling, access to clean water limited, and sanitation facilities damaged, many of these women face unimaginable challenges.

Pregnant women, trapped in waterlogged areas for days, have delivered in unsanitary conditions, and others have suffered miscarriages due to the harsh and dehumanizing circumstances. Amidst this crisis, a pressing concern remains largely unspoken – the plight of menstruating women and girls who have no access to sanitary pads, clean underwear, or water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) facilities. For these women, the lack of menstrual hygiene products adds a layer of indignity and discomfort to an already dire situation.

Periods do not stop in emergencies, and yet, in times of crisis, the specific needs of women and girls are often deprioritized. The absence of adequate menstrual health management in these affected areas increases the risk of infection, physical discomfort, and emotional distress, leaving many to manage their periods with improvised, unhygienic materials.

The Adinya Arise Foundation (AAF) recognizes this urgent need and is calling on well-meaning individuals, organizations, and the government to step up and address the unique gender-specific challenges that menstruating women and girls face in the aftermath of this disaster. The AAF is prepared to deliver sanitary pads, detergents, clean sanitizers, and underwear to these vulnerable communities, but the magnitude of the need requires broader support and coordinated action.

A simple supply of sanitary pads, along with essential hygiene products like soap and clean clothing, can restore dignity to thousands of women and girls in Maiduguri. This is not just about meeting a basic need; it is about ensuring that women’s health and rights are protected even in times of crisis. We cannot afford to let menstrual hygiene fall through the cracks of disaster response.

Now more than ever, the call to action is clear. It is time for individuals, organizations, and policymakers to ensure that the unique needs of women and girls are prioritized. Together, we can alleviate their suffering and bring relief to those in need. The Adinya Arise Foundation stands ready to play its part, but we need your help to make a lasting impact.

Let us not allow the women and girls of Maiduguri to be left behind.

Mabel Adinya Ade is the Executive Director Adinya Arise Foundation AAF 8 Eket Close Area 8 Garki Abuja FCT Nigeria.
Email: [email protected]
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Legalizing sports gambling was a huge mistake

The evidence is convincing: The betting industry is ruining lives.

By Charles Fain Lehman

Over the weekend, millions of Americans watched football. They cheered, they ate, and—more than ever—they gambled. The American Gaming Association expects $35 billion in bets to be placed on NFL games in 2024, about one-third more than last year’s total.

If you follow sports, gambling is everywhere. Ads for it are all over broadcasts; more than one in three Americans now bets on sports, according to a Seton Hall poll. Before 2018, sports gambling was prohibited almost everywhere. Now it’s legal in 38 states and the District of Columbia, yielding $10 billion a year in revenue.

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Readers may be quick to dismiss these developments as harmless. Many sports fans enjoy betting on the game, they say. Is it such a big deal if they do it with a company rather than their friends?

A growing body of social-science literature suggests that, yes, this is in fact quite different. The rise of sports gambling has caused a wave of financial and familial misery, one that falls disproportionately on the most economically precarious households. Six years into the experiment, the evidence is convincing: Legalizing sports gambling was a huge mistake.

Starting in 1992, sports betting was generally banned throughout most of the United States under the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act. PASPA forbade running gambling “schemes” tied to competitive sports. Americans could still make bets with one another about Super Bowl results, but neither government nor businesses could get a cut of the action.

That approach held until 2012, when New Jersey, fearing that Atlantic City was losing its competitive edge, legalized sports gambling. The NCAA brought suit, alleging a violation of PASPA; the state responded that PASPA itself was an infringement on its sovereignty. The case came before the Supreme Court, which in 2018 ruled that PASPA violated the Tenth Amendment’s prohibition on the federal government exercising powers reserved for the states.

With PASPA gone, states were eager to let sportsbooks set up shop. Within a year and a half, Goldman Sachs estimated, Americans were betting about $50 million a month. By late 2023, that figure exceeded $1 billion a month—a 20-fold increase.

Alarming patterns have started to emerge. Two recent working papers look at the economic impacts of legalization. One, by Northwestern University’s Scott Baker and colleagues, finds that legal sports gambling depletes households’ savings. Specifically, for every $1 spent on betting, households put $2 less into investment accounts. States see big increases in the risk of overdrafting a bank account or maxing out a credit card. These effects are strongest among already precarious households.

second paper, from the economists Brett Hollenbeck of UCLA and Poet Larsen and Davide Proserpio of the University of Southern California, tells a similar story. Looking specifically at online sports gambling, they find that legalization increases the risk that a household goes bankrupt by 25 to 30 percent, and increases debt delinquency. These problems seem to concentrate among young men living in low-income counties—further evidence that those most hurt by sports gambling are the least well-off.

A third recent paper, from the University of Oregon economists Kyutaro Matsuzawa and Emily Arnesen, shows another, perhaps more surprising—and certainly more harrowing—harm of gambling legalization: domestic violence. Earlier research found that an NFL home team’s upset loss causes a 10 percent increase in reported incidents of men being violent toward their partner. Matsuzawa and Arnesen extend this, finding that in states where sports betting is legal, the effect is even bigger. They estimate that legal sports betting leads to a roughly 9 percent increase in intimate-partner violence.

Because of the studies’ design, these results reveal what sports gambling causes, not merely what it correlates with. And the numbers they reveal are of course not only numbers but human lives. Sports gambling is addictive; although many people can do just a little of it, some keep playing compulsively, well past the point of no return. This yields not only debt and bankruptcy but emotional instability and even violence. The problems don’t stop there: Gambling addiction has been connected to anxiety, depression, and even suicide.

The industry may claim to want to prevent problem gambling, but its profits largely come from the compulsions of people with a problem. A small number of people place the large majority of bets—about 5 percent of bettors spent 70 percent of the money in New Jersey in late 2020 and early 2021, for example. The costs of gambling concentrate among those least able to pay, setting back those who most need help. That dollar that could have gone to buying a home, getting a degree, or escaping debt instead goes to another wager. Such behavior is irresponsible, but it’s hard to blame bettors alone when companies make their profits by pushing them to bet more.

Legalization isn’t yielding many benefits, either. Tax revenue—one of the major justifications for legalization—has been anemic, with all 38 legal states combined making only about $500 million from it a quarter, less than alcohol, tobacco, or marijuana. And it hasn’t even shrunk the illegal market, at least in Massachusetts, where bettors were just as likely to use unauthorized betting sites after legalization.

Against this backdrop, PASPA-era prohibition looks comparatively benign. Americans could bet with one another, but businesses couldn’t profit off of it. Arrests for gambling were basically nonexistent, meaning prohibition had limited human cost.

For little obvious gain, most states have permitted businesses to make billions of dollars off of the most economically precarious among us. Some commentators and politicians have—falteringly—recognized these costs, and suggested careful regulation around the edges to address them.

But the more elegant solution is the blunter one: ban sports gambling once again. Unlike regulation—which is complex, hard to get right, and challenged by near-certain industry capture of regulatory bodies—prohibition cuts the problem off at the root. No legal sports gambling, no sports-gambling industry.

For the dozen states, including Texas and California, where sports gambling is still illegal, the solution is simple: change nothing. For the other states, undoing the damage may be harder. But it is damage worth undoing. If the states are “laboratories of democracy,” then the results of their experiment with sports gambling are in, and they are uniformly negative. Better to end the study now than prolong the suffering.

Culled from The Atlantic

Nigeria’s children of sweet power

By Suyi Ayodele

Isabel dos Santos is the first daughter of Angola’s longest-serving president, José Eduardo dos Santos, who died on July 8, 2022. The late Angolan president ruled the country for 38 years (1979-2017). Isabel grew up in the presidential palace. She became influential in government circles. That transformed her to become rich, not just rich, but wealthy. At a time, Forbes recorded her as the richest woman in Africa. She leveraged on her father’s presidency to corner good business deals. She sat atop Boards of the nation’s biggest companies from telecommunications to oil, prospecting for precious stones and other thriving enterprises.

But now, the ‘Daddy’s Girl’ is in trouble. Forbes, for instance, has deleted her from the hall of fame of the richest in Africa. Why? Shortly after her father left power, the truth of how she became wealthy started coming to light. All over the world, where Isabel has her assets, there are plans to have them frozen. The reason is simple. The ex-first daughter is said to have acquired her wealth through underhand dealings during the 38 years her father ruled Angola.

This is how Forbes, in a May 27, 2022, article, describes her: “As best as we can trace, every major Angolan investment held by Dos Santos stems either from taking a chunk of a company that wants to do business in the country or from a stroke of the president’s pen that cut her into the action. Her story is a rare window into the same, tragic kleptocratic narrative that grips resource-rich countries around the world.” The summary of Isabel is that of a lady who became wealthy without any antecedent of good business in the enterprise world. Her father, the late president Santos of Angola, was the proverbial squirrel that cracked her financial palm kernel.

At home here, we have more than enough shares of our own Isabel dos Santos. Never in the history of Nigeria have we been assailed by the impunity and affluence of the children of our leaders. That ugly trend started with General Muhammadu Buhari, who, as our husband between 2015 and 2023, could not impose the simple discipline of discretion on his children.

In this current political dispensation, we have had an Olusegun Obasanjo as our president. The most noticeable of his children, while he presided over our affairs (1999-2003), happened to be his first daughter, Iyabo. While one may find it difficult to defend the claim that Obasanjo was instrumental to Iyabo becoming a commissioner in Ogun State and later a senator, we cannot deny the fact that the woman, on her own, has all the credentials required for those positions. And, on a general note, besides her foray into politics, Iyabo remained lowkey all through her father’s presidency. I cannot recall here, any inanity she engaged in.

The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s children did not come across as children who were over-indulged when their father was president between May 29, 2007, and May 5, 2010. The best we knew of his children while he was in office is the fact that his daughters, Zainab, Nafisa and Maryam, all married into homes of affluence. His successor, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ), is unarguably the only president in this dispensation with no known indulgence of children. Apart from his wife, Madam Patience, who was loud and frivolous like other First Ladies of this era, GEJ succeeded in reining in his children. Majority of Nigerians don’t even know the names of President Jonathan’s children. They were shielded, and still shielded from public glare. “Clueless”, as they labelled the Otuoke-born politician, Jonathan has demonstrated to us that he has full and adequate control of his children.

In contrast, the one they said is the Mai Gaskiya, and epitome of discipline of our era, General Buhari, is the one who first subjected our sensibilities to serious attack with the way and manner he used the State resources to pamper his children. Hanan, one of Buhari’s daughters, took advantage of her father’s position to fly about in Presidential jets to attend the most frivolous of all functions like flying to Bauchi to go and take photographs of the traditional Durbar and the architectural designs in the city!

The Presidency later explained to us that the president’s daughter needed the Bauchi photographs for her fieldwork in her Master’s programme at one of the universities in the United Kingdom. Bunkum! Needless to say, when Hanan touched down in Bauchi with the Presidential jet and the insignia of the president, Bauchi State Government officials were at the airport to receive her.

If we felt that we have seen it all in Buhari’s case, Nigerians have new tales to tell in the attitudes of the children of our current husband, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. From the first daughter of the president, Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, to her two brothers, Seyi and Yinka, it has been one indulgence to the other. Seyi, until his father was prevailed upon, was said to be attending the weekly Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting in the Presidential Villa. While Yinka has been relatively self-effacing, Seyi remains loud and ubiquitous! At one time, he was spotted in the Presidential jet enroute to Kano to go and play polo!

The president’s son was present ‘officially’ when the new Chief Justice of Nigeria was being sworn in. Someone said the big boy was learning the rope, that one day may come when the young shall grow and he will swear in his own CJN.

The most recent of the explorations and exploits was the trip by Seyi and Yinka to Maiduguri, Borno State, last week. They were said to have gone to the flood-ravaged state to commiserate with the victims of the self-inflicted pains caused by the failure of government to do what is right. In the one-minute and 18-second video of the visit in circulation, not less than 20 Borno State Government officials received the duo at the airport. And before you ask if the Office of Sons of the President is part of our government structure, Seyi and Yinka were driven straight to the Government House to see Governor Babagana Umara Zulum; and from there, they were moved to the Palace of the Sheu of Borno, Alhaji Ibn Umar Garba, in a state-visit style. On that trip were a handful of aides, whose duty was to attend to the nation’s First and Second Son!

I tried to rationalise that trip. Someone, however, said that my attention should be on the kindness Seyi Tinubu demonstrated in Maiduguri. The president’s son was said to have donated N500 million to the victims of the Borno flood, in addition to other items. Wao! I think, like it was suggested to me, Seyi deserves our accolades. He is such a generous son of our husband. His mum, (or, step-mum), Mrs. Remi Tinubu, also donated the same amount (N500m) to the flood victims, days before Seyi breezed into Maiduguri. Nigerians are fortunate to have such a generous First Family. We should not ask how Seyi made his money. That will amount to what my people call etanu (malicious envy)!

When you have a father who was once a senator, who once ruled Lagos for eight years, and still appoints who rules the state to date, you cannot but be rich. When the man who sired you transformed from being a kingmaker, National Leader of an opposition-turned-ruling party, and becoming the president of the most populous Black nation, N500 million is nothing. Why? The elders of my place say that when the madman is given a hoe, he makes the heaps in between his two legs.

Nobody begrudges a child who resembles the father (Omo ò lè jo baba ká máa bínú omo). Seyi cannot have a father like Daddy Tinubu, who does not know the tribal marks money has, the Ninalowo (Money is meant to be spent), and be stingy! “What is money? Money is nothing. Premium or Nothing.” Those are lyrics of Flavour the Afro-pop star in his Big Baller Single. The aides and officials who were on that trip would also ‘lick’ their fingers; I take a bet on that! My friends, Seyi’s fans, told me that he is a “self-made man”, and I agreed with them. Most children of our politicians are “self-made.”

One of the “self-made” children of our leaders was also in the news last week. His name is Abdulaziz Abubakar Malami, son of the immediate past Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami. If the video is real and its content true and correct, Abdulaziz is just 29 years old, but he already has a conglomerate that runs into billions of Naira. The narrator in the video, where Abdulaziz’s wealth is flaunted, said that the young man has in his employ, over 2,000 staff. The narrator added that besides being a lawyer with a law firm located at Sani Abacha Road, Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, there was nothing else about the one described as “the third youngest Nigerian” managing one of the richest conglomerates in Nigeria.

The junior Malami is said to own a secondary school, a university, a clothing line, hotels, a rice mill, supermarket and others. His father, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and former AGF is just 57 years old. Before the senior Malami became a minister under Buhari, he was not known as old money. But the God of transformation smiled on his family. There is nothing God cannot do. Today, his son, who is not 30 years yet, is said to sit atop a conglomerate that employs over 2,000 Nigerians. All we are required to do is to praise the boy’s ‘industry’ and his sense of ‘patriotism’ in establishing companies that have taken away a full 2,000 people off the job market. Some children came to this world with the star of fortune! Juxtapose the aforementioned against this story from the days of my childhood.

We were three little primary two pupils of Local Authority Primary School East (LA East), Ikole Ekiti. The first is a cousin. He will not be reading this because of his present circumstances. The second, my childhood friend, and twin brother, is an officer in our state’s local government service commission. Then, yours sincerely was the leader of the ‘gang’ that day.

Our Eskisi ma, (teacher), had a presence. We knew her as Eye Pelu (Pelu’s mother), that’s what the locals called her. Pelu, her son, was our classmate too. It was harvesting time. The older pupils in the higher classes worked on the school farm and harvested groundnuts. A basket of the groundnuts was kept in our class. We had the mid-day break, called “long break”, and Eskisi ma stepped out of the class. Pelu took the advantage. He went to the basket of groundnuts, took a handful, and beckoned on us to come forward for our ‘shares’. He attached a condition. He took the mother’s cane and announced that anyone who accepted to be flogged by him would partake in the groundnuts.

In my little head, I knew that taking the groundnuts in the first instance without permission was wrong. I was taught that early in life. Besides, I could not reconcile why Pelu should flog me first before giving out the groundnuts; we are of the same age bracket. Then, something also told me that the items belonged to all of us, and Pelu was just an Omo Tisha (the teacher’s son).

I stayed back. My cousin and my friend likewise. The three of us shared the same bench in the class. When Pelu was through with those who volunteered to be flogged, he came to us. He asked why we didn’t get up to collect groundnuts. Trust yours sincerely, I was the spokesman for the ‘rebels’. I answered by saying that the groundnuts were not his’ and he had no right to take them or flog anyone. The devil took over Pelu. He landed the cane on me. Mine was a natural reflex. I leapt on him like a leopard. The two other rebels joined. It was a commotion. Sacrilege! Nobody would dare touch an Omo Tisha those days! A classmate once told me that he nearly fainted the day he saw his teacher answering the call of nature! Teachers, then, were regarded as deities, not mortals. Pelu’s yell attracted those in the adjoining classes.

Eskisi ma and two others rushed in. They saw the ‘abomination’. The fight stopped. The three of us stood up, we knew we were in trouble. One of the Eskisi mas that followed Eye Pelu wanted to descend on us. Eye Pelu restrained her. Our Eskisi ma asked what happened. We explained. She confirmed from one or two other pupils if Pelu indeed took the groundnuts, and she got an affirmative answer.

It was like a flash. The next thing we saw was that Pelu was on the floor. The mother, with her heavy presence on top of him. She was beating, pinching and kicking the son. Then she burst into tears. We were alarmed. Other Eskisi mas and sirs came and took her off the boy. The three of us, musketeers, lost colour. We were shaking like a virgin seeing ‘it’ for the first time. We knew we were finished. If Eskisi ma could handle her son, Pelu, the way she did, there was nothing she would not do to us. We waited with bated breath.

Normalcy was restored. Eskisi ma simply went back to her table without looking in our direction. She ordered everyone back to their desks. The three of us stood where we were. She looked at us and asked us to go back to our seats. We obeyed her. Minutes later, class resumed, and Eskisi ma taught us as if nothing happened. That session ended and we moved to a higher class. Eskisi ma did not change her attitude towards us, she never mentioned that we once beat her son. No other teacher reprimanded us for beating an Omo Tisha (teacher’s child).

The lesson registered in my heart in an indelible manner. I got to know from that cradle incident that it is the responsibility of every parent to teach his or her children ethics, morals and good discipline. Pelu’s mum felt bad that her son would go and touch the groundnuts kept on her watch. She knew it was wrong to use the community’s patrimony to indulge her son! No leader should do that! She felt she had failed; that was why she cried while beating Pelu. Wonderful woman, our Eskisi ma, Eye Pelu! While on this script, I asked my friend about Eye Pelu. He answered that our Eskisi ma is healthy and kicking. I owe her a visit; I intend to make that happen as soon as possible. Such a treasure must be honoured! Do we still have leaders like her around?

It is obvious our “self-made” children of today are lucky. They did not grow up when we had many teachers like my old Eye Pelu. He did not sit under the tutelage of a no-nonsense Eskisi ma, who had the orientation that State property is different from one’s personal effects. They don’t have the picture of their school Eskisi mas or sirs, beating up their children for daring to touch what belonged to the entire school without permission.

They did not grow up under a mother, like Eye Pelu, whose philosophy is, ohun tí a fi ńké omo wà lórí àte Òyó (what one uses to over-indulge a child is only gotten in the wares of an Oyo trader). Growing up, they were probably not told to differentiate between government property and assets and family belongings. From the State House in Lagos to Aso Rock Villa in Abuja, the philosophy is, gbogbo ejò ni jíje (all snakes are edible). So, leaping to Kano from Abuja in the presidential jet for a polo game is no big deal. Donating N500 million from an inexhaustible bank account is as easy as A B C!

As for those who think that these children are like Angola’s Isabel dos Santos and would want to interrogate their wealth and the tax or taxes they pay, I have one piece of advice: Tell your own old man to join politics and conquer the world like Alexander the Great, Napoleon and yes, our Nigerian husbands!

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