Speaking out publicly for the first time about the alleged abuse she suffered during her childhood at the hands of her father, R. Kelly’s daughter, Buku Abi alleged she was abused by her father as a child.
In a two-episode documentary Karma: A Daughter’s Journey, which premiered today, October 11, Abi, 26, claims she was abused by her father as a child, and she first reported it to her mother Andrea in 2009, when she was 10 years old.
“He was my everything. For a long time, I didn’t even want to believe that it happened. I didn’t know that even if he was a bad person he would do something to me,” she says in the documentary, the first episode of which is streaming now.
“I was too scared to tell anybody. I was too scared to tell my mom.”
Though Abi, who was born Joann Kelly, does not go into detail about the alleged abuse in the first episode, she says that she believes jail is a “well-suited place” for Kelly, 57, to be, as she knows from her “personal experience.”
“I really feel like that one millisecond completely just changed my whole life and changed who I was as a person and changed the sparkle I had and the light I used to carry,” she says. “After I told my mom, I didn’t go over there anymore; my brother [Robert] and sister [Jaah], we didn’t go over there anymore. And even up until now, I struggle with it a lot.”
In the second episode, Buku goes into more detail about the alleged abuse, which she says happened when she was 8 or 9.
“I just remember waking up to him touching me,” she recalls, crying. “And I didn’t know what to do, so I just kind of laid there, and I pretended to be asleep.”
Buku says she eventually told her mother what happened, and they went to the police and filed a complaint as “Jane Doe,” but, she adds in the documentary, “They couldn’t prosecute him because I waited too long. So at that point in my life, I felt like I said something for nothing.”
In a statement to People, Kelly’s attorney Jennifer Bonjean said, “Mr. Kelly vehemently denies these allegations. His ex-wife made the same allegation years ago, and it was investigated by the Illinois Department of Children & Family Services and was unfounded…. And the ‘filmmakers,’ whoever they are, did not reach out to Mr. Kelly or his team to even allow him to deny these hurtful claims.”
In February 2023, Kelly was sentenced in Chicago to 20 years in prison on charges of child pornography and enticement of minors for sex. The year prior, he was sentenced to 30 years in prison for racketeering and sex trafficking charges based out of New York. He’s currently serving 19 years of his two sentences concurrently, and he will be eligible for release in 2045.
A 41-year-old father, Aliu Ibrahim, has been arrested by officers of the Ogun State Police Command after he was accused of having carnal knowledge of his 12-year-old daughter, Rodiat Ibrahim, for two years.
Ibrahim was arrested on October 10 after his estranged wife, Egbebi Temitope, who resides in the Papa Olosun area on Oja-Odan reported him at Oja-Odan Division of the Ogun State Police Command.
Temitope said Aliu Ibrahim allegedly defiled their daughter all the times she stayed with him during her holidays.
She said that she became aware of the assault after she took Rodiat to the State Hospital in Ilaro over untreated vaginal discharge that has been recurring in the child for an extended period.
At the hospital, it was discovered that her father had allegedly been having sex with her.
Following the report, operatives of Oja-Odan Divisional Police Headquarters swung into action and arrested Ibrahim at about 2:10 pm on October 10, 2024.
Preliminary investigation is ongoing by the human rights section of Oja Odan division after which the suspect would be transferred to the State Criminal and Investigation Department, Eleweran, Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital.
The spokesperson of the Ogun State Police Command, Omolola Odutola, confirmed Ibrahim’s arrest.
A talk by Yossef Ben-Meir, President of the High Atlas Foundation in Morocco, at the Integrated Management of Cultural Tourism Conference on 11 June 2024 hosted by Egypt’s Ministry of Tourism and Antiques andthe United States Agency for International Development
The High Atlas Foundation (HAF) has initiated a positive intercultural and development project that is now gaining scale, and we have been able to secure domestic and international public and private investment for it.
How, in the community’s determination of development priorities, can we simultaneously interject matters of interfaith partnerships and cultural preservation? It begins with human development and participatory planning among the beneficiaries.
HAF, a U.S.-Moroccan nonprofit organization, is dedicated to community development and supports the projects that local people identify as most important to them. So naturally, as agriculture in Morocco accounts for 80 percent of rural incomes, we focus heavily on that sector. Clean drinking water also continues to remain a priority of the people, along with irrigation systems, family literacy, and cultural preservation.
Based on our expertise in assisting communities to identify and discover what they want most of all in their lives, HAF initiates programs based on the specific priorities expressed by community members and then builds partnerships to achieve them. We launch this process with a four-day empowerment exploration process that brings about a sense of priorities and an action plan reflecting the will of what local communities want to achieve in their futures.
However revelatory, this process is also an intense emotional experience that brings the people to that outcome. Participants look at the social relationships in their lives and the things they feel doubt and fear about. They look at their inner emotions and outlooks about money and work, all things that bear upon people’s ability and determination in knowing what they want and pursuing what they most seek.
The conditions of rural life in Morocco underscore the necessity of growing fruit trees. The contribution of land is what prevents farming families across the nation from building community nurseries for cultivating young trees. They cannot set aside a portion of their land normally used for growing barley and corn in order to grow a seed into a sapling. They must harvest every year.
HAF seeks the contribution of land from public and civil agencies. In doing the kind of process described, we found land available next to an historic Moroccan Jewish cemetery, about 30 minutes outside of Marrakech, and we asked the Moroccan Jewish community for permission to use the land to build a people’s tree nursery.
That inquiry began what is now a heritage initiative gaining broader and broader scale, called our House of Life program. We were not necessarily seeking heritage and an intercultural partnership but rather pursuing the will of the people first: the people wanted trees most of all.
The Moroccan Jewish community said yes to the land, which happens to be adjacent to a 700-year-old cemetery. In this case, the nursery now generates over 70,000 trees (olive, fig, and pomegranate) each year, and it has been an ongoing project for about ten years. The USAID Farmer-to-Farmer Program was very important in this pilot in building local people’s technical skills in nursery management.
As the nursery began to take hold, HAF engaged not just with those immediately surrounding the nursery but with communities in the region. Similarly, the four-day empowerment experience began with women’s groups in the nearest villages, supported by the the U.S. Department of States Alumni Engagement Innovation Fund.
These communities identified, based on their tradition and the skills that they have gained from their previous generations, the desire to make carpets and other clothing articles derived from their cultural history and as symbols of their cultural past. They dye wool from their sheep using medicinal plants that grow endemically in the area.
Now, in the interim, the engagement with communities has continued and expanded. The nursery serves a broader region, and the community dialogue around new priorities and implementation of their dreams is ongoing.
Of course, a pervasive issue that we have in rural Morocco is clean drinking water. We have municipalities where many girls fetch water instead of going to middle school. We have a terrible prevalence of water-borne diseases. We have higher infant mortality in rural places.
To address the widespread priority of clean drinking water with partners, in this case Yves Saint Laurent Fashion, we implemented clean drinking water initiatives and integration of irrigation infrastructure utilizing clean energy, including a solar water pump system for the nursery financed by the Moroccan company, FENELEC. From these projects, the community is in a position to enable even greater tree planting.
The other investment that we secured was connecting the 700-year-old cemetery with a road, about a kilometer in length, to the women’s co-op so that visitors of the cemetery can also visit the cooperative. Again, there are layers to this process. It began with an intercultural partnership for community planning and then moved towards cooperative building driven by women making carpets of local materials and designs based on their heritage.
This empowerment then allowed for developments in clean drinking water, irrigation, and fruit tree planting. HAF with Reforest is now in the process of supporting the community’s planting of 23,000 olive trees.
The High Atlas Foundation, with a full-time staff of nearly 100 people, is currently supporting nine nurseries in Morocco that house over 3.2 million trees. Just this season, we have transplanted 800,000 and we have monitored about 820,000, including trees from prior years. This is a pilot within a broader program, including the newly added overlay of tree monitoring for carbon offset credits. Now, in addition to receiving land from the Moroccan Jewish community, we have also received land from the Moroccan government and the National Agency of Waters and Forests for tree nurseries.
From this pilot creating these layers of human development with a cultural gateway, the number of visitors has grown beyond what we could have imagined. Since the start of 2023, visitors from some 40 universities (Moroccan, U.S., and European) have toured this pilot site and engaged in intercultural dialogues with the community members. Starting in 2021, HAF administered the USAID Dakira program for cultural preservation in Morocco, and these dialogues meet this initiative’s goals.
We have been visited by dozens of tourist groups, because, if people have half a day and have not had the experience of a genuine rural community visit to learn about rural life conditions, here lies this pilot just outside of Marrakech where they can see and internalize Moroccan culture, Moroccan agriculture, matters of public health related to water, and school infrastructure. In a single location, visitors can see all of these different dimensions of broad-based community development. The more people that are drawn to this experience, the more advocacy and public awareness that comes about, encouraging even more to visit.
Income generated by the Achbarou Women’s Cooperative from selling carpets and other goods to visitors keeps their families financially afloat. The European Union funded Achbarou’s family literacy program and other essential skills-building activities. In some cases, the women’s supplemental income has more than doubled the overall household income for the families. With some further investment by the Moroccan government’s National Initiative for Human Development (NIHD) and Planeterra, the cooperative has been able to reinvest revenue from their entrepreneurial efforts into the purchase of land to build a new workplace and storefront facility. Without the scores of visitors from universities and tourism, this would not have been possible.
The Moroccan government, which for generations has prioritized Moroccan multiculturalism, saw this opportunity. Now, every time we replicate—we are currently building the fourth of such intercultural tree nurseries—the Moroccan government, through the NIHD, puts $50,000 into that nursery. In short, the Moroccan government funds a tree nursery on Moroccan Jewish community land for the greater public of that region.
The regions and areas described are not ones that are typically visited by outside groups. Through this process, it brings people to places where visitors are not going.
There may be pilgrims to the Jewish cemeteries, but they will not typically go into the surrounding villages and meet the members of cooperatives or initiatives. Their visits are limited to the cemeteries and typically at only at certain times of the year such as the anniversary of the passing of some of the recognized saints in Moroccan Jewish-Muslim-Amazigh culture. These are also very rare visits, and so what we have to do is expand the desired travel destinations of those coming to Morocco.
The policy context of Morocco has created the opportunity for organizations like the High Atlas Foundation and cooperatives like Achbarou to learn and pursue local hopes, with the support of all sectors and tiers, and in pursuit of scale. Even still, the actual achievement comes with an enormity of expended energy and time, withstanding trials such as the 2023 earthquake, and with the loving heart of the Moroccan people to unite across their diversity of identities as they have done for centuries.
Dr. Yossef Ben-Meir is President of the High Atlas Foundation in Morocco.
In preparation for the 64th Independence Anniversary, the First Lady, Sen. Oluremi Tinubu, had in September unveiled a new ‘national unity fabric’ as part of her Renewed Hope Initiative (apparently, the yin to the yang that is Renewed Hope Agenda). This fabric, we gather, will be worn across the country for the Independence Day celebrations on October 1st. According to the First Lady, the fabric is a symbol of national unity.
While the First Lady is preoccupied with her ‘national unity fabric’, Nigerians, especially youths, are perfecting plans to take to the streets on October 1st in protest to demand good governance, an end to hunger, poverty, bad policies, corruption, and insecurity in the country. Same country, different realities! This unsettling juxtaposition of realities leaves us with two vital questions: As we turn 64 as a nation on the 1st of October, what are we celebrating? Does the First Lady, her husband, the President, and members of his government live in a different country?
Over the years, Nigerian leaders seem to valiantly try to outdo one another when it comes to misrule and wanton inhumanity. The immediate past administration of Muhammadu Buhari and the current administration of Bola Tinubu undoubtedly have surpassed the entire pack in this vile contest. And yet every October 1st the government spends millions, if not billions of naira celebrating our independence.
Interestingly, the First Lady has succeeded in adding a new exciting element to this year’s celebrations- a new ‘national unity fabric’. Yes! To the First Lady, what we need the most right now is some fabric that will magically unite us all.
The signs that Nigeria is headed for the rocks have always been there, but in our characteristic fashion, we have always only prayed and wished and hoped things would get better. The deliberate effort to keep power within the circle of a select few while the rest of the populace perish did not begin today. Some argue that it is precisely the basis upon which Nigeria was built. The profound words of Alice O’Connor, better known by her nom de plume, Ayn Rand, beautifully capture the Nigerian situation: ‘When you see that trading is done, not by consent, but by compulsion–when you see that to produce, you need to obtain permission from men who produce nothing–when you see that money is flowing to those who deal, not in goods, but in favors–when you see that men get richer by graft and by pull than by work, and your laws don’t protect you against them, but protect them against you–when you see corruption being rewarded and honesty becoming a self-sacrifice–you may know that your society is doomed.’
The above assertion seems tailor-made for Nigeria. Yet, we obstinately cling to false hope and refuse to accept that we might truly be doomed. This singular assertion defines Nigeria aptly more than all our symbols of national identity put together.
Bad leadership has always been the bane of Nigeria, but the Tinubu-led administration has raised the bar, unleashing a whole new level of hardship, pain, hunger, and poverty on Nigerians. But, in a way, it was expected. Nothing positive should be expected of a man whose aspiration to lead was based solely on the inane, vindictive premise that it was his turn. Through his many anti-people and ill-conceived policies, it has become abundantly clear that Bola Tinubu meticulously planned how to grab power but did little or no planning at all on governance. Perhaps the plan was to have no plan at all or to run Nigeria like a criminal enterprise until it is completely run aground.
And Nigerians are helpless just as they are hopeless. This administration has proven that contrary to what we all believe, power belongs to those in power and not the people. Nigerian leaders have perfected the art of forcing themselves on the people irrespective of what happens at the polls. It is against this backdrop that Chinua Achebe posited in There Was a Country that ‘The question of choice in selecting a leader in Nigeria is often an academic exercise due to the election rigging, violence and intimidation of the general public, particularly by those in power…’ Sadly, this already complex problem has taken a new twist. The courts might soon outrightly replace the electoral umpire as after each election, politicians run to the judges to help them reclaim their stolen mandate which, it should be noted they originally stole from the people.
Today, we live in a nation where those who try to protest, question, or criticize the government are slammed with charges of treason and thrown behind bars. That is our reality. One might be tempted to ask how our leaders became daring and reckless. Well, we lent them a helping hand by living in denial, selling our votes (and by implication, our feature) for peanuts, believing in their endless lies and ultimately adapting and surviving instead of revolting when we are dehumanized and afflicted.
Meanwhile, we effectively told our leaders to carry go! And Bola Tinubu has proven to be the leader who comprehended the message the most. This is evident in his modus operandi and policies. Everything about Bola Tinubu’s government reeks of indifference and defiance. The people and their expectations and demand for good governance count for nothing.
Suffice it to say that, it is on record, that the present gladiators ground their way to power with the promise of renewed hope but despondency is all you see in the eyes and gait of the people on the street. The devaluation of the Naira has yielded nothing but economic wreckage, just as the ill-conceived removal of fuel subsidies, inexplicably electricity hike, and other forms of cut-throat taxation have plunged the economy into a nosedive. However, the president and his team of ‘experts’ insist that we are headed in the right direction. Recently, former President Olusegun Obasanjo posited that ‘If you look clinically at the people in government today at both executive and legislative levels, some of them should be permanently behind bars for their past misdemeanor and criminal misconduct.’ Some might not like the messenger, but the message cannot be disputed.
At its core, Bola Tinubu’s team of ‘experts’ have people who can only be referred to as unsavory characters, to say the least. It is only God in his infinite wisdom that knows how Bello Matawala, a man who stands accused of not just sponsoring terrorism but also allegedly being a terrorist himself is the Defence Minister. The president can reshuffle or scramble his ministers and team of ‘experts’ all he wants but roses will never grow on concrete. As long as the ruling party continues to be a haven for politicians who should be in jail, things will get even worse.
At 64, Nigeria has come of age, and Nigerians too have also come of age. And with age comes the inevitable acceptance of truth. At this stage, we must start seeing things exactly the way they are and quit living in denial and false hope. The time has come for Nigerians to wake up and take back their Nation from men who should have no business being leaders. Sadly, taking back Nigeria via the pools is no longer viable and we are running out of peaceful options through which Nigeria can be redeemed. As Nigeria is beset by insecurity, poverty, hunger, and economic hardship, what is there to celebrate on the 1st of October? The earlier we all agree that this man is running an I-Before-Others leadership style, the better for our health and peace of mind.
In conclusion, permit me to share with you part of the lecture delivered some decades ago by Dr. Segun Osoba (as he then was). Osoba remarked thus: ‘Our nation is in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation. We live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the suffering of millions of our compatriots do not move us.’
Osoba continued: ‘Millions of Nigerians, even in the best of times, are undernourished, are ill without the hope of receiving healthcare of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation (sometimes sharing the same living room with their goats, chickens, and dogs!) while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury. What is even more pathetic is that our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, over-fed, and over-dressed elites are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the wretched of the earth – who, ultimately, pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism. We sublimate our moral poverty and degeneracy in consumer culture, like a psychologically disturbed person who tries to drown his mental crisis in a sea of alcohol.’ I daresay, that, the lecture delivered many years ago is sufficiently gaining ground and profoundly philosophical!
Finally, While DESPONDENCY, HUNGER, and POVERTY persist, there is no true FREEDOM. In the words of Sonny Okosun, of blessed memory, a Nigerian musician, who was known as the leader of the Ozzidi band: ‘Freedom is now a medal, we got to win it or lose it forever.’ Nigeria has officially been designated POVERTY capital of the world. Families are going through excruciating pain, paying the price of cluelessness, nepotism, favoritism, the plundering of resources, the squandering of riches, and corruption. History and posterity will not be kind to those who benefit from the rot.
To commemorate the International Day of the Girl Child 2024, the Branch in partnership with FEMPOWER AFRICA carried out a campaign on Menstrual Hygiene Awareness at the LEA Primary School Mpape, Abuja.
In the spirit of the globally celebrated day, the campaign aimed at raising awareness of good menstrual hygiene for young girls and women.
The Publicity Secretary FIDA Abuja, in a session called “Know Your Rights”, enlightened the women and school girls specifically on issues bothering on Rape, Female Genital Mutilation and Bullying as as enshrined in the Violence against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act 2015. She admonished the women and girls to report any violation of their rights to the appropriate authority closest to them.
The Coordinator, FEMPOWER Africa, Ms. Dorkong Rimdan, who informed the gathering of the purpose of the day’s event, educated the teaming school girls on how best to take good care of their bodies during menstruation. For the girls below the age of menstruation, she informed them that menstruation is not abnormal but an inevitable part of the woman biology which will occur in their pre-teen years.
Also, present at the campaign were representatives of partners such as 99.5 Wazobia FM, 96.9 Cool FM, 95.1 Nigeria Info, Chiggy Nsofor Foundation, and representatives of the school, Mrs Esther Bulu ( Head Mistress LEA Primary School) and Mrs. Benedicta Ugbechie (Assistant Headmistress LEA Primary School).
The highlight of the visit saw the FEMPOWER team and other volunteers train the women and girls on how to use the menstrual hygiene kits like the Menstrual Cups while also teaching them how to sew alternative reusable sanitary towels.
At the end of the day’s event, cartons of Sanitary Towels and other menstrual kits were donated by FEMPOWER and FIDA which were distributed to the women and girls accordingly.
In Attendance: 1) Olosen Victoria Ibiezugbe (Publicity Secretary) 2) June Idang Etim (Welfare Secretary Emerita) 3) Fareeda Usman Umar 4) Udeji Adaeze 5) Uwamusi Ikhisemon-Oje Ezeonara 6) Mimi Ayua 7) Theresa Adamu Nuntu
A 54-year-old man who held his wife and seven children captive for 20 years has been arrested after one of them managed to escape.
The incident happened in Novo Oriente, Brazil.
The unnamed suspect suspected reportedly raped them before forcing them to have abortions
The seven children are aged between 3 and 22 and investigators say the suspect’s mother-in-law was also sexually abused.
He also drilled holes in the walls of the house so that he could see his daughters getting dressed.
It was only when one of them gave him a sleeping pill so she could escape and report him to the police that he was exposed.
Authorities carried out a month-long investigation before they carried out a raid at the home.
Three foetuses were found buried in the garden and the man’s wife, 40, said she had been held captive since she was 17.
One of the foetuses found buried was eight months old and the wife was reportedly forced to have three abortions by her husband.
Another daughter was forced to endure an unsuccessful abortion of a six-month-old foetus but the baby survived and was rescued by a midwife.
The girl was in poor health at the time but her dad did not let her receive any medical help.
The mum and children have now been moved to another state in Brazil for their protection and the man is being held in preventative custody.
He has been charged with false imprisonment, rape of a vulnerable person, psychological violence, abortion and concealment of a corpse.
Police spokesperson Herika Ribeiro Sena said: “The victim only left home to receive benefits and, many times, was accompanied by him. None of the neighbours knew her, not even relatives had access to her.”
Now there is something every Government since Obasanjo has faced which is the growing cost of governance
The cost of running our democracy is one of the highest in the world gulping trillions of Naira
To service the three arms of Government, the many agencies under the Executives, the state Government and even up to the legislature requires humungous amounts that is serviced mainly by the Oil industry and IGR.
Every Government prior have found a way of servicing this monster.
Some have tried service reforms, others have tried blockages of leakages, yet others have printed money and still others had used the ways and means as its piggy bank. Most have despite these tried to shield the masses thru subsidies abd varying buffers.
This present government has taken the lazy approach – price increase.
From what we have seen so far, they have just allowed an increase in everything to mostly cover their running costs
From my point of view, every Government service have been increased from drivers license, to dues at the ports, to issuing International passports, its as if they see it as the only solution to everything
Withdraw subsidy, free up funds, ramping up price of fuel all in a bid to raise enough money to cover a growing monster which is Government expenditure.
We see spendings on travel and other logistics not easing up despite the announced restrictions in official travels.
We see huge donations by Government and people close to them, we see a Government expenditure in full flight like we are in an era of bouyance
Sacrifices being made by the people to cut their own running costs is not being replicated in governance.
All tiers of governance and its agencies are running expenditures that are off the hook being funded by the growing increases in their services and the almost total withdrawal of subsidies from almost every aspect of governance.
This has drastically reduced purchasing power which has impacted goods and services sold, hitting bottom lines and driving unemployment.
Obviously inflation will go up, damamging replacement cost and excarcebating an already horrendous cost of living and impoverishing the people.
This is driving crime, despondency deepening human misery ratio
Yet, the Government keeps pushing. It keeps increasing. cost of power which is already beyond affordability and yet we hear of an impending increase.
Fuel keeps going up with arguments that we are still buying cheaper fuel than the rest of the world or more recently, that it has nothing to do with them since its tied to international trade.
For the first time, the economic situation has hit the informal sector. The unbanked who formed the bulwark for economic stability.
The unbanked and cash driven retail economy ensured some form of stability cos they were not linked to the system and as such the import driven inflation did not really impact them making them serve as a buffer to the economy.
But as economic headwinds continue and with the aggressive financial inclusion of the last Government they have started being vulnerable to the vagaries of the economy and the errant policies of Government.
Much more importantly , is the fact that they are also being impacted by the effects of the fleeing middle class who have downshifted their economic needs to that of the informal sector thereby putting pressure on prices with an increased demand in those places.
Check out the prices of bread and pure water – informal sector stables. Check out house rents in suburbs, check out land prices in deep rural areas and you will see.
Government has to first remove personal interests in Government policy formulation to begin to tackle the economy
Then like we have all been shouting, it must as a matter if urgency block leakages, fight corruption, reduce cost of governance and free up funds that would now be deployed to buffering strategic areas in the economy.
It has to bring back some form of partial subsidy to hold down cost of power, fuel and things like fertiliser.
It cannot be taking away these subsidies only to be wasting the funds away on large Government spendings with little or no impact on the people
What we are seeing here now is a robbing peter to pay paul type scenario.
The only people who are making any sense of anything now are those in Government and those close to them.
Prices and cost of living can’t keep going one way-up, something has to give and something will give when we hit an economic threshold.
It is absolutely essential that the Rivers State government reclaims this battle, taking their case back to the people’s court, where justice can be genuinely served, starting with the state judges who understand the local context. They should not waste their time on judges like Justice Omotosho, who consistently render rulings outside their jurisdiction, further eroding public trust in the judiciary.
Justice Oyewole and his panel must understand that their actions are under scrutiny; the people are watching, and they will not tolerate a judiciary that prioritizes what many perceive as political manipulation over justice. The integrity of the legal system is at stake, and the people of Rivers State demand accountability and fairness—not the farcical judgments that have become all too common in Abuja.
This writer, a psychologist and not a lawyer, approaches the recent Court of Appeal ruling with an ethical, democratic, and societal perspective, particularly within the framework of Nigeria’s notoriously corrupt judicial system. In a nation where the judiciary is often viewed as compromised, many Nigerians laugh at judicial decisions, especially when high-profile politicians and Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) appear to wield undue influence over the courts. The intersection of political power and legal authority in Nigeria raises grave concerns about judicial integrity, fostering a widespread public perception that court rulings are more susceptible to political manipulation than to the pursuit of truth.
Within this unsettling context, the recent Court of Appeal ruling—affirming Martin Amaewhule as the legitimate Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly and nullifying Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s 2024 budget—demands profound scrutiny. Although the decision may appear constitutionally sound, it emerges from a judicial landscape that has long been criticized for politicization. The Nigerian judiciary is perceived by many as functioning not as a neutral institution but as a platform where political elites and legal heavyweights exert influence for personal and party gains.
Democratic Perspectives: Falana and Ajulo’s Critiques:
Femi Falana, SAN, a highly respected human rights lawyer, argues that members of the Rivers State House of Assembly who defected from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) should automatically lose their seats. His position is firmly grounded in the Nigerian Constitution, which explicitly states that lawmakers cannot retain their seats if they switch parties, except in cases of a verified division within their former party. Falana’s use of the term “political prostitution” serves as a stark reminder of the need for integrity in political representation, emphasizing the importance of lawmakers being accountable to the mandate given to them by voters.
Yet, the Court of Appeal’s ruling, particularly under the leadership of Justice Joseph Oyewole, seemingly disregards these fundamental constitutional principles. The three-member panel concluded that Martin Amaewhule and his faction remained legitimate, despite the fact that these lawmakers had publicly declared their defection to the APC—a reality even acknowledged by the national PDP. This glaring contradiction raises serious questions about the logic and foundation of the court’s ruling, especially in light of the clear constitutional guidelines regarding defections and the forfeiture of legislative seats.
In this context, Dr. Kayode Ajulo’s legal action resonates deeply with Falana’s perspective. It centers on the recent controversy surrounding Governor SiminalayiFubara’s 2024 budget. Ajulo argues that the defecting lawmakers, who have ignored the constitutional stipulations regarding their party switch, should not have any say in the legislative process. His lawsuit seeks to prevent Governor Fubara from re-presenting the 2024 budget to the House of Assembly until the matter is resolved. By doing so, Ajulo highlights the critical intersection between legal integrity and state governance, emphasizing that the budget’s presentation and the confirmation of appointed commissioners should be halted pending the hearing and determination of the ongoing suit.
This legal challenge underscores the urgency of upholding constitutional principles vital for maintaining democratic governance in Rivers State and Nigeria at large. By questioning the right of the defectors to participate in legislative processes, Ajulo not only advocates for accountability but also calls into question the legitimacy of a governance structure that allows political maneuvering to undermine the will of the electorate. The panel’s ruling, therefore, not only perpetuates a cycle of impunity but also reveals a troubling disregard for the principles of democracy, leaving the citizens of Rivers State to bear the painful consequences of such political intrigue.
Ethical Oversight in the Appellate Court’s Endorsement of Justice Omotosho’s Controversial Ruling:
Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court in Abuja has faced persistent criticism for his politically sensitive rulings. Despite Falana’s and Ajulo’s assertions that these defectors could no longer retain their legislative seats, Justice Omotosho ruled to invalidate Governor Fubara’s N800 billion budget, claiming it was improperly presented to the full House.
The appellate judges’ endorsement of this ruling raises significant concerns about judicial oversight. They seemingly overlooked the fact that the non-defected lawmakers retained their seats and their constitutional right to participate in legislative matters, including the budget. This oversight not only compromises the integrity of the judiciary but also threatens its commitment to democratic principles.
Justice Oyewole’s critique of Governor Fubara is not only misguided; it is an appalling display of judicial ineffectiveness. By referencing a prior Federal High Court order that restrained the governor from engaging with the House, Oyewole condemned Fubara for acting “lawlessly” and treating the court order with “levity and disdain” for presenting the budget to a mere four lawmakers instead of the constitutionally mandated two-thirds. This simplistic view completely disregards the intricate political realities at play, particularly the mass defections that have been extensively reported.
While it is true that the issues of defection were not formally before the panel, it is astonishing that Oyewole and his two colleagues, fully aware of the ongoing legal battles regarding these defections in various courts, would still choose to rule in favor of the Amaewhule-led assembly—an assembly that is legally and politically homeless. To assert that this assembly is legitimate is not only tricky; it is also utterly absurd and reveals a shocking lack of reliable insight and ethical grounding on the part of the panel.
Such an oversight raises concerns about the prioritization of political considerations over justice. This is particularly troubling in light of the Nigerian judiciary’s reputation, which is often questioned due to ethical challenges and perceived lack of integrity. The actions of Oyewole and his colleagues seem to reflect not the pursuit of impartial justice, but a tendency toward decisions that may align with political interests. This situation inevitably leads to public skepticism about whether the legal system truly serves to protect the rights ofAs a psychologist, I must say it’s concerning (and maybe a little baffling) that Justice Oyewole and his two colleagues managed to dodge the glaring issue of defections in Rivers State, despite it not being the main matter before them.
It’s almost as if they were more interested in playing referee in a football match while ignoring the fact that half the players had switched teams! By criticizing Governor Fubara for “lawlessness” while sidestepping the deeper crisis of representation, the ruling raises serious ethical concerns about the judiciary’s role in upholding fairness and democratic values. This oversight not only undermines trust in the legal process but also weakens the judiciary’s responsibility to protect democracy.
As far as the Nigerian constitution is concerned, these defectors are no longer legitimate legislators, so it begs the question—what exactly is there to overlook here?
The political turmoil in Rivers State is quite the spectacle, especially with former Governor Nyesom Wike’s antics. One minute he’s firmly with the PDP, and the next, he’s cozying up to defecting lawmakers who can’t seem to decide if they’re in the PDP or the APC—it’s like they’re playing a game of political hopscotch! Wike is not only battling these defectors but also taking on the recognized legislators under Governor Fubara, another fellow PDP member. Is this man okay, or has he lost the plot in this political drama? It seems to be all about himself! Meanwhile, the National PDP’s rejection of these flip-flopping legislators raises even more eyebrows about the Court of Appeal’s ruling. With recent appeal decisions making waves, many esteemed lawyers are sharpening their pens, taking aim at the courts, and giving them a good public shaming. Talk about deep divisions in the political landscape—Rivers State is shaping up to be quite the political circus!
How could the appeals panel, led by Justice Oyewole, possibly arrive at this conclusion when the very group it backs can’t even decide which party they belong to? One day they’re APC, and the next, they’re PDP again! Most Nigerian legal experts, including the PDP itself, argue that Amaewhule and his group lost any legitimate claim to represent the party the moment they publicly defected. By upholding their claim, the Court of Appeal has effectively ignored the constitutional provision against defections, further adding to the political chaos in Rivers State.
The Precarious Future of Judicial and Political Integrity
From a psychological perspective, the ramifications of such judicial instability are painfully deep. A society that perceives its legal system as biased and politically compromised develops a pervasive sense of disillusionment and apathy toward civic engagement. The erosion of trust in public institutions, coupled with a detachment from the democratic process, further entrenches a cycle of disenfranchisement. When citizens lose faith in the judiciary, they may resort to extrajudicial means to seek justice, leading to increased societal unrest and a deterioration of public order. The psychological toll is heavy, as individuals internalize feelings of helplessness and frustration, feeling abandoned by the very systems designed to protect their rights.
Moreover, the ethical implications extend beyond the courtroom into the broader societal context. The failure of the judiciary to act as an impartial arbiter undermines the rule of law and diminishes the moral authority of the state. In a democracy, the judiciary is expected to serve as a bulwark against political overreach and to protect the rights of citizens. When this role is compromised, the consequences can be dire, resulting in a society marked by inequity, division, and disillusionment. The people’s faith in justice becomes a distant memory, replaced by a pervasive sense of betrayal.
Rivers State finds itself under siege from all angles—systematically pressed on by the entrenched powers that be, including the judiciary, the police, and even the presidency. This complex assault complicates the efforts of Governor Fubara and his administration as they navigate a landscape where the very institutions meant to protect democracy are wielded as instruments of oppression. Yet, amidst this oppressive atmosphere, there is a glimmer of hope: the unwavering spirit of the people and the enduring power of truth.
For Nigeria to progress, it must prioritize the establishment of an independent judiciary that can withstand political pressures. This necessitates a collective societal commitment to uphold the rule of law and to demand accountability from public officials. Only through concerted efforts can Nigeria hope to rebuild the trust necessary for a thriving democracy and a just society. In this context, the struggle for judicial integrity transcends a mere legal battle; it is a crucial step toward fostering a healthier, more equitable political landscape that aligns with the aspirations of its citizens for a better future.
The so-called “Abuja judge mentality,” epitomized by Justice Oyewole and his panel, stands as a grotesque mockery of judicial integrity. Their dismissive ruling not only strips the Rivers State government, led by the resilient Governor Fubara, of its legitimacy but also reveals a disturbing and alarming disregard for the democratic principles they are sworn to uphold. This ruling does not merely affect the politics of the moment; it strikes at the very heart of justice itself. The Rivers State government has endured relentless abuse and attacks from the entrenched powers; yet, it must rise to this challenge with unwavering determination and fierce resolve. In this uphill battle for justicethe indomitable Rivers people stand united against an oppressive tide that seeks to subvert their voices and erase their rights. Their struggle is not just against the ruling but against an entire system that has shown time and again its willingness to sacrifice integrity for political expedience.
While this matter may eventually reach the Supreme Court—a body itself marred by a history of scandals and ethical compromises—it is crucial that the justices do not succumb to fear, technicalities, or the insidious influences of power. They must look to the spirit and letter of the law, recognizing that the implications of their decisions extend far beyond legal technicalities; they touch the lives of ordinary citizens who seek justice in a system often riddled with corruption and betrayal.
The pressure to conform to political expectations can be overwhelming, but it is essential that the highest court reclaims its role as a defender of the Constitution. Should the highest court falter in its duty and surrender to the shadows, the Rivers people will remain the true victors in this struggle. They will not submit to the rule of man nor the dark machinations of the powerful. Their resilience, rooted in the pursuit of genuine justice and democratic integrity, will outlast the transient whims of those who seek to manipulate the system for their gain. In the end, it is the people who will rise, reminding the judiciary that their mandate is to serve justice, not the interests of the powerful.
It is absolutely essential that the Rivers State government reclaims this battle, taking their case back to the people’s court, where justice can be genuinely served, starting with the state judges who understand the local context. They should not waste their time on judges like Justice Omotosho, who consistently render rulings outside their jurisdiction, further eroding public trust in the judiciary. Justice Oyewole and his panel must understand that their actions are under scrutiny; the people are watching, and they will not tolerate a judiciary that prioritizes what many perceive as political manipulation over justice.
The integrity of the legal system is at stake, and the people of Rivers State demand accountability and fairness—not the farcical judgments that have become all too common in Abuja. Here lies the good news: in the battle for truth and justice, it is ultimately the people who will prevail. Their unwavering spirit and determination to hold their leaders accountable is the lifeblood of democracy. The struggle for judicial and political integrity in Rivers State is not merely an ideal; it is a reflection of a collective desire for a just society, a society where the truth reigns and democracy is fortified. Amid the challenges posed by those in power, the hope for a better future remains firmly anchored in the resolve of the people to fight for what is right.
A story of modern migration has had extraordinary results
At Akoko, an upscale restaurant in central London, Nigerian staples such as moi-moi, a stodgy bean pudding, and mosa, a savoury doughnut made from overripe plantain, become fine dining. Staff shuttle steaming bowls of jollof rice across the restaurant to clients paying £120 ($160) for a tasting menu, plus another £95 for a wine pairing. (A shorter £55 lunch menu exists for the time-pressed, the tightwads and those husbanding expense accounts.) This year Akoko won its first Michelin star. It was joined by Chishuru, another Nigerian joint. Its owner, Adejoké Bakare, has gone from being a have-a-go chef working out of a temporary spot in Brixton Market in south London to a Michelin-star-winning West End mainstay in barely four years.
What is happening in food is happening elsewhere. From politics to YouTube to sport to music, members of Britain’s Nigerian diaspora have established themselves in the country’s elite. “That beaming West African mothers are now such a regular fixture on award-show red carpets and stages tells its own story,” points out Jimi Famurewa in “Settlers”, a recent memoir-cum-history of black African London. A Nigerian moment has begun.
British-Nigerians are curiously overlooked in the folk tales Britain tells itself about immigration. There is no iconic episode to match the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush, the boat that brought a few hundred people from the West Indies in 1948, points out David Olusoga, a historian (himself a British-Nigerian). They lack the numbers of, say, British-Indians or the geographic spread of Poles. Instead, theirs is a prosaic story of modern migration. Airplanes bearing the parents of future chefs, footballers, politicians and musicians arrived in steady numbers throughout the 1980s and 1990s. The results, however, are extraordinary.
Michelin stars are just the start of it. British-Nigerians have put their stamp on the country’s music scene. Grime, probably the most influential British genre in the past few decades, was shaped by British-Nigerians. Or as Skepta, who won the Mercury Prize, a prestigious award, in 2016, put it: “I’m a badboy from Nigeria/Not St Lucia/Joseph Junior Adenuga/Big lips, African hooter.” Skepta’s brother, JME, is another well-known MC; their sister, Julie, is a prominent DJ. It is not just a family affair. Four of the eight Mercury Prize winners since Skepta have had Nigerian heritage.
Much of their success can be traced to geography. All the recent British-Nigerian Mercury winners were raised in London, which is the heart of the country’s Nigerian population. A home in the British capital is often vital to making it into Britain’s creative elite, whether that is in wealthy Hammersmith or, as in the case of the Adenugas, on a council estate in Tottenham. What is big in London becomes big in Britain. A niche genre like grime can spread from pirate radio to critical acclaim in a few years.
Bukayo Saka, a British-Nigerian who plays football for England and Arsenal, is another London boy made good. Mr Saka is the golden child of a golden generation of England players. No profile is complete without a mention of the fact that Mr Saka achieved four A*s and three As in his gcse exams. Homework was done during the 90-minute drive from West Ealing to Arsenal’s academy ground in Hale End.
That application is a typical British-Nigerian story. For a demonstration, head to any train station in south-east London during term time, says Mr Famurewa. While commuters head into central London, British-Nigerian children in oversize blazers travel often absurd distances in the other direction to outer London boroughs and Kent, which still have selective grammar schools. Not everyone can play for England but anyone can hop on the 7.30am train to Gravesend (providing they have the grades).
An emphasis on education as a path to prosperity is hardly uncommon. What made the Nigerian influx different was that many arrivals were pretty middle-class to begin with. Kemi Badenoch, one of four remaining challengers for the Conservative Party leadership, is a case in point. Her father was a doctor, her mother a professor. In one sense, Ms Badenoch’s rise to the cabinet in the previous government is extraordinary. In another, it is becoming normal: another middle-class British-Nigerian was determined to enter Britain’s elite and succeeded.
Britain’s Nigerian elite proves an often overlooked rule. Ethnic minorities who make it into “Who’s Who”, a guide to the powerful in Britain, are slightly more likely to come from middle-class families (rather than a working-class background) than their white peers, according to “Born to Rule: The Making and Remaking of the British Elite”, a new book. It is those with plenty of privilege who tend to make it to the top. KSI, or Olajide Olatunji to his mother, is Britain’s most influential YouTuber; he boasts 24m subscribers and an empire that ranges from boxing matches to Prime, a sickly drink. KSI started life as a YouTuber as a private-school boy from Watford. When asked once if he felt Nigerian, KSI replied: “If I’m getting my extended family asking for money, I feel pretty Nigerian; when I’m going to a private school, I feel pretty British.” Skim the biography of a prominent British-Nigerian and you will often find the name of a prominent public school.
From Lagos to Latymer Upper Judging a group by the cream of its crop has its limits, just as Michelin-starred restaurants reveal only so much about the dietary habits of a country at large. Last year alone about 141,000 Nigerians arrived in Britain, predominantly to do low-paid jobs in areas such as social care. Their tale will be different. But the story of the British-Nigerian elite is a simple one. They are generally middle-class, always well-educated (often privately) and predominantly from London. Why are there so many British-Nigerians in the British elite? Because, often, they look just like the rest of it. ■
This article appeared in the Britain section of The Economist’s print edition under the headline “The Nigerian moment ”
In 1982, on the foothills of the road to Nigeria’s 1983 general elections, it was quite clear that the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had no plans to declare a vacancy in any significant political office around the country. Instead, they seemed bent on consolidating power in order to avoid a remake of the judicial nail-biter that yielded the presidency to Shehu Shagari in 1979.
The essential party positions featured a stellar cast. Adisa Akinloye, the party chairman, was a veteran lawyer with political experience predating Nigeria’s independence. The energetic Suleiman Takuma ran the party secretariat and Trade Minister, Umaru Dikko, was the ruthless campaign strategist. The job of guaranteeing the outcome that the party sought to engineer, however, fell on Sunday Adewusi, the then Inspector-General of Police (IGP). The son of parents from Ogbomoso, Adewusi grew up around Keffi in what later became Nasarawa State. He graduated at the top of his cadet set in 1958 and, at 45 in 1981, he was appointed Nigeria’s youngest ever IGP.
As Inspector-General, Sunday Adewusi headed the armed and uniformed wing of the NPN. For the elections, his genius lay in his ability to depute just the right kind of officers to the places where the party needed to manufacture results. Then, as now, the ruling party felt called upon to claim the politically prodigal south-east of Nigeria as part of its realm, irrespective of the will of its people. For this purpose in 1983, the NPN desired to capture old Anambra State which happened also to be the home state of Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first post-colonial Head of State and at the time leader of the NPN’s estranged political partners, the Nigerian Peoples’ Party (NPP).
For the job of softening up Anambra State, Adewusi found just the right man in Bishop Eyitene. The “Bishop” in Eyitene’s name was not an ecclesiastical office nor was it a Pentecostal title. Bishop’s tenure as the Commissioner of Police in Anambra State was an extended bout of political Jiu Jitsu with then state governor, Jim Nwobodo. Their politically irreconcilable co-habitation became the subject of bitter litigation, all designed, it seemed, to open the political flanks of the governor and his party. It worked a treat.
On behalf of Adewusi, Eyitene won litigation before the Court of Appeal asserting the autonomy of the police on questions of personnel postings. For accomplishing his political task with aplomb, Adewusi rewarded Bishop with redeployment to Lagos ahead of the 1983 election. The new team he sent to Anambra State routed Jim Nwobodo and his NPP in the governorship election. It was left to the Supreme Court to certify the beauty of Adewusi’s handiwork and they duly obliged in December 1983 before the military sacked the lot of them.
37 years later, the Supreme Court relied on numbers confectioned by a rogue Commissioner of Police to declare in January 2020 that the man who came fourth in the governorship election in Imo State the previous year was in fact the winner. Today, the judge who rendered that judgment leads Nigeria’s judiciary.
This past week has offered up a rich advertisement of the convenient partnership between judges, the police, and politicians.
In Rivers State, the Inspector-General of Police clearly took sides in the political contest between incumbent governor and his immediate predecessor, who is now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and who also desires to be known as the godfather-general of Rivers State. First, he sought to arrest scheduled Local Government elections in the state on the artifice of obeying a court order. The problem is that there were two court orders not one, from what lawyers would call courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction. The High Court of Rivers State in Port Harcourt had mandated that elections occur on 5 October. In requiring the police to withdraw from providing security cover for the vote, the Federal High Court in Abuja effectively ordered that they should not.
Thwarted by what appeared to be a spontaneous civic revolt, election day witnessed uniformed police officers under the command of the IGP going from station to polling unit to cart away ballot boxes and tear down the displayed rolls of voters. The day after voting, supposed winners having been sworn in, the IGP announced the withdrawal of his officers and men from the state. As if on cue, practiced arsonists descended on Local Government secretariats, burning and destroying them one after the other.
In neighbouring Edo State, meanwhile, the IGP’s situational commitment to obeying court orders failed him. Lawyers for the governorship candidate of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP), Asue Ighodalo, armed with the duly served order of a competent court to inspect election materials found their way into the state headquarters of INEC in Benin first blocked by a wall of uniformed police officers. When the police requested for reinforcement, they were joined not by units of more police assets but by thugs of the ruling party.
The Nigeria Police Force is the oldest institution in the country and also the largest single employer of labour. Its personnel just happen also to be both uniformed and armed. Under the Constitution, the president appoints the man who heads the Police and that appointee is also obliged to take operational orders from the president. Historically, therefore, the position of the IGP has always been fraught and successive incumbents have mostly been prepared – with a few exceptions – to manage this delicate relationship with skill and professionalism acquired through exposure to their predecessors and to high-level leadership training.
Much of this training was missed by the current incumbent, Kayode Egbetokun, while he spent much of his time in the Force as long-term Aide-de-camp (ADC) to the current president. His claim to the job therefore lies in personal fealty his benefactor. For this, he has been handsomely rewarded, first with expedited preferment to a role for which his preparation falls short and, second, with a targeted amendment of the law to extend his tenure in order that he will be around to pre-determine the 2027 elections.
In November 2009, Kayode Fayemi, then an opposition candidate, took temporary leave from the protracted legal tussle over the outcome of the governorship election in Ekiti State in south-west Nigeria two years earlier in which he was involved to travel to New Orleans in Louisiana, in the United States of America, to address the annual conference of the African Studies Association on “Electoral Politics and the Future of Electoral Reform in Nigeria.”
In a deeply thoughtful delivery, Dr. Fayemi feared that “the quest for consolidating our democracy is now in retreat and risks encountering outright reversals.” He explained that there are “five ‘minigods’ that one must pay significant attention to in any attempt to understand the nature of electoral politics in Nigeria”. These include the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), “which often acts like a Siamese twin of the ruling party….”; the security agencies – particularly Nigerian Police Force; “thugs and bandits”; the judiciary; the money god.
20 years ago, the late Innocent Chukwuma and I met with Tafa Balogun inside the office now occupied by Dr. Egbetokun to discuss a document he had commissioned from us. After reviewing our recommendations, Tafa looked at us with the full majesty of his corpulent authority and told us that he was inclined not to proceed with our suggestions. Almost wistfully, he added that when it was someone else’s turn, the person could do what they wanted. It is now Dr. Egbetokun’s turn and, as Inspector-General, he has turned Dr. Fayemi’s predictions of electoral dystopia supervised by the troika of the police, bandits, and crooked judges into a manual of policing. It just remains for police officers to be required to sing: “On your mandate we shall stand….!”
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at [email protected]
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