The excitement surrounding the resumption of activities at the Port Harcourt Refinery on Tuesday, November 26, has quickly faded, leaving many Nigerians questioning the refinery’s true operational status.

As of Friday, November 29, it was indicated that there was no activity on-site.

Some workers claimed that the refinery was undergoing calibration, which could last until the following week.

The Port Harcourt Refinery has been plagued by multiple delays and missed deadlines regarding its return to full operations.

Despite this, the Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Melee Kyari, had inaugurated a new plant at the refinery’s Area 5 terminal on November 26, with reports suggesting that up to 200 petrol trucks were loading daily from the facility.

However, skepticism quickly followed as it emerged that the trucks were reportedly filled with old products stored in the tanks, not fresh refined fuel.

A visit to the Area 5 terminal confirmed that there were no visible signs of active operations.

An anonymous official further disclosed that the trucks were carrying what is known as dead stock products that are no longer suitable for sale from the refinery.

This has raised concerns about the refinery’s actual readiness to meet Nigeria’s fuel demands and the credibility of the resumption announcement.

“Before the refinery was shut down between 2015/2016, we had dead stock left in the tank, including some Premium Motor Spirit (petrol) DPK  (kerosene), and Automated Gas Oil (diesel),” He said.

“So, these products were in large quantities in stores in those tanks. During the rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt Refinery, Old Area 5, those products were evacuated from the tanks for storage.”

However, he pointed out that the substantial amount of refined petrol was off-spec and needed to be separated from water in order to produce the desired product with the correct color.

“But for DPK, it is in large quantity but they have not pushed it from the tank where it was kept after refined ready for commercial purposes.

“So, the product that was loaded was dead stock, that is the old product that was in the system. So, after these dead stocks, they will have to clean the tank, remove all the debris before pumping the new project into that tank, and redye it,” the source said.

The worker emphasized that refineries globally should be operated electronically rather than manually.

“But what they are trying to do at the Port Harcourt Refinery is manual, which cannot match the new digital pumps. Most of the pumps used for the event were refurbished,” he added.

He explained that during Kyari’s visit on Tuesday, November 26, seven trucks were prepared for loading, but only five were filled with petrol.

At the inauguration on the same day, the Chairman of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), Taken Ikpaki, expressed optimism, stating that more trucks were expected to arrive at the facility for product loading in the coming days.

However, instead of the anticipated influx, the number of trucks at the refinery decreased.

Nine trucks were parked on site, but the loading bays, numbered from one to eighteen, were completely empty, and some workers were seen lying down.

When asked about the lack of activity, a worker in overalls explained that there had been no further operations since the initial loading, attributing it to technical issues.

“They are de-watering, removing the water under the PMS. Maybe there will be loading after that, but we don’t know what time today.” The worker said.

Another worker at the loading bay explained that the delay was due to ongoing calibration of the refinery’s systems.

“They are calibrating the meters,” he said tersely.

It was revealed that the petrol left in the storage tanks may not be sufficient to fill five trucks.

A source further stated that calibration work was set to continue until Monday, December 2, with the loading of DPK (kerosene) and AGO (diesel) expected to commence thereafter.

A resident from Alode in Eleme Local Government Area of Rivers State, who identified himself only as Osaro, shared his thoughts.

“After that ceremony with Mele Kyari where they said the refinery had started operation and loading was taking place, what happened afterwards? They continued loading on air, that is on the pages of newspapers and social media,” Osaro said.

Dr. Joseph Obelle, the National Public Relations Officer of the Petroleum Product Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN), explained that the delay was due to the ongoing calibration process.

“They are calibrating the loading pumps. They will be done today,” Obelle said.

On Thursday, November 28, the Senate Committee on Petroleum conducted a facility tour of the Port Harcourt refinery, though the results of their visit have not been disclosed.

In response to claims made by Timothy Mgbere, a leader from the Alesa community, who alleged that the refinery was not producing fuel, the NNPC issued a statement refuting the accusation.

Soneye, a spokesperson for the NNPC, criticized Mgbere, accusing him of lacking understanding of refinery operations.

“The old and new Port Harcourt refineries have since been integrated with one single terminal for product load-out. They share common utilities like power and storage tanks. This means that storage tanks and loading gantry which he claimed belongs to the new Port-Harcourt Refinery can also receive products from the Old Port Harcourt Refinery,” Soneye said.

He urged the public to dismiss the claims, describing them as nothing more than misguided and ignorant statements made with ill intent.

Watch the video below.

A report by the Auditor-General of the Federation has uncovered tax irregularities amounting to N14.33bn across more than 30 Ministries, Departments, and Agencies.

The findings, disclosed in the Auditor-General’s Annual Report on Non-Compliance and Internal Control Weaknesses, highlight serious lapses in tax deductions, remittances, and compliance with financial regulations between 2020 and 2021.

The report revealed that six MDAs were responsible for N129.34m in under-deduction of taxes.

Paragraphs 234 and 235 of the Financial Regulations (2009) mandate accounting officers to ensure that all applicable taxes, such as Value Added Tax and Withholding Tax, are deducted and remitted promptly to the Federal Inland Revenue Service.

However, the audit observed widespread breaches of these provisions.

The Federal Road Safety Corps, Abuja, was identified as the highest offender, with an under-deduction of N90.57m, while the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, Abuja, recorded the smallest shortfall of N623,162.80.

The audit report read, “The sum of N129,341,764.04 was the amount of under deduction of taxes by six ministries, departments and agencies, and “The Federal Road Safety Corps, Abuja, has the highest amount of N90,579,554.92 while the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, Abuja, has the least amount of N623,162.80.”

Other agencies implicated include Federal Polytechnic Bida, Niger State; Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Plc, Abuja; National Water Resources Institute, Kaduna; and Council for the Regulation of Freight Forwarding in Nigeria.

A more concerning irregularity was the non-deduction of taxes, which amounted to N2.64bn across 21 MDAs.

The report noted that these agencies failed to deduct taxes from payments made to contractors and other beneficiaries, violating established financial regulations.

The NSPM, Abuja, led the defaulting agencies in this category with a discrepancy of N1.01bn, while the Federal Medical Centre, Ebute Meta, was the least offender, with an amount of N617,427.66.

The report read, “The sum of N2,636,147,740.99 was the amount of taxes not deducted from payments to several beneficiaries by 21 Ministries, Departments and Agencies, and

“The Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Plc, Abuja, has the highest amount of N1,009,286,718.93 while the Federal Medical Centre, Ebute Meta, has the least amount of N617,427.66.”

Other defaulting MDAs include Nigerian Railway Corporation, Ajaokuta Steel Company, Ministry of Petroleum Resources, Nigeria Police Force, and Corporate Affairs Commission.

The most significant breach involved non-remittance of taxes, amounting to N11.56bn.

According to the report, 11 MDAs deducted taxes but failed to remit the funds to the Federal Inland Revenue Service, as required by law.

The NSPM, Abuja, was again highlighted as the largest defaulter, with a total of N10.39bn in unremitted taxes.

The Federal Medical Centre, Katsina, accounted for the lowest unremitted amount of N1.37m.

The report read, “The sum of N11,561,131,193.52 was the amount of taxes not remitted to relevant tax authorities by eleven Ministries, Departments and, Agencies, and

“The Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Plc, Abuja, has the highest amount of N10,393,793,419.34 while the Federal Medical Centre, Katsina, has the least amount of N1,371,984.59.”

Other agencies flagged in this category include Galaxy Backbone Limited; Irrua Specialist Hospital, Edo State; Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Kano; and Medical Rehabilitation Therapists (Registration) Board of Nigeria, Abuja.

The Auditor-General of the Federation also uncovered N69.93bn in unrecovered tax liabilities across 26 Federal Inland Revenue Service outstations nationwide.

The findings, which spotlight lapses in tax enforcement, have raised concerns over the efficiency of the FIRS in recovering overdue tax assessments despite the provisions of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2007.

The FIRS outstations in Akwa Ibom, Cross Rivers, and Bayelsa States accounted for the highest combined unrecovered amount of N26.32bn. In contrast, the FIRS (MSTO), Gwagwalada, Abuja, recorded the least unrecovered tax liabilities, with N4.18m.

The report read, “The sum of N69,926,317,274.64 was the amount of unrecovered tax liabilities by 26 Outstations of the Federal Inland Revenue Service across the country, and

“The FIRS, Akwa Ibom, Cross Rivers and Bayelsa States offices have the combined highest amount of N26,324,196,289.63 while the FIRS (MSTO), Gwagwalada, Abuja, has the least amount of N4,180,362.94.”

The audit identified the following FIRS branches with notable unrecovered liabilities FIRS, Makurdi; FIRS (MSTO), Ibadan; FIRS (MSTO), Osogbo; FIRS (MSTO), Lagos; FIRS (MSTO), Aba; FIRS (MSTO), Akwa Ibom; FIRS (MSTO), Lafia; FIRS (MSTO), Abuja; FIRS (MSTO), Garki; and FIRS (MSTO), New Bussa.

The Auditor-General’s report has raised significant concerns about weak internal controls and widespread non-compliance with financial regulations among government agencies.

These lapses are said to undermine government revenue collection and public accountability.

The report recommends immediate corrective measures, including capacity building for accounting officers, stricter enforcement of tax laws, and heightened oversight of financial practices in MDAs.

It also urged the Federal Inland Revenue Service to recover the outstanding amounts and ensure strict adherence to financial regulations to avoid further revenue losses.

PUNCH

Parliamentarians in the United Kingdom have backed proposals to legalise assisted dying in England and Wales in a historic vote which paves the way for a change in the law.

In the first Commons vote on the issue in nearly a decade, MPs supported a bill which would allow terminally ill adults expected to die within six months to seek help to end their own life by 330 to 275, a majority of 55.

It followed an emotional debate in the chamber, where MPs from both sides shared personal stories which had informed their decisions.

The bill will now face many more months of debate and scrutiny by MPs and peers, who could choose to amend it, with the approval of both Houses of Parliament required before it becomes law.

Supporters gathered outside Parliament wept and hugged each other as the result was announced.

Campaign group Dignity in Dying said the vote was a “historic step towards greater choice and protection for dying people”.

Dame Esther Rantzen, one of the most high-profile campaigners for assisted dying, said she was “absolutely thrilled”.

The broadcaster, who has terminal lung cancer, said any change in the law would probably come too late to affect her personally.

But she said “future generations will be spared the ordeals we have to suffer at the moment” if the bill becomes law.

Labour MP Kim Leadbeater, who put forward the bill, told the BBC she was “a bit overwhelmed” following the vote and it meant “a huge amount” to be able to tell campaigners the bill had passed its first parliamentary hurdle.

However, Conservative Danny Kruger, a leading opponent of the bill, said it could be defeated at a later stage if MPs’ concerns were not properly addressed.

He said many of his colleagues believed the bill was “very dangerous” and he hoped that if safeguards in the legislation were not strengthened they would choose to vote against it in the future.

A chart showing a breakdown by party of MPs who voted for, against and did not vote on the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill for England and Wales. The 330 MPs who voted for were made up of 234 Labour, 61 Liberal Democrat, 23 Conservative and 12 MPs from other parties. The 275 MPs who voted against were made up of 147 Labour, 92 Conservative, 11 Liberal Democrat and 25 MPs from other parties. The 38 MPs who did not vote were made up of 18 Labour, 3 Conservative and 17 MPs from other parties.
MPs were given a free vote, meaning they could make a decision based on their own conscience rather than having to follow a party line.

A higher percentage of female MPs backed the bill compared to their male counterparts.

Of the 258 female MPs able to express their preference, 143 – or 55% – were in favour, while 188 (49%) of the 381 male MPs backed the bill.

Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and his Conservative predecessor Rishi Sunak voted in favour, while Tory leader Kemi Badenoch voted against.

The PM, who previously supported a change in the law in 2015, did not speak in the debate or reveal how he planned to vote in advance, saying he did not want to influence the decisions of MPs.

The government has taken a neutral stance on the bill and has said it will work to ensure it is effective if Parliament backs a change in the law.

The vote followed more than four hours of passionate debate in a packed Commons chamber.

More than 160 MPs requested to speak but far fewer got an opportunity to do so due to time constraints.

Opening the debate, Leadbeater said the current law was “failing” and needed to change to give terminally ill people choice at the end of their life.

The MP for Spen Valley said too many people were experiencing “heartbreaking” suffering as a result of the “cruel reality” of the status quo.

She gave examples of terminally ill people who had died “screaming for assistance” or taken their own lives because they were in uncontrollable pain.

Opponents of the bill raised concerns that terminally ill people, particularly the elderly, disabled or vulnerable, could be pressurised into ending their own lives.

They also argued the focus should be on improving end-of-life care rather than introducing assisted dying.

Leadbeater insisted her bill included “the most robust and strongest set of safeguards and protections in the world”, with strict eligibility criteria.

Campaigners in favour of changing the law celebrated outside Parliament after the result was announced
To be eligible for assisted dying under Leadbeater’s Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, someone must have the mental capacity to make a choice about ending their life and express a “clear, settled and informed” wish, free from coercion or pressure, at every stage of the process.

Two independent doctors and a High Court judge must be satisfied someone is eligible and has made their decision voluntarily.

However, Labour’s Diane Abbott was among those who argued these safeguards were not sufficient.

The longest-serving female MP said she feared the role of the judge could be only “a rubber stamp”.

She told MPs some terminally ill people may also feel under pressure to end their lives as they don’t “want to be a burden” or because of the cost of their care.

Cabinet ministers are divided over the issue, with Health Secretary Wes Streeting and Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood – the two ministers who would have overall responsibility for implementing any change in the law – voting against.

Overall 15 cabinet members, including Chancellor Rachel Reeves and Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, voted in favour, while eight voted against.

Current laws across the UK prevent people from asking for medical help to die.

A separate bill to legalise assisted dying in Scotland has been proposed by a Liberal Democrat member of the Scottish Parliament and is expected to be voted on by MSPs next year.

A global rights and anti-poverty agency, ActionAid, has advocated judicial reforms in the country following the role the judiciary has played so far in ensuring that justice is served to deserving individuals or political parties.

The group, in a paper presented during a recent programme by the Nigerian Guild of Editors observed that despite Nigeria’s resources, the country faces political and socio-economic challenges, including issues bothering on judicial accountability in pre and post election justice. It noted that it has become more and more apparent that the court has the power to disenfranchise Nigerians by a single judgement, therefore the country cannot eradicate poverty if the courts are enabling it, making the judiciary a focal point of advocacy for Nigerian Citizens.

Affirming election to be the most preferred process of leadership recruitment in most democracies, including Nigeria, ActionAid examined elections held in the country since the return to democracy and wondered if the pronouncements by the judiciary in recent times have been in the interest of Nigeria’s democracy. It then took a look at the most notorious set of contradicting judgments that emanated from the courts to determine whether we have a democracy in Nigeria.

Conflicting judgments

First, is the Election Petition Tribunal Judgments from Plateau State. “Here, while some panels in the state sacked some elected members of the House of Assembly and National Assembly on the ground that the PDP to which they belonged did not hold a valid primary election, some other panels disregarded that point and held that the issue concerning primaries of a political party was a pre-election matter and could not be raised to challenge the declared winner at an election petition tribunal (which has always been the legal position). When the matter went on appeal, the Court of Appeal surprisingly disregarded the settled principle of law that a pre-election matter cannot be raised at the post-election stage and affirmed the decisions of the tribunal which nullified the return of several PDP members on the ground that there were no validly conducted PDP primaries leading up to the general election, and while setting aside the decision of the panel that applied the known position.

The decision of the court of appeal affected the current governor. Luckily for the Governor, he had a right of appeal to the Supreme Court, which he exercised and got the Supreme Court to restate the position of the law, set aside the decision of the Court of Appeal and restored his mandate. Unfortunately for the members of the House of Reps from the state and members of the State House of Assembly who were elected under the umbrella of PDP, they lost their mandate since the Court of Appeal is their final level of appeal.”

Bashir Machina vs Ahmed Lawan

Another case was that of the Supreme Court judgment in Bashir Sheriff Machina vs Ahmed Ibrahim Lawan (Then Senate President). According to ActionAid, “It would be recalled that the then senate president did not participate in the Primaries for the National Assembly election for Yobe North senatorial district and Machina was returned unopposed. Shockingly, when Lawan lost out on the presidential primaries, his name was submitted by his party to INEC as the candidate for the Yobe North senatorial election. This led to the case instituted by Machina at the Federal High Court in line with the Electoral Act. He won both at the Federal High Court and at the Court of Appeal. When the matter got to the Supreme Court by an appeal by Lawan, the Supreme Court took a different turn by holding that the process used by Machina to commence the case at the Federal High Court was wrong. The apex court said rather than commencing his case by use of Originating summons, he ought to have used a writ of summons in light of the criminal allegations contained in the affidavit. This saw Machina losing out and Lawan being adopted as the party’s candidate since his name had already been submitted to INEC. In giving this judgment the Supreme Court disregarded its earlier judgments where it clearly held that only a party who took part in the primaries can contest the result of the primaries. The decision of the court sounds strange as the court abandoned the substance of the case despite the ample evidence that Lawan never contested the Primaries for Yobe North, which should have disqualified him, but relied on undue technicalities on the mode of commencing the action at the Federal High Court.”

2023 presidential election

And the mother of them all- the 2023 Presidential Election Petition Tribunal. “The presidential election petitions filed against APC and President Tinubu by Abubakar Atiku and Peter Obi presents a case filed with several issues which left citizens more confused than convinced that the tribunal was unbiased in its decision. A few of the grey areas were; the allegation of double nomination against Vice-President Kashim Shettima. It was argued that Shettima’s nomination as the running mate to Tinubu was in breach of the provisions of Sections 29(1), 33, 35 and 84{1)}(2)} of the Electoral Act, 2022 (as amended), claiming that Shettima had double nominations. Having been nominated as a vice presidential candidate, he had not withdrawn his nomination as candidate for the Borno Central Senatorial poll. Despite the decision of the court refusing the argument, the general feeling has been that Section 35 of the Electoral Act was violated by the double nomination of Shettima.

The section provides that ‘Where a Candidate knowingly allows himself to be nominated by more than one political party or in more than one constituency, his nomination shall be void. The court was, however, more concerned with who raised the issue, holding that such issues have to come from APC and not any third party; Civil forfeiture sufficient to disqualify a candidate. There was a lot of noise about the American case against Bola Tinubu, where there was an order against him forfeiting a certain amount of money which was proceeds of crime. Citizens saw this issue as very germane due to an earlier decision of the Supreme court delivered on the 17th of January 2014 by the CJN Ariwoola (as he then was) in a case between Mohammed Abacha, the second child of Sani Abacha, a former head of state; and the Federal Republic of Nigeria. One of the seven men on the panel of justices was Walter Onnoghen, a former CJN also held that forfeiture means ‘the loss of a right, privilege or property because of a crime’. How come the presidential tribunal disregarded this known position in the case of Tinubu to find that this particular forfeiture was not one anticipated by the constitution?

This has become a normal parlance in Nigeria, without much thought to the implications, given the absence of infrastructures that enable justice,” It stated.

Still on some of the contradicting judgments by the Nigerian judiciary, ActionAid cited the recent Edo Governorship election. According to the group, “The recent Edo governorship election shows us that there is still so much work to be done by Citizen groups. If we cannot get it right at the polls, if we cannot trust INEC, should we still be apprehensive of the Judiciary? What is the hope of a Nigerian?”

The presentation also covered “The Political Economy Analysis of Judicial Accountability in Post-Election Justice in Nigeria”, where it examined the complex interplay between political, economic, and institutional factors that shape the functioning of the judiciary, particularly in handling election disputes which helps to understand the urgency for intervention by Social movements, CSOs etc, to hold the Judiciary accountable.

It then gave a breakdown of the key components and considerations fuelling post election litigations: “Political factors which looked at the electoral system; Political actors and Influence, which see the political elites, especially those in power, attempting to exert influence over the judiciary to secure favourable judgments; Judicial Independence- The Nigerian Constitution guarantees judicial independence, but we can see an obvious erosion of its independence. Political pressure, corruption, and executive are undermining the judiciary’s role; Electoral Tribunals which are specifically set up to handle election-related disputes. The functioning and integrity of these tribunals are key to post-election Justice; Economic factors which deal with resource allocation- Adequate funding is necessary for the judiciary to function effectively. Financial dependence on the executive is limiting judicial autonomy, making the courts vulnerable to manipulation; Judicial Corruption- Economic incentives, such as bribery, may influence judicial decisions, especially in high-stakes election disputes; Political economy of patronage- post-election periods in Nigeria are often characterized by political patronage systems, where those in power distribute economic resources to maintain loyalty.

The judiciary is pressured to align with this system; institutional factors which deal with the ‘Legal Framework’ – The Nigerian Constitution and the Electoral Act provide the legal basis for post-election dispute resolution. However, loopholes in the law and delays in the judicial process are hindering accountability; Judicial Oversight Bodies: Bodies like the NJC play a role in ensuring accountability within the judiciary by sanctioning corrupt judges. However, the effectiveness of these oversight bodies is in question;

Electoral Tribunals and Courts– The efficiency and transparency of electoral tribunals are central to post-election justice. Delays in the adjudication process, non-compliance with tribunal rulings, and conflicting judgments can undermine the integrity of these mechanisms; and Enforcement of Judgments: Even when courts make rulings in election disputes, the enforcement of these judgments is sometimes met with resistance from political actors, raising concerns about the judiciary’s ability to hold them accountable.”

The NGE

Describing NGE as a “Non-governmental organization, non-partisan, and non-profit making organization for the highest strata of working journalists who have attained the exalted position of editors in the journalism profession to help Nigerian media practitioners to uphold the tenet and ethics of journalism, it pointed out that “Engaging with the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) can significantly enhance ActionAid Nigeria’s efforts in its judicial accountability programs.”

It stressed the importance of media influence on public awareness whereby editors play a crucial role in shaping public opinion, adding that,”Through their reach and influence, they can help bring attention to issues surrounding judicial accountability, ensuring these topics reach a broader audience. By partnering with the NGE, ActionAid can gain visibility and foster a greater public understanding of judicial reform needs,” it stated.

The group gives more insight into how NGE could contribute more to having a working system. “Editorial Expertise in Advocacy: Editors in the NGE are skilled at presenting complex information clearly and compellingly. They can help convey the nuances of judicial accountability, including technical details and case studies, in ways that resonate with the general public and policymakers alike, supporting ActionAid’s advocacy goals.

“Strengthened Narrative and Credibility: The backing of respected media outlets, spearheaded by editors, can add credibility to ActionAid’s initiatives. The NGE’s engagement can amplify ActionAid’s message, validating its calls for transparency and accountability within the judiciary.

“Catalyst for Policy Reform: With direct access to policymakers and influencers, editors are well-positioned to drive conversations that can lead to policy change. Their editorial support could generate pressure on decision-makers to act on judicial reforms, aligning with ActionAid’s objectives.” 

• Might be charged with unlawful possession of firearms and attempted suicide

A Federal Capital Territory (FCT) based herbalist of Kuchibuyi Village on November 23, 2024, injured himself while testing the potency of his self-made ‘bulletproof’ charm.

Confirming the incident to newsmen, the command’s spokesperson, SP Josephine Adeh, said while testing the charm, Usman shot himself in the stomach with a shotgun.

Sadly, the charm failed to protect the medicine man, leading to life-threatening injuries. CSP Adeh said officers from the Byazhin Division were alerted and they visited the scene where they found Usman in critical condition. 

‘’He was quickly transported to Kubwa General Hospital for emergency treatment and later transferred to Gwagwalada Specialist Hospital for further care.

In the aftermath, police conducted a thorough search of Usman’s home, recovering the homemade gun and an array of charms used in his experiment. Investigations are ongoing, and Usman is expected to face charges for unlawful possession of firearms and attempted suicide under Section 231 of the Penal Code Law of Northern Nigeria.” Adeh said

The police spokesperson mentioned that the Commissioner of Police FCT, CP Olatunji Disu, has condemned the incident, highlighting the dangers associated with illegal firearms. “This situation illustrates the serious risks of engaging in reckless behaviour. We strongly advise the community to avoid such dangerous practices.”

The Nigeria Immigration Service has refuted the allegation of asking married women to attach their husbands’ passport data pages or proof of their husband’s identity before they can renew their passports.

A Nigerian woman had taken to social media to call out the service. In her post, the lady who is in the process of getting a divorce stated that she began renewing her passport last week but is yet to complete it due to the many requirements needed from women. She wondered if the service knows how dangerous they are for women trying to escape all kinds of things in their marriages, including domestic violence. Read here.

However, the NIS reacting through its X handle, said there is no such law that says married women must attach their husbands’ passport pages or proof of their husbands’ identity before they can renew their passports. 

Read their reaction below.